
SMIIHSONlin otfOiSi 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS 

OF THE 

umw®wwTi®m Em ^mmmEWM 

OR, AN ATTEMPT 

TO COLLECT JiJ^D PRESERVE SOME OF THE 

WITH SKETCHES AND REMARKS 
ON 

MEN AND THINGS, 

JJ>rD OTHER FUGITIVE OR J^EGLECTED PIECES^ 

BELONGING TO THE 

EEVOLUTIONARY PERIOD IN THE UNITED STATES; 

WHICH, HAPPILT, TEUailMATED 15 THE 

ESTABLISHMENT OF THEIR LIBERTIES: 

WITH A VIEW 

1:0 REPRESENT THE FEELINGS THAT PREVAILED IN THE "TIMES THAT TRIED' 

men's souls," to EXCITE A LOVE OF FREEDOM, AND LEAD THE PEOPLE 

TO VIGILANCE, AS THE CONDITION ON WHICH IT IS GRANTED. 



DEDICATED TO THE 



BY H. NILES. 



^^CoUecta revitescunty 



BALTIMORE: 

TBIKIZO ASD VtSLTSBED FOR THE ZBITOB, BT WILtlAU OaO£H SIIE^t 
(VBICB THBEE DOLLARS, IIT ■BXSTS.) 



Vv. 



1?0 



.^ 



OF THE 



UNITED STATES^ 

THIS VOLUME OF 
IS, RESFECTFULLY, DEDICATE!); 

IN THE HOPE, 

That they may be encouraged to adhere to the simplicity of Trutli^ 

AS SET FORTH BY THE 

PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THEIR FATHERS^ 

AND EMULATE THE NOBLEST DEEDS WHEN THE 

IIBERTIES OF THEIR COUJ^TRYARE EJTDAJVGERED, 

3Y FOREIGN ENEMIES OR DOMESTIC ENCROACHMENTS^ 

so THAT 

THE BLESSINGS WHICH THESE PATRIOTS WON 

MAY DESCEND TO POSTERITY, 

Snd our Republic forever continue to be the Pride of Humanity, and an dsylmn for th& 

\- '^ '_ BT THEIR SINCEJiE FJRIENDf 

■'^'^,\,^^' H. NILES, 

BiUtivwre, Jpril, 1822. o ^ o 



PREFATORY. 



It is with unaffected diffidence, that the editor now presents his long-expected volume to 
the people of the Uiiited States, f'om an apprehension that its contents wil! not accord with, 
the hopes entertained bj those who felt interested in the publication. Self-love, or self-re- 
spect, seems to demand that some account of the origin and progress of this work should be 
submitted, that the real merits or demerits of the case may be understood. 

On the -25d of November, 18j6, a letter was published in the Weekly Register, (of 
which the editor of this work is also the editor and proprietoi), from an anonymous corres- 
pondent,* from which the following is an extract: 

••Among the patriots whose eflTirts have tended to give stability to our institutions, no one is more en^ 
titled to the best wishes of his fellow-cilize is, and no one has rendered himself more honorably known, 
than yourself. The steady zeal witli which you have prosecuted your valuable work, has made it as 
a light to the people, by which they see their true interests, and discover the certain means of preserv- 
ing and improving their unparalleled freedom and its attendant blessings. I am satisfied that you 
take pleasure in an American oftering yon his thoughts on any subject of a public nature, howevei' 
little merit may be in his suggestions. I am, therefore, led to propose to your consideration an un- 
dertaking which no one is so well qualified to accomplish as yourself— it is to collect and print hand- 
somely a volume of speeches and orations of our revolution: you can make the supplement to one of 
your volumes such a book. The present is a most propitious period; the feelings and sentiments of 
'"6 were never so prevalent as at present. The moment and opportunity may pass andnot immedi- 
ately return; the events of the late war have imparted a glow of national feeling for every thing re- 
publican. Let us then avail ourselves of the circumstance to make some deep impression. What 
Setter impression can we make than by rendering the opinions and conduct of our fathers familiar? 
An opportunity for such a work exists now — which, we know, is but transient, as but six Americana 
who witnessed the great debate remain. Now, can a doubt arise that Mr. .left'erson, or Mr. Adams, 
or Mr. Thompson, would not take delight in furnishing materials? — the speeches themselves, and % 
view of the proceedings and different characters of the speakers. We have one selection of Americat^ 
speeches, made by a jiri.ish emissary — if such men are to select our political lessons, I need not tell 
t)oti what must be the opinions of the rising generation, nor of their certain degradation." 

Then followed a promise to communicate sundry articles, and some hints of the writer to 
obtain others. 

This letter was spread before the readers of the Register to gather public sentiment on th© 
subject, and form some opinion, through communications solicited, of the supply of materials 
that could be obtained, with very little prospect, at that time, of accomplishing the wishes of 
my correspondent, though there was not any want of zeal to satisfy them. I apprenendetl 
that the supply of matter would be short — for I had, myself, been an eager collector oi sucli 
things for many years, and seemingly had some right to judge of the quantity that remained 
for edilkation and improvement, in a recurrence to first principles. But it soon appeared 
that many were desirous that the collection should be attempted, and certain distiiiguishedt 
persons held out flattering prospects of success, urging me forward by the presentation of 
motives which they were pleased to think had an irresistible influence on my conduct: but 
1 still hesitated, because of the deficiency of materials, until January, lt>l9, when it was an- 
nounced that the volume woidd be put to press in an address that contain"ed the annexed 
remarks: 

•'It is much to be regretted that very few of the soul-stirring orations and speeches of the revolu* 
tionary period remain to claim the admiration of a blessed posterity: Si.ill, some good things are left 
to us, — and, by a liberal enlargement of the plan originally proposed, we feel pretty confident of pre- 
senting an acceptable gift to the American people, by rescuing from oblivion a great variety of fleetmg, 
scattered articles, belonging to the history of our country anterior to the subhme epoch of the revo- 
lution, during its continuance, and immediately after its glorious termination, whilst iis feelings were 
fresh upon the heart and understanding of our heroes and sages. As heretofore observed, our collec- 
tion of materials is somewliat extensive, our resources promise some rich additional supplies,— and no 
effort shall he left untried to increase our store: sotliat, on the whole, though the collection will, douot- 
less be defective, and, perhaps, not equal the expectations of some, we are consoled with a belief that 
it will not be unworthy of the patronage of an enlightened public — zealous to catch a "spark from the 
altar of '76," and prepared to enter into the spirit of past times. 

"The volume will oe slowly printed as the matter presents itself, and be concluded as soon as the 
nature of things will admit of — but shall not be hurried. Order in its arrangement can hardly be hoped 
for; but it will not, on that account, suffer much depreciation of value." 

*Since ascertained to be Bejf.iAMis Elliot r, esq. of Charleston, S. C. whose name I take the liberty 
to mention as the projector of the undertaking; a.id the merjt of it belongs to him. 



if PREFATORY. 

Still, It was not until September in the same year that a regular prospectus '^vas oftcred,- 
for I yet fea: ed the want of mat tei , as well as the severe labor t!;at 1 was sensible would be- 
come necessary to obtain it, if to be obtained at all. This prospectus contained these para- 
graphs: 

.. u vii'jj, as we do, that the simpHcity of the truth, as held f rth by those who devised and execu- 
ted iie severance of I his country from tiie power of a despoi, has been widely departed from, no 
cffori on our part shall be wanting to encourage a spirit to seek after and hold on to the prin iples 
wliic" appear essential to the preservation of t'le rights and libenies of the people of the United 
.States; under an assurance that vigilance is the condition on -which freedom is granted to us. But we en.' 
ter upon the undertaking oefore us with co sider^ble diffidence— fearful of llie want of a just discrimu 
nation, and als.> of time for research and reflection to do justice to the weighty concern. It seemed 
fiowever, to be imposed on us as a duty, and we will execute the task as well as we can. 

"The materials, though ihe s o k is pretty large, are not yet sufficient for the extensive work ron-' 
templated. I he editor of the Rkkisteu has, for several >ears, been a collector of scrans and rare 
things— several gentlemen have liberally contributed articles whicli they would not have pa.-ted with 
except on an occasion like this; and others have promised us liberty to overlia\il their neglected stores 
of old papers: but much useful matter n^ust be in the hands of those with whom we have not yet com- 
inunicated on the subject; and everj pairiot is invited to give his aid to this collection, designed to 
record the /efe^i/Jjs of "Hhe times lb ai tried men's souls." Letters maybe sent to the editor at his 
cost for postage, and originals will be rurefully returned, if requested. When copies from manu- 
scripts are presented, it uugiiibc well to permit us to state the source from whence they were deriv- 
d, if necessary." 

The terms were also set forth. — it was promised that the volume should contain betweea 
four and five hundred paj^es. and cost, tn sheets, the sum of th.ee dollars. A view to pecu- 
niary profit was disavowed — it had nothing to do with the origin or progress of the work, 
and if a reasonable allowance for money and time expended is afforded by its sale, it will be 
as much as ever has been expected. 

1 had no sooner fairly committed myself than 1 regretted it — the patriots of the revolu- 
tion did not make speeches to be unattended to by their brethren in congress and fill up the 
columns of newspapers*. They only spoke when they had something to say, and preferred 
(Lctbi"' to talking — very unlike the legislators of the present time. 1 plainly saw that great 
difficulties would oppose themselves to the fulfilment of my promise- I feared that more- 
was expected of me than any man could do — for the facts that were manifest to my mind 
could not be appreciated by all: my pride, (an honest one, I trust), was alarmed — but. in 
obedience to a fixed rule that I have adopted for my own conduct, i resolved to meet the 
difficulty presented and conquer it by perseverance — if 1 could. 'I'o give some idea of the 
quantity of books and papers that have been looked into to effect this compilation, 1 think 
that I do not exaggerate when 1 say that they were sufficient to load a cart, and hours on 
hours have been spent in the service without the least profit. Perhaps, 1 wa.s unlucky or 
imwise that my attention was not directed to the proper sources; it may be so — but of this 
1 am satisfied, that very few of the"soul-stirring'' speeches of the revolutionary period remain 
to warm the hea' ts of a grateful posterity: they were pronounced to be heard, not published. 

AVith this b;ief narrative, I submit the work to the liberality of my count, ymen, American 
republicans — in the firm belief that, if 1 have not accomplished all that was hoped for by 
some, it will appear that others are agreeably disappointed; and I am satisfied that gootl 
Will result fnnn the publication of this collection: it will rescue from oblivion many things 
that were hastening to it, and lay the foundation, perhaps, of a more extensive and mucin 
more perfect witrk, which 1 shall always keep in my view. 

in explanation it is necessary further to observe, that the leading object of this volume 
was to shew the feelings that prevailed in the revolution, not to give a history of events; 
hence, all matters of the latter class have been rejected, except as immediately necessary 
to shew tlie effects of feeling. The volume, also, might have been more acceptable if a greater 
den-ree of order had been observed as to dates. &c.; but it was almost impossible to approach 
regularity, in this respect, as well from the natme of things as from the occasional attention, 
only, that I was able to give to the work -but any inconvenience on this account is obviated 
by the copious index, o table of t ontents prefixed Two articles have been, unfortunately, 
inserted twice — but, as they are of an excellent quality, 1 shall not be sorry for it, if the error 
causes them to be twice read. Many notices of proceedings, &c. are given only to indicate 
the ""eneral conduct of the people on such occasions as they have reference to. 

*The earl of Dartmouth askid an American in London, (whose name we caaiiot call to mind at pre- 
sent), of how many members the congress consisted? the reply was "fifty-iwo." "Why that is the num- 
ber of cards in a pack," s*id his lordslnp— "how nan) knaves are there?" "Not one," returned the 
republican — "please to recollect that knaves are court cards!" 



as?®® 



A. 

Adams, John— letters to him fi-om J. Palmer, 
J.Trumbull, R.Cranch, S. Cooper, &c. 322, 
323; liis let'er to the editor, enclosing a 
copy of m-jor Hawlej 's 'broken hints' 324; 
to gov. Bullock, July 1, 1776, 327; to Mr. 
Chase, same daie.ifijV/,- to Mrs. Adams, July 3, 
1776, .S28. 329; respecting com. Tucker 413; 
Mr. A when an a.mbassador, found as a pri- 
vate among the marines, 414 
Adams, Samuel, 477 
Address of the provincial congress of Massachu- 
setts to the inhabitants of Great Britain, 205; 
to the independent sons of Massachusetts, 
432 — see the several states, S/c. 
Amerir.', esimate of the miiirary force of, 211 
American and French soldiers, their comforts, 345 
Andre, major, his affair wiih Arnold, 302 
A:rns of the Unit^* ! States, a description of, 486 
Army of the revoiuti-m — statements of its r)rce, 
co'ulition, p:4y. &."■ & 211,433; voluntary 
contriHnt'o'-s 'o s 'ppnr* it, 436 
ArnoU'.at V'W London, 330; his character, 331; 
his letter to gen. Washington after his trea- 
son, 591; procession with his effigy, 391 
Asaph, St. the bishop of— his speech, 160 
Asgill, thecwe of, 317; letters ef his mother, 318 
Austin, Jonathan VV.his oration at Boston, 1778, 31 

B. 
Bandole, M. I'hbbe, his thanksgiving address on 

the capture of Cornwallis, 268 

Barlow's oration, 584 

Barney, capt. his fight with the General Monk, 

361; further particulars, 414 

Barry, capt. mentioned, 415 

Boston, the town of— notice of many interesting 
things that orrurred therein, 464, 46H, 470, 
471, 479 to 486 and 489; battle between the 
rope.makers and soldiers, 480; Whig club, 
484; massacre of the 5tb of March, with re- 
flections, 481; persons proscribed at, 374 
**Boston orations" — in commemoration of the 5th 
of March, 1770, when a number of cii.zens 
were killed by a party of British troops, viz. 
by James Lovell, Joseph Warren, (two), 
B-nj. Church, Jno. Hancock, Peter Thatcher, 
B ■ jainin H.tchborn, Jonathan W. Austin, 
William Tudi>r, Jonathan Mason, rhomas 
Dawes.jun. Geo. Richards Minot, and Thos. 
"Welsh, 1 to 59 
Sotta, Mr. extracts from his history 490 
Brfcckenridge's eulogium on those who had fallen 

m defence of their country, delivered 1779, 119 
Brandt, col. his incursion, 1779, 367 

Bullock, gov. a speech delivered by him 159 

Bunker's hil!, incidents of the battle at, 471 

Burgoyne, gen. his correspondence with fi;en. 
Lee, 206; his thuidering proclamation, 1777, 
262; lau<hing reply thereto, 263; proposals 
for his exchange, humorous, 264 

Burke, Edmund, his great speech in favor of con- 
ciliation with the colonies, 1775, 223 to 248 
Bushnell's machine, 469 

C. 
Canada, address to the people of 425 

Carpenters' ll^ll, a speech delivered at 202 

Champ-, John, interesting his ory of 300 

Champlain — American and British forces on 430 
Charges, judicial— of John J*y, 1777, 62; W. U 

U'-ayion 72, 81, 92 

Gharii'ston, proceedings at on arrival of stamps 46? 
Cbatiafn, lord — a speech delivered by liim on the 
sovereignty of Great Britain, IH9; do. to re- 



move the troops from Boston, 211; his speecli 
on lord Suffolk's proposition to employ the 
savages, 276; his remarks on the declaration 
of independence ^71 

Cheeseman, capt. his gallantry at Quebec 3Y(i 

Christie, James, banished from Maryland 222 

Church, Benjamin, his oration at Boston, 1773, 8 
Churches, destruction of 351 

Clarke, gen. George Rogers, an instance of his 

astonishing firmness ggO 

Confederation, Drayton's speech on the articles of 

and his project of a new bond of union, 98, 104 
Congress— Virginia delegates to 201; meeting of 
297; address to the inhabitants of the United 
Slates, 1779,407; held atNew-York, in 1765-, 
451; ma if sto of, 1778 476 

Connecticut— gov. Trumbull's reply to W. Tryon 
210; his letter to gov. Gage, 437; revolu- 
tionary pensioners of, highly interesting, 363, 
364; election sermon 47*; 

Conscience, Livinj^sicn's remarks on liberty of, 306 
Cm rihution«, (voluntary), to furnish supplies 

for the army 485 

Cornwallis— ad Iress of the abbe Bandole on hi.s 
capture, 268; a letter from gen. Washington, 
as to the plans laid to capture him, 272; ex- 
tract from Wraxall's memoirs respecting his 
surrender, 277; farther particulars 345, 362 
Court martial on a spy 359 

Cropper, gen. notice of liIs services and death 416 
Cunningham, the infamous capt. his confession 274 

D. 
Dartmouth, the earl of— a letter addressed to 144. 
Davis, col. his journal kept at Yorktown 465 

Dawes, Thomas, his oration at Boston, 1781, 47 
Declaration of rights, the draught of Geo. Mason, 
of Va. 123; of independence in Mecklenburg, 
X. C. 1775, 132, 135 

Delaware: petition to establish a militia, 1775, 
257; letter from Dr. Tilton to Dr. Klmer on 
t the stai e of things, 1775, 257; correspondence 
of the same, respecting toryism in Sussex co. 
258, 259; letter of Z. G. to the committee at 
Dover, 257; proceedings of the committee 
respecting certain tea, 258; of the same, with 
the satisfaction tendered to them, on account 
of a disaffected article publislied, 260; arrest 
of a member of the legislature, by the light 
infantry coinpany of Dover, and proceedings 
thereon, 261; correspondence of C:esar and 
Thomas Rodney, &c. 338 — 34.5 

Delaware river, passage of 361 

Drayton, Wm. Henry, charges delivered by him 
in 1776, 72, 81, 92; his speech in the general 
assembly, 1778, 98; his project, 1U4; his ad- 
dress to lord Howe and gen. Howe 115 
Drayton's memoirs, an extract from 467 
Dickinson, John, a letter from him, 1779, 343; 

his speech in congress 493 

Dunmore,lord, his letter to gen. Howe, 1775, 138; 
his wicked proclamation, 1775 373 

E. 
Effingham, lord, resigns his command in the 

British army, 5tc. 421 

Ellery, Willum, one of the signers of the decla- 
ration of independence 41fi 
Estaing, the count de — his declaration in the 
name of the king, to the ancient French in 
America 40S 
Eulbgium, by julge Brackenridije, (1779) on 
ttiose who had fallen in the contest with 
Great Britain HP 
Exports, resolves m Virginia re-ipecting 198 



tl 



L\DEX. 



Tarmer, John, his letter to tl^e editor 326 

Fayette, the marq'iis cle la — an address to him 
from the cnizeiis of Ijaltimore and reply 393 

Female patriotism, 305; do. pensioner for ser- 
vices in the revolutionary army, 417; at Bris- 
tnl, Ponn. 420 

Franklin, Dr. extracts from several of his letters, 
313; his letter to lord Howe, 315; his intro- 
duction to the French academy, 316; JeflTcr- 
son's letter respecting him, 317; his letter 
to the people of Ireland, 1778—384; his re- 
marks on holding Canada as a 'check' 487 

French — D'Estaing's address to those in North 
America 406 

G. 

Gage, gen. his proclamation ofTering pardon to 
all but Adams and Hancock, 136; his corres- 
pondence with gen. Washington, on the usage 
of prisoners, 266; reply to gov. Trumbull 438 
Gardner, col. at the battle of Dunker's hill 370 

Gates, gen. pleasing in.stance of his gratitude 276 
Georgia— speech of ffov. Bullock to the provin- 
cial congress, 1776 159 
Germans, (old) of Penn. form a company 420 
Germantown — anecdote of a brave fellow in the 

.ba'ile of 371 

Gordon's historv, c\M-'oits particulars respecting 483 
Green, gen. to gen. Ijucey 334 

15. 
Hale, captain Nathan 331, 366 

Hancock, .Tohn, his oration st Boston, 1774, 12; 

circumstances that attended its delivery 464 
Hand, col. his reply to col. Mawdiood 463 

llaslett, col. a letter of his, Oct. 5, 1776, 341 

lla-.vley, major, his 'broken hints,' 1774, 324; a 

very interesting letter from him, 1780 374 
Henry, Patrick — see 'V rginia': his famous decla- 
ciaration, 'we must fight,' referred to, 324; 
his oratory noticed 471 

History of ,lonn Bull's children v320 

Hitchborn, Benj. his oration :it Boston, 1777, 26 
Howe, lord and gen. — their 'declaration' in 1776, 

and remarks thereon by 'a Carolinian' 115 

TiT'.miliation and prayer, a day set apart for ''^77 

Hunter, Mr. of S. C. his daring escape 372 

Hutchinson, gov.— see 'Massachusetts.' 
Hyder Ali, the 361 

I, 

Importations of British goods, proceedings re- 
specting in Maryland, 167, 169; do in Va. 198 
Indians, incursif)iis of, under col. Brandt 367 

Instructions of V':i. to her delegates in congress, 201 
Insurance, rates cf in England, 1776 432 

Ireland — address to the people by Ur. Franklin, 3S2 

.1. 
Jasper, sergeant — a noble fellow 303 

Jav, .lohn, a charge delivered by him in 1777 62 
.letierson, T;,om.>s, letters from him in 1775, 311; 

respecting Franklin 317 

Jersey prison ship, noticed 477 

Johnston, gov. speech on the Boston port bill 191 
'John Bull's children,' the history of 320 

Jones, P; ul, anecdotes of him, and his letter to 

lady Selkirk 378 

K. 

Kosciusco — an eulogiitm upon him 474 

L. 

Lacey, gen. his correspondence with the comm»n- 
der in chief and other.'?, when Philadelph.ia 
was possessed by the British, 333; surprised 
by the efiny ^3i 

Ladd, Dr. extract fVom one of his orations 399 



Ledyard, col. and others — o" their fate. Sec. kt 

New London 33<S 

Lee, ger^. his correspondence with gen. Bnrgoyne, 
206; letter to t'le same, 425; the oath exact- 
ed by him in Rhode-Island 427 
Lee, liichard Henry, his speech in congress 490 
Lee, captain F,zr.i, desperate valor of 469 
Letter from a lady to a British officer 305; from 
Philadelphia, 1774, to a member of parlia- 
ment, 418; another from Massachusetts to a 
friend in London, i!jid; anotht-r from Phila- 
delphi;i, 1775,420; from Charleston, 1775, 425 
Lexington, the battle of, mentioned in a letter 
from a iady, 305; some curious particulars 
of the affair, 326; receipt of the news 470 
Livingston, gov. of New.Jersey, h/s able and spi- 
rited reply to gen. Robertson, 268; his speech 
to the legislature, 1777, 270; his remarks on 
the liberty of conscience 306 
Livingston, Dr. extract from one of his sermons 362 
Lovel, James, his oration at Boston, 1771, 1 
Loyalists — see 'Tories.' 

M. 
MacFinga', an extract from 273 

Manufactures, he. recommended, 181, 182, 184, 

198, 202, 3('9, 445; humorous article about 321 
'Marine Turtle' 469 

Marion, gen. his hardy escape from the enemy 

377; anecdotes and adventures 488 
Martm, gov. of N. Carolina, his proclamatiort, 134 
Maryland— a letter from addressed to the earl 
of Dartmouth, 144; various proceedings re- 
specting the importation of Uritish goods, 
1769, 167; do. in relation to the Boston pore 
bill, 172, 173; patriotic recomnien<lations 
for a meeiingof deputiesrespecting manufac- 
tures and home industry, 181; case of James 
Christie, 222; address to count Rochambeau, 
39tf; address of the general assemtjly to tne 
people, 1780 411 
Mason, Jonathan, his oration at Boston, 17S0 41 
George, of Va. — many interesting parti- 
culars of, with a copy of his draui^ht of a d* 
claration of rights, and extracts from several 
of his letters 123 
Massachusetts — gen. Gage's proclamation, 1775, 
136; proclamation of the general court, Jan. 
1776, 142; address of the legislature to gen. 
Washington and his reply, 143; Boston in- 
structions,' 156; Maiden do. 156; proceedings 
at Harvard college, 158; proceedings about 
the Rostonport bill, 172, 173,174, i79, 180, 
191; recommendations respecting manufac- 
tures and home industry, 182; parliamentary 
proceedings respecting the civil government 
of the colony, 1774, 194; address of the pro- 
vincial congress to the inhabitants of Great 
Brita n, 205; gov. Hutchinson's speech to the 
legislature, 1773, 279; answer of the hotise of 
representatives, 267; address to the people 
by the san\e, 253; resolutions adopted May 
28, 1773, 294; letter to the speakers of the 
assemblies of other colonies, 295; proceed- 
ings in respect to certain letters, 295; ex- 
tract from tlie governor's message and reply, 
Jan. 1774, 296; message to gov. Gage, same 
vear, 297; address of the provincial congress, 
Dec. 1774, 298; refusal of a jury to he im- 
pannelled, 319; Hutchinson's divide et imperii 
420; recruiting service, 423; address to the 
inhabitants of, 432; address of the provincial 
congress to the people of Great Britain, 1775, 
434; gov. Giige deposed, 435; prouUtna- 
tion for a public thanksgiving, 436; test act, 
(1776) 436 



iNDEX. 



vu 



Mawhood, a British col. his proposition and the 

reply to it 463 

Memento to Americans, 1776 427 

Minot, George Richards, his oration at Boston, 

1782 52 

Military force of America i^Il 

Montague, admiral, and a collier 485 

*'Mohawk Indians," who destroyed the tea at 

Boston 326 

Morton, Perez, his oration on the re-interment 

of the remains of Warren 59 

N, 

New-Hampshire— patriotic proceedings, and ad- 
dress to the people, 1775 184 

New-Jersev — vote of censure on p^ov, Franklin, 
and an address to the people, 1776, 154; jrov. 
Livingston's corvespondence with gen. Ro- 
bertson, 268; speech of the same to the le- 
gislature, 1777. 270; money in the public 
treasury appropriated^ 420; instructions to 
the delegates in 1777, 461; cols. Mawliood 
and Hiiid 463 

New-London, the attack upon and savage murders 
■at, by Arnold, &c. 330 

New-Y Ilk— John Jay's cliarge, {1777) 62; ad- 
dress from the legislature to their constitu- 
ents, 1781, 128; proceedings on the Bosfon 
port bil\ 174; association of the sons of li- 
berty, 1773, 188; letter froKi the committee 
to the mayor, &c, of London, 439; names of 
the committee, 441; address of the provin- 
cial congress to gen. Washington, (1775), 
arid reply, 441; address of the mechanics to 
the delegates in the colonial congress, 441; 
resolve respecting the resignation of commis- 
sions, 444; about civil suits of law, 444; pro- 
ceedings for the encouragement A do.i.estic 
manufactures, 445; on the request of the 
Baptists for the liberty of preaching to the 
troops, 446; address to gen. Washin.,tonand 
gov. Clinton, on the evacuation of the city by 
the British, and replies 477 

North-Carolina — declaration of independence in 
Mecklenburg county, 1775, 132; royal pro- 
clamation of gov. Martin, 1780, 134; address 
of the provincial congress to the inhabitants 
of the British empire, 248; reply of the same 
to gov. Martin's speech 447 

O. 

Old men's company 420 

Orations — see • Boston Orations'— also ^'Eulogi- 
ums and speeches:' Perez Morton's on the 
re-interment of the remains of Warren 59; 
David Ramsay's, at Charleston, 1778—64; 
Barlow's 384 

P. 

Parliament, British— bishop of St. Asaph's 
speech 160; lord Chatham's as to the sove. 
reignty of G. B. over the colonies 189; gov. 
Johnston's on the Boston port bill 191 — of 
sundry persons (see •speeches'): on the ci- 
vil government of Massachusetts 194 to 198; 
examination of gov. Penn, in tlie house of 
lords 249; speech of John Wilkes 345; of 
capt. Harvey 347 

Payson, the rev. Mr. in battle! 419 

Pemberton, James, and others— their remon- 
strance 255 

Pendleton, judge — his charge to grand jurors in 
S. C. 1787 404 

Penn, Mr. his examination in the house of lords, 
1775 249 



Pennsylvania— Brackenridge's eulogium 119; 
proceedings at Philadelphia about certain 
teas imported 170; address of a convenlioii 
of county committees, 1774, 175; proceed- 
ings on the Boston port hill 179; speech de- 
livered at Carpenter's Hall 202; declaration 
of the depn'ies, June 24. 1776, 252; remon- 
strance of James Pemberton and others, con- 
fined in the free mason's lodge, Sept. 4, 1777, 
255; trHnsacti')ns in the nsighboihood oi' 
Philadelphia 333 to 335; a<i(lress of the de- 
puties of the colony to the people, June, 
1776 — 379; ordinance defining treason 417; 
Old men's company 42G; act respecting per- 
sons scrupulous of bearing arms, ib. on the 
monopoly of salt 431 

Pensio' ers, revjluiionary, anecdotes of 363, 354; 

female 417 

Petition of the A mericans residing in London 33i 
Philadelphia — original details of events while 
the British occupied this city 333; glorious 
act of gratitude of a sherdi' 363; ancient 
state of things at 47I 

Prisoners, the treatment of at New York, by Cun- 
ningham 274 
Privateers 375, 432 
Prizes 432 
Proclamation of the royal gov. Martin of N. Ca- 
rolina 134; of gen. G.ge at Boston, offering 
pardon 10 all but 'Hancock and Adams' — 
136; by the general couri of .VlMSsachusetts 
Bay, 1776, 142; of gen. Washington at Bos- 
ton,- 1776, 143; of lord Uunmore, 1775, oJH; 
of congress for a day of fasting, humiliation 
and prayer, 1776, 377; another 392; of gen. 
Washington on the bombardment oi' New 
York 434 
Proscriptions at Boston 2>74t 
Putnam, gen. anecdote of 419 

Q. 
Quakers of Pennsylvania Zoi 

\l. 
Ramsay, Dr. David, his oration on indeoendencei 

1778 * 64 

Randolph, Peyton, his death 47I 

Reed, gen. Joseph, to H. W. esq. 1780 oo5 

Retaliation — case of Asgill 317 

Retaliatory measures recommended by congress, 

1778 270 

Rhode Island— oath exacted of the people of by 

gen. Lee 4^7 

Robertson, gen. his correspondence with gov. 

Livingston respecting certain traitors 268 

Rochambeau, count de — addressed by the peo- 
ple of Baltimore and the general assembly 
of M-^ryland, with his replies 397 

Rodgers, Dr. extract from one of his sermons 361 
Rodney, Caesar— collections from his papers 335; 
letters from him 339, 340 

Thomas, letters from him 341, 342, 343, 344i 

Rush, Dr. his address to the people of the Unit- 
ed States— "the revolution is not over," 
ir87 404 

Rutledge, gov. of S. C. his speech to the legisla- 
ture, 1776 152 
S. 
Salem privateers— a complete list of 376 
Salt, on the scarcity of 431 
Sea fighl— an account of the first fought in the 

revolution 370 

Sedition— an act of S. Carolina respecting 150 

Sermon, Dr. Smith's at Philadelphia, 1775, 215i 
extract from Dr. Rodgers on the destruc- 



Vill 



IJSDEX. 



tion of tfce cliurches durinj; the war, 8tc. 
361; extract from one delivered by presi- 
dent Stiles 473 
Slaves, resolves respecting the importation of 198 
Smith, rev. Dr. hib sermon 215 
Soldir-'s daughter, narrative of a 471 
South Carolina — Dr. Ramsay's oration 64; judge 
Drayton's charge 72; others by the same 
81, 92; presentments by a grand jury in 1776 
79; other presentments 91 97; jud^e Di/iy- 
ton's speech in the general assembly, 1778, 
96; an act to prevent sedition and punish in 
surgents, &c. 150; governor Rutledge's 
speech, 1776, and reply of the legislature 
; J52; resolves 154; thanks to Messrs Mid- 
dletoB and llutledge 157; escape of Mr. 
Hunter 371; judge Pendleton's cliarrre 4U4; 
address to the gov. lord William Campbell 
449; resolves against the town of Poole and 
about absentees 450; association of the mem- 
bers of the provincial congress 450; recep. 
tion of stamps 467 
Speech — of judge Drayton on the articles of co;- 
federatioii, 1778 98; of gov. liMtledge to the 
legislature and reply of the same 152; of 
gov. Bullock to the provincial congress of 
Georgia, 1776, 159; of the bishop of S . 
As;ph, m the house of lords, 1774 160; of 
lord Chatham, 1774, 189; of gov. Jolmsion, 
same year, 191; ditto of Mr. Fuller, sir 
George S«ckviile, Mr. Ellis, gen. Conway, 
lord North, sir George Young, g v. John- 
ston, Mr. Harris, sir Edwarrl Aslilev, Mr. 
Waril, gov. Pownal. Mr. Rigby, Mr. Fox, 
sir Gilbert Elliott and sir Richard Sutton, in 
parliament, on the civil government of Mas- 
sachusetts 194; delivered at Carpenter's II ill, 
Philadelphia, 1775,202; of the earl of Cha'.- 
ham, on removing the troops from Boston 
{1775) 211, of John Wilkes, 1775, 345; of 
capt. Harvey 347; fragment of one delivered 
in congress, spirited 423; of a farmer to his 
neighbors 428; another fragment of a 
speech 431; of R. H. Lee and John Dickin- 
son, in congress, from "Botta's revolution" 

490 to 495 
Spy, executed, by order of gen. Sullivan 369 

Stamp-act-congress, the proceedings of, at 

length 451 

Stoney Point— vVayne's orders previous to the 

capture of 275 

Strong measures recommended, 1773 370 

Sullivan, gen. extract from his orderly book 369 
Synod of New York and Philadelphia 421 

T. 
Tarring and feathering— a Yankee trick. Sec. 273; 
case of Malcom and an instance of its prac- 
tice by the Bnti-sh 482 
Tea — proceedings respectin,^ the importation of 
170, 198; destroyed at Boston 326; anecdote 
about its use 380; song made on its destruc- 
tion 470; some particulars of the affair 485 
Thatcher, Peter, his oration at Boston, 1776, 23 
Thompson, Charles — bis introduction as secreta- 
ry to congress 470 
Ticonderoga, capture of, returns, &c. 373 
Tilton, Dr. see Delaivare: his letter from Wil- 
liamsburg, Dec. 1781 345 
Tories, declaration and address to the British 

king, 1781 393 

Treason, law declaratory of it 417 

Trumbull, gov. his correspondence with W. Try- 
en 210^ with gen. Gage 437 



Tryon, William, his letter to gov. Trumbull and 

reply 21© 

Tucker, commodore, interesting particulars of 

him 413 

Tudor, William, his oration at Boston, 1779 36 
Tusten, Dr a sketch of 367 

Tyrannicide, tlie — the first vessel built for th^ 
naval service of the U. S.— her battles, &c. 370 
V. 
Virginia — interesting facts of George Mason— 
his declaration of rights, and sundry letters 
123; Dunmore's letter lo Howe J38; pro- 
ceedings in the convention thereon 139; co- 
py oF the O'ith extorted by Dunmori 141; 
Dmceedrigs at Norfolk on the Boston port 
bill 180; do. at Williamsburg, Fredericks- 
burg, Hanover, 8t • on the remoViil of ceriain 
arms and munitions of war, 1775- 186; asso- 
ciation respecting the import of British 
good.s, slaves, teas, 8ic. and recommendit:g 
roanufacturfs 198; instructions to the dele, 
gates to congress 201; do. to the delegates of 
Cumberland county 211; further instruc 
tions to the delegates in congress — respect- 
ing a bill of rights — toasts drank and the 
Union fl<tg unfurled, May 15, 1776, 251; de- 
bate on Henry's motion to put the colony ia 
a state of defence, 1775 307; the people 
called to arms. 1779, 381; the test of 1776, 
446; instructions to .Vlessrs. Lewis &\\A 
Boyer 446 

W. 

Warren, Dr. Joseph— his oration at Boston 1772, 
4; another, in 1775, 17; notice thereof 468; 
oration on the re-interment of bis remains 
59;eulogiumupon him 349 

Washington— his proclamation on taking posses- 
sion of Boston, 1776 with the address of the 
assembly and his reply 143; the honors of 
Harvard college conferred on him 158; his 
correspondence with gen. Gage on the usage 
of prisoners 266; his letter explaining the 
pUns laid respecting Cornwallis 273; Miss 
Seward's lines upon 303; correpondence 
with gen. Lacey 333; interesting let ers to 
C. Rodney, respecting exchanges, wan. of 
clothing, violations of parole, and want of 
food 335, 337, 338; to congress shewing his 
embarrassments, June, 17S0, o37; acceptance 
of the command of the army 350; his letter 
to congress, 1776, 35^; general < rders, 1783, 
353; circular to the states, 1783 354; resig- 
nation of bis command 359; first speech to 
congress under the consti'ulion 359; his or- 
ders 'o gen. Sullivan, on pa>-»i g .:.e Dela- 
ware 361; in want of a pen knife 369; address 
to the inhabitants of Canada 423, his procla- 
mation on the bombardment ot New York 
434; addressed at New York 477 

Wayne, gen. 'is orders previous tolhe attack on 

Stoney Point 275 

Weight of several great men in the revolution 376 
Welsh, Thomas, his oration at Boston, 1783 55 

Woman, sentiments of an American, 1780 389 
Wraxall's memoirs, an extract from respecting 
the surrender of Cornwallis 277 

Y. 

Yankee doodle — the occasion on which the air 
was/rs; played in the United States 372 

Yorkto.vn, interesting particulars of affairs at 
345, 362; additional 371; estracts from a 
journal kept at the siege of 465 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS 



REVOLUTION, <^c. 



OnATION, DEIITEHED at BOSTOK, APRIL 2, 1771, 

BY JAMES LOVELL, A. M. 

Omnes homines natura Libertati student conrfifiofifm 
Sed virtulis oderunt- Css. 

— JVunc ea pet-t, qnce dare vullo modo possumvf, nisi 
prius volumus nos bello victos conjileri. Cic. 



Boston Orations. 

OUATIOSS llELITKRfcD AT TUE BEaUEST OE THE IN- 
KAniTASTTS OF THE TOWN OF BOSTON, TO COMMEM 
CIIIATE THE EVENIWG OF TKE 5tH OF MAUCU 1770; 

■WHES A >Tj>inEn or citizens weue killed bt 

A PAUTY UF BRITISH TROOPS, aOAUTERED AMONG 
TilEM, iff TIME OF PF.ACE. 

Your design in the appointment of this ccrc- 

[These orations were first collected and publisher ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^ .^^^^ ^^^ fdlo.v.to.vm,mu, cannot f.il 
in a volume, by .?>/r.Pe^.rE</.* of Boston, printer,! ^ ^^ examined in quite different lights at this 
son of the Mr. Edes of that town ^*;l>o«e Pr^^^^sj^^^^^^ ^^p^^.^.^^^ ^.^^^.,^.^^ From the principles 

I profess, and in the exercise of my common right 
to judge with others, I conclude it was dtcent, 7i)ise, 



was so notorious for its fearless devotion to the 
libcrlies of America; both before the revolution 
commenced and during the time of its continu 
ance ] 



TO THE ISQABITASTS OF THE TOWIt OF BOSTON. 

I hope my collecting, in one volume, the follow 
ing orations, wliich were first severally printed at I 
your request, but many of which have been lon^ 
since not to be purchased, will be considered in 
tlie mild light of an attempt to please the public. 

Americans have !)een reprehended for not pre- 
serving, wiih swfficient care, the various pamphlets 
and political tracts which this country has afforded 
during the late war. 

Many of those productions which appear trite to 
us, who live on the spot where they grew, may, 
however, be considered as sources of curiosity to 
strangers. Manj of these orations have been con 
sidered as the sentiments of this metropolis, from 
time to time, touching the revolution; and as our 
earliest public invectives against oppression. 

As the institution of an oration upon the fifth 
of March is now superseded by the celebration of 
the anniversary of independence, upon the fourth 
of July, I have given to this volume a generul title, 
which will apply to both institutions: so that if 
heieafter there shall be a like volume, containing 
the orations of that anniversary, this may be con- 
sidered the first and that the second volume of 
Boston orations. 

I am, with the greatest respect, your obedient 
humble servant, Ti^'CKR EUE3. 

Boston, Jauitary, 1785. 



and honorable. 

The certainty of being favored with your kindest 
piriiality and candor, in a poor attempt to execute 
(he part to which you have invited me, has over- 
come the objection of my inability to perform it 
in a proper manner; and I now beg the favor of 
your animating countenance. 



The horrid bloody scene we here commemorate, 
whatever were the causes which coi cmred to brini=; 
it on that dreadful night, must lead Uic pious and 
humane, of every order, to some suitable reflec- 
•ions. The pious will adore the conduct of that 
BEING who is unsearchable in all his ways, and with- 
out whose knowledge not a single sparrow falls, lii 
permiiting an immortal soul to be hurried by the 
ilying ball, the messenger of death, in the twink- 
ling of an eye, to meet the awf'il Judge of all its 
lecret actions. The humane, from having often 
thought, with pleasing rapture, on the endearing 
scenes of socihI life, in all its amiable relations, 
will lament, with heart felt pangs, their sudden 
dissolution, by indiscretion, rage and vengeance. 

But let us leave that shocking close of one 
continued course of rancor and dispute, fs-om the 
first moment that the troops arrived in town: that 
course will now be represented hy youi- own re- 
flections to a much more solid, useful purpose, than 
by any artful language, I hope, however, that 
lieavcn has yet in store such happiness for this 
.fflicted town and province, as will in time wear 
lout the memory of all your f iMi^r troubles. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



I sincei'cly rejoice with you in l!ie Jiuppy even 
of your steady and united effort to prevent a stcond 
tragedy. 

-O ir fathers left their native land, risqued all 
the dang-ers of the sea, and came to lliis tlien 
savrige desart, with that true u:.idaunted courage 
whicii is excited by a confidence in God. They 
■came that they might here enjoy themselves, and 
1c:ive to their posterity the best of earthly portions, 
fail En^iish liberty. You sho'.ved upon the alarm- 
ing- cause for trJKi, that their brave spirit still 
exists in vigor, thougii their legacy of right is much 
impaired. The sy.xpathy and active frimdahip of 
some neighboring- towns, upon that sad occasion, 
commands the hig'.iest gratitude of this. 

We have seen and felt the ill effects of placing 
standing forces in the midst of popnhits communi- 
^s; but those are only v/Iiat individusds suffer. 
Your vote directs me to point out the fatal tendency 
of pkcing such an order in/ree cities — fa»al indeed! 
Athens once was free; a citizen, a favorite of the 
people, by an artful stor)-, gained a triRing guard 
of fifty men; ambition ta;ight him ways to enlarge 
that number; he destroyed the commonwealth and 
ir.ide himself llie tyrant of ihe Athenians. Ciesar, 
by tlie length of his command in Guvl, got the 
uirectlons oi' his army, marclied to Home, overthrev.' 
tlie state, and made himself perpetual dictator. By 
the same instruments, many less republics have 
been made to fall a prey to the devouring jaws of 
lyrants. — But this is a subject which should never 
be disguised with figures; it chooses the plain stile 
of dissertation. 

The true strength and safety of everv common- 
wealth or limited monarchy, is the bravery of its 
freeholders, its militia. Cy brave militias they 
rise to grandeur; avid they come to ruin by a 
mercenary army. This is founded on historical 
facts, and the same causes will, in similar circum- 
s". -mces, forever produce the sanie effects. Justice 
Blackslone, in his inimitably clear commentaries, 
tells us, that "it is extremely dangerous in a land 
of liberty, to m;.ke a distinct order of the pro- 
fession of arms; that such an order is an objcci of 
jealousy; a;:d tliat «Ae laws and constitution of Eng. 
land are s;ravgers to it." One article of the hi!l of 
rights is, that the raising or keeping a standing 
army within the kingdom in a time of peace, unless 
it be with consent of parliament, is against law. 
The present army, therefci-e, though called tlie 
peace establishment, is kept up by one act, and 
governed by another; both of w!)icb expire anmiu/Ii/,\ 
This circumstance is valued as a sufTicisnt citeck^ 



upon the army. A less body of troops than is now 
maintained has, on a time, destroyed a king, and 
fought under a parliament v.'ith great success and 
glory; but, upon a motion to disSkud them, they 
Uirned their masters out of doors-, and fixed others 
in their stead. Such wild tilings are not again to 
happen, because the parliament have power to stop 
p.iyment once a year: but arma tenenti rjnis neget? 
wliich may be easily interpreted, "who will bind 
Sampson witl» his locks oii?"* 

The bill which regulates the army, the same 
fine author I have mentioned, says, "is, in many 
respects, hastily penned, and reduces the soldier to 
a state of slavery in the mi'.si of a frte nation. This 
is impolitic: for slaves envy the freedom of others, 
and take a malicious pleasure in contributing to 
destroy il." 

By this scandalous bill a justice of peace is 
empowered to grant, wthout a prewous oath from 
the military officer, a warrant to break open any 
(freeman's) house, upon pretence of searching for 
deserters. 

I m.ust not omit to mention one more bad ten- 
dency; 'tis this — a standing force leads to a total 
neglect of mjlilias, or tends greatly to discourage 
them. 

You see the danger of a standing army to the 
cause of freedom. If the British parliament con- 
sents from year to year to be exposed, it doubtless 
has good reasons. But when did our assembly pass 
an act to hazard all the property, the liberty and 
lives of their constituents? wliat check have we 
upon a British army? can we disband it? can we stoj» 
its pay? 

Our own assemblies in America can raise an armyi 
and otv monarch, George the 3d, by our constitu- 
tion, takes immediate command. This army can 
consent to leave their native provinces. Will the 
royal chief commander send them to find barracks 
at Britns-i'ick or Lunenburg, at Hanover, or the com- 
modiovs hall of Westminster? suppose the last — sup- 
pose this army was inf rmed, nay thovght the par- 
liament in actual rebellion, or only on the eve of 
'ine, against their king, or against those who paid 
and cloathed them — for there it pinc'ies: — we are 
rebels against parliament; — we adore the king. 

Where, in the case 1 have stated, would be the 
value of the boasted English constitution? 

Who are » free people? not those who do not 
si'.ffer actual oppression; but tbose who have a can- 
stitxitit.nal clu ck upon the pmrer to oppress. 

♦Trenchsu'd. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



We are slaves or freemen: if as we are called, 
the Isst, where is our check upon the following 
powers, France, Spain, the stales of Holland, or 
the British parliaments? now if any one of these 
<and it is quite immaterial which) has right to 
make the two acts in qiiestio:i operate within this 
province, they have right to give us up to an 
unlimited army, under the sole direction of one 
Saracen commander. 

Thus I have led your thoughts to that upon whic' 
I formed my conclusion, that the design of this 
ceremony was decent, luise and honorable. Make 
the bloody 5th of March the xra of tlie resurrec 
tion of your birthrights, which have been murdered 
by the very strength that nursed them in theii 
infancy. I had an eye solely to parliamentary 
supremacy; and I hope you will think every other 
view beneath your notice, in our present mos' 
alarming situation. 

Chatham, Camden, and others, Gods among men, 
and the Farmer, whom you have addressed as the 
friend of mankind; all these have owned that Ei:ff- 
land has right to exercise every power over us, 
but t!)at of taking money out of our pockets, with- 
out our consent.* Though it seems almost too 
bold therefore in us to say "we doubt in evf-ry 
single instance her legal riglita over this prbvince,"f 
yet we lymst assert it. Those I have named ar-. 
mighty characters, but they wanted one advantage 
Providence has given us. The deam is carried ofi 
from our eyes by the flowing blood of our fellow- 
citizens, and now we may be allowed to attempt to 
remove the mote from the eyes of our exalted 
patrons. That mote, we think, is nothing but our 
obligation to England Jirst, and afiertoards Great 
Britain, for constant kind protection of our lives and 
birthrights against foreign danger. We all acknow- 
ledge that protection. 

Let us once more look into tiie early history of 
this province. We find that our English ancestors, 
disgusted in their native country at a legislation, 
which they saw was sacrificing ail their rights, lef 
its jttrisdiction,\ and sought, like wandering birds 



if passage, some happier climate. Here at length 
they settled down The king of England was said 
to be the royal* landlord of this territory; with 
iiiM they entered into mutual, sacred compact, by 
which the price of tenure, and the rues of manage • 
ineiii, were f drly stated. It is in this compact that 
■e fi:icl ouH osi.y tuue legisiatite authokitt. 



*Tuxation and representation are inseparable. 

Chath Cambd. 

From what in our constitution is representation 
not inseparable! — multa a Chasso divinitus dicta 
efferebantur, cum sibi ilium, consulem essenegarct 
cui senator ipse non essct. Cic. 

fl confine myself to this province, partly from 
ignorance of other charters; but more from a desire 
even to vex some abler pen to pursue the idea of 
Chkck; which an unchartered FHKiiMAx may do, as 
Mell at: any other in Auierica. 



I might here enlarge upon the character of tliose 
first settlers, men of whom the world was little 
worthy; who, for a long course of years, assisted 
by no earthly power, defended their liberty, their 
religion, and their lives, against the greatest inland 
danger of the sav.'»ge natives: but this falls v.ot 
within my present purpose. They were secure by 
sea. 

In our infanry, when not an over tempting Jewel 
for the Bourbon crown, the very nair.e of litigland 
saved us; afterwpids her fleets and armies. We 
wish not to de;-,reciate the worth of that proteC'ion. 
Of our gold, yea cf our most fine j;;o1fl, we will 
freely give a part. Our fathers would have v'.one 
the same. But must we fall down and cry "let 
not a stranger rob and kill me, O rr-y father! let me 
rather die by the hand of my brother, and i^t him 
ravish all my portioii!"| 

It is said that disunited from Britain "we sho'ild 
bleed at every vein." I cannot see the consfqiience. 
The states of llolhoid do not suffer thus. But 
grant it true, Seneca would prefer the lancets 
oi France, Sjudn, or any other power, to the bow- 
STUisG, though applied by the fair hand of Bri. 
tannia. 

The declarative vote of the British pnr1"ament 
is the death-warrant of ovr birthrights, and wants 
only a Czarish king to put it into executioii. //ere 
then a door of salvation is open. Great Britain 
may raise her fleets and armies, but it is only ovr 
o-.vn king that can direct their fire down upon our 
heads. He is gracious, but not omniscient. He 
is ready to hear our APrKAi.sin tlieir proper course; 
and knowing himself, though the most powerful 
prince on earth, yet, a subject under a divine con- 
stitution of tAW; that law he tvill ask and receive 
from the twelve judges of England. These will 
prove that^the claim of the Briti.sh psrliameutover 
us is not only illegal ik itself, eut a k.^ws-right 
usunrATioK of uis piiEnoGATivE as king oi' America. 

A brave nation is always generous. J.et u*; ap- 



*Ichoosc tobury a fruitful subject fbrp.v.y s:ityrical 

cuius (jf the family of Penn. 

-j- — ita vitam corpusque servsto, ita A.rtunas. ita 

illxc sunt enim fiunrhuneiita frmissima noslr?f j rem familiarem, ut hx, po.steriera libertiiti dv.cus, 

libertati.s, sui quemque juris ct retiuoidi ct diniit- — uec pro his libertatem, sed pro libertati haec 

tendi eusc dominujij. ' Cic. ^p:- jicias, tunquam pignora injuria. 



4 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



pc i!, ihf ^f'rrc, !\t the same time, to ihe t;en ro'ivj 
of the pKupj.B of Great Jhituin, before the tribunal* 
of Europe, not to envy vs the fuil er joynient of the 

niGHTS CF UliETUREN. 

And now, m >/ fruni ds wnlf'-llow townsmen, having 
declared myself an American son of liberty of true 
charter principies: having shewn the critical and 
dang:erous siUiation of our birthrights, and the true 
course for speedy redress; I hhall take the freedon 
to recommend, with boldness, one previous step. — 
Let us sliow we understand the true value of wha 
we Are claiming. 

The patriotic Farmer tells us, "the cause of li 
bcity is a cause of too mucli dignity to be sullied 
by turbulence and tumult.— Anger produces anger; 
and diiferences, that might be accommodated by 
kind f.nd respectful behavior, may, by imprudence, 
be enlarged to an incurable rage. In quarrels — 
risen to a certain heigiit, the first caase of dissen- 
sio!) IS no longer remembered, the minds of the 
pwties being wholly engaged in recollecting and 
resenting tiie mutual expressions of their dislike 
AVhen feuds have reached that fatal point, con 
sideriitions of reason and equity vanish, and a blind 
i'ury governs, or rather confounds all things. A peo- 
ple no longer regard their interest, but a gratifica- 
tion of their wrath." 

Wfc know ourselves subjects of common law: to 
thai and the worihy executors of it, let us pay a 
steady and conscientious regard. Past errors in 
this point have been written with gall, by the pen 
of ?iAi,icE. May our fu ure conduct be such as to 
make even that vile imp lay her pen aside. 

Tlie rfght wliich imposes duties upon us, is in 
disp'iff. but whether they are managed by a 
surveyor general, a board of commissioners, Tnrkisfi 
Janizaries, or livssian Cossachs, let them enjoy, 
during our time of fair trial, the common personal 
proteciion of the laws of our constitution. Let 
us shut our eyes, for the present, to their being 
executors of cUdms subversive of our rights. 

Watchful, hiiwk-eyed jealousy, ever guards the 
portal of the temple of the goddess iibf.rtt. This 
is known to those who frequent her altars. Our 
whole conduct therefore, I am sure, will meet with 
the utmost candor of her votaries: but 1 am 
wishing v.e may be able to convert even her basest 

APOSTATES. 

We are siaves until we obtain such redress, 
through the justice of our king, as our l;appy con- 



ntUuiiun leads us to expect. In that condition, let 
I'S behave with the propriety and dignity of frek- 
"lETr; and t/ms exhibit to the world, a new character 
of a people, which no history describes. 

May the all-wise and beneficent ruler of thb 
u?«ivEiisE preserve our lives and health, and pros- 
per all our lawful endeavors in the glorious cause of 

KllEEDOM. 

ORATIOW DELtVERED AT BOSTON, MARCH 5, 1772, 

BY JOSEPH WARREN. 

Quis talia fando, 
J\T]jimdonum, Dolopwnve, aut dnri miles Ulyssei, 
I'emperet alacrymis. viuoii.. 

When we turn over the historic page, and trace 
the rise i.nd fall of states and empires, the mighty 
revolutions wl)ich have so often varied the face of 
'.he world strike our minds with solemn surprise, 
and v/e are naturally led to endeavor to search out 
the causes of such astonishing changes. 

That man is formed for social life, is a.i observa- 
tion, which, upon our first enquiry, presents itself 
immediately to our view, and our reason approves 
that wise and generous principle which actuated 
the first founders of civil government; an institu- 
tion which hath its origin in the -ueakness of indi- 
viduals, and hath for its end, the strength and secu- 
rity of all: and so long as the means of effecting 
this important end are thoroughly known, and re- 
ligiously attended to, government is one of the 
richest blessings to uiankind, and ought to be held 
in the highest veneration. 

In young and new formed communities, the grand 
design of this institution, is most generally under? 
stood, and most strictly regarded; the metiyes 
which urged to the social compact, cannot be at 
once forgotten, and that equality which is remem- 
bered to have subsisted so lately among them, pre- 
vents those who are clothed with authority from 
attempting to invade the freedom of their brethren; 
or if such an attempt is made, it prevents the com- 
munity from suffering the off'ender to go unpunish- 
ed: every member feels it to be his interest and 
knows it to be his duty, to preserve inviolate the 
constitution on whiph the public safety depends,* 
and he is equally ready to assist the magistrate in 
the execution of the laws, and the subject in de- 
fence of his right; and so long as this noble attach- 
ment to a constitution, founded on free and bene- 
volent principles, exists in full vigor, in any state, 
that state must be flourishing and happy. 

It was this noble attachment to a free constitu- 



*I do not think the (ico warrasto against our 
^rst charter, was tried in a proper court. 



* Omnes ordincs ad cojisei-vamdam rempub.icam, 
mente, voluntate, studio, virtute,voce, conse7itiunt. 

CiCEBOc 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION- 



lion 'hlcii raised ancie!" Rome, froiT> the stnalle'^i 
begin'iirgs, to that bri^'h'^ summit of happiness anc' 
gloi-y to which she arrived; and it was t^e loss or 
thin which phmiTPd her from that summit into the 
blank gulph of infamy and slavery. It was this a':- 
tachment which inspired her senators with wisdom; 
it was this which glowed in the breast of hcF 'ie 
roes; it whs this w'lich guarded her Uberlies and 
extended her dominions, gave peace at home, and 
commanded respect abroad: and when this decay- 
ed, b- V magistra PS los': hfir reverence forjusticf 
an;l the laws, and degenerated into tyrants a' d op 
pressors — her senators, forgetful of their dignity, 
and seduced by base corrupiion, betrayed thtir 
coun'ry— her soldiers, regardless of their reUtion 
to the community, and urged only by the hopes o 
plunder and rapine, unfeelingly committed d e 
most flagrant enormities; and hired to the trade of 
death, with relentless fury, they perpetrated the 
nvost cruel murders, whereby the streets of impe- 
rial Rome were drenched with her noblest blood 
Thus this empress of the world lost her dominions 
abroad, and her inhabitants, dissolute in their man- 
ners, at length became contented slaves; and she 
St?Lnds to this day, the scorn and derision of nations, 
and H monument of this eternal truth, that public 

HAPPINESS DEPENDS 0!f A VIUTDOITS AND UNSHAKKN 
ATTACHMENT TO A pnEE COl^STITUTION. 

It was this attachment to a constitution, founded 
on free and benevolent principles, which inspired 
the first settlers of this couitry: — tliey saw with 
grief the daring outrages committed on the free 
constitution of their native land — they knew that 
nothing but a civil war could at that time restore 
its pristine purity. So hard was it to resolve to 
embrue their hands in the blood of their brethren, 
that they chose rather to quit their fair possessions 
and seek another habitation in a distant clime. — 
When they came to this new world, which they 
fairly purchased of the Indian natives, the only 
rightful p roprietors, they cultivated the then bar- 
ren soil, by their incessant labor, and 4efended 
their dear-bought possessions with the fortitude of 
the christain, and the bravery of the herq. 

After various struggles, which, during the tyran- 
nic reigns of the house of Stuar, were constantly 
kept up between right and wrong, between liberty 
and slavery, the connection between Great Britain 
and this colony w^as settled in the reign of kinjr 
William and queen Mary, by a compact, the condi- 
tions of which wereexpressed in a charter; by which 
all the liberties and immunities of British subjects, 
were confined to this province, as fully and as ab- 



oluiely as they possibly could b? ■.■■y uny bumaii 
nstrument which can be devised. And ii is unde- 
niably true,. that the i^reatest and most important 
right of a British subject is, thai he shall be govern- 
ed by no laivs but those to -winch he either in prrscn or 
ny his representative huth given his consent: and this 
? will venture to assert, is the grand ha^is of Bri- 
Msh feeedom; it is interwoven with theconstitution; 
and whenever this is lost, the constitution must be 
destroyed. 

The British conniiivtion (of wliich ours is a copy) 
is a happy compound of the three forms (under 
lome of which all governments maybe ranged) viz. 

monnrrhy.aris ocrrtcy, and democracy: of these tliree 
the British legislature is composed, ivd withou* the 
consent of each branch, nothing can carry with it 
:!.ie force of a law; but wlien a law is to be passed 
fnrraising a tax, that law can oiiginateonly in the 
democratic branch, which is the house of commons 
in Britsin, and the house of represent :ilive? here 
—The reason is obvions: they and tlieir cons'itu. 
ents are to pay much the largest purt of il; but as 
the aristocratic branch, which, in Britain, is the 
house of lords, and in this province, the council, 
are also to pay some part, Tiiiiin consent is nrces- 
sarv; and as the monarchic branch, Vvhich in Brj. 
tain is the king, and with us, either the king in 
person, or the governor whom he shall be pleased 
to appoint to act in his stead, is supposed to have 
a j'ist sense of his own interest, which is that of all 
the subjects in general, his consent is also reces- 
sary, and when the consent ofthese three branches 
is obtained, the taxation is most certainly leral. 

Let us now allov/ ourselves a few moments to 
examine the late acts of the Britiah parliament for 
taxing America — Let us with candor judge whether 
they are constitutioi^ally bindinp upon us: — if they 
are, in the hamf. of jistice let us submit to them, 
without one murmuring word. 

First, I would ask whether the members of the 
British house of commons are the democracy of 
this province? if they are, they are either the peq- 
ple of this province, or are elected by tlie people of 
this province, to represent them, and have there- 
fore a constitutional right to originate a bill for 
taxing them: it is most certain tliey are neitlier; 
and therefore nothing done by them can be said to 
be done by the democratic branch of our constitu- 
tion. I would next ask, whether the lords, who 
compose the aristocratic branch of tlielegiiihture, 
are peers of America? I never heard it was (even 
in those extraorjin.sry times) so much as pretend- 
ed, and if they :;r2 not,cenainly no act of thein- 



6 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



can be said to be the act of the aristocratic branch 
qf our constitution. The power of the monarchic 
branc'i we, 'vith pleasure, acknowledge resides' in 
the king, who may act eitlier in person or by his re- 
presentative; and I freely confess that I cnn see ni' 
i'eaSi) . why a iniOCL\iMAriO>f/or raising in Ame- 
rica, issued by the king's sole authority, would not 
be equally consistent with our own constitution, 
and therefore equaily binding upon us with the late 
acts 0/ the British parliament for taxing us; for it is 
plain, that litaere is any validity in those acts, it 
must arise altogether from the monarchjcai branch 
of the legislature: ..na 1 fur her think that it wouh. 
"be at least as equitable; for I do not conceive it to 
be of the least importance to us by whom our pro- 
perty is taken away, so long as it is laken without 
oar consent; aud 1 am very much at a loss to know 
by what figure of rlieloric, the inhabitants of this 
province can be called fuee subjects, when they 
are obliged to obey implicitly, such laws as are made 
for tl^.em by men three thousand miles off, whom 
, the> knoAT not, and whom they never empowereC 
to act for them, or now they can be said to have 
JPHOPEHTT, when a body of men, over whom thej 
have not the least conirol, and wno are not in any 
way accountable to them, shall oblige them to de 
liver up any p^n, or the whole of their substance, 



ression should be eiifoi-ced by anotiier, and tlitre- 
fore, contrary to our just rights as possessing, or 
at least having a just title to possess, all the liber- 
ties ai;id IMMUNITIES of British subjects, astanding 
army was esiaMished among us in time of peace; 
and evidently for the purpose of effecting that, 
which it was one principle design of the founders 
of the constitution to prevent, (w)ien they declared 
a standing army in a time of peace to be AGAINST 
LAW) namely, for the enforcement of obedience 
t / acts which, upon fair examination, appeared to 
be unjust and unconstitutional. 

Tiie ruinous consequences of standing armies to 
free communities, may be seen in the histories of 
Sykacuse, Rome, and many other once flourishing 
states; some of wliich have now scarce a name' 
*heir baneful influence is most suddenly felt, when 
they are placed in populous cities; for, by a cor- 
ruption of morals, the public happiness is imrne- 
fliately affected? and that this is one of the effects 
of quartering troops in a populous city, is a truth, 
to which many a mourning parent, many a lost, de- 
spairing child in this metropolis, must bear a very 
melanclioly testimony. Soldiers are also taught 
to consider arms as the only arbiters by which 
every dispute is to be decided between contending 
states; — they are instructed implicitly to obey their 



without even asking their consent: and yet whoever commanders, without enquiring into the justice of 
pre.eiids th^L the laie acts of the British parlia- ijg cause they are engaged to support: hence it is, 
luei.t for taxing America ought to be deemed bind- 1 th^t they are ever to be dreaded as thp ready en- 
ing upon us, nlusl admit at once that we are ab- j^i^es of tyranny and oppression. And it is too ob- 



soluie SLAVES, and have no property of our 
own; or else tliat v/e may be freemen, and at the 
same time under a necessity of obeying the arbitra- 
ry commands of those over whom we have no con- 
trol oi- influence, and that we may have pnoPERTv 
OF oca owst, which is entirely at the disposal of 
another. Sucu gro^s absurdities, I believe will not 
be relished m iHis cmigutened age: and it can be 
no mailer of wonder that the people quickly per 
ceived, and seri -usly complained of ihe inroads 
whicn tiiesc acis must ui-.avoidabiy make upon their 
liberty. Mid o; the iinz. rd to wliich their luhoie pro- 
perty IS by them exposed; for, if they may be taxel 
wiUiout their consent, even in the smallest irifl. , 
the) wiay also, without their consent, be deprived 
ofeveiy Uiiug they possess, ailhouga never so va 
luaole, never so dear. CertaiiUy ii never entered 



nervable that they are prone to introduce the same 
:T)o<Jeof decision in the disputes of individuals, and 
from thence have often arisen great animosites be- 
tween them and the inhabitants, who, whilst in a 
naked, defenceieis state, are frequently insulted 
and abused by an armed soldiery. And tills will 
be more especially the case, when the troops are 
informed that the intention of tlieir being stationed 
in any city, is to ovfiaAWE the imiabitasts. Tiiat 
tliis was the avowed design of stationing an armed 
force in this town, is suHicieally known; and we, 
my fellov; citizens, have seen, ave have felt the tra- 
gical effecis!— The FATAL FIFTH OF MARCH, 

1770, can never he FoaGOTTE:r Tlie horrors of 

that dreadfcl NIGHT are but too deeply impressed 

Oil our beans Language is too feeble to paint 

the emotion of our souls, when our streets were 



the ijcirts of our ancestors, iliat after so many dan uuined with the blood of our brethren, — when 



gtrs in tl is then desolate wilderness, their hard- 
earned property should be at the disposal of the 
Uiiush parliament; and aS it was soon i'ound that 
this Uixa'.ion cuid not be supi)orted by reason and 



our ears were wounded by the groans oft'.ie dying, 
and our eyes were tormented with the sight of the 
mangled bodies of the dead. — When our alar.Tied \ 
naginaiion presented to our view our houses v/rapt 



ar^uaicntj it seemed necessary that one act o*" op- <u\ flames,— our ciiildren subjected to the barbaroa-s 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Caprice of the raging soldiery, — our beauteous vir- 
gins exposed to all the insolence of unbridled pas- 
sion, — our virtuous wives, endeared to us by every 
tender tie, falling a sacrifice to worse than brutal 
violence, and perhaps, like the famed LucnETiA, 
distracted with anguish and despair, ending\their 
wretched lives by their own fair hands. ^Vhen 
we beheld the authors of our distress parading in 
our streets, or drawn up in a regular IxutaUa, as 
though in a hostile city, our hearts beat to arms; 
we snatched our weapons, almost resolved, by one 
decisive stroke, to avenge the de:ith of our slaugii- 
TEriEi) BRETUKEx, and to secure from future dan- 
ger, all that we held most dear; but propitious 
heaven forbade the bloody carnage, and saved the 
tlirealned victims of our too keen resentment, not 
by their discipline, not by tlieir regular array, — no, 
it was royal Geohge's livery that proved their 
shield — it was that wluch turned tlie pointed en- 
gi.ies of destruction from tiieir breasts."* The 
thoughts of vengeance were soon buried in our in 
})red affection to Great Oritain, and calm reason 
dictated a method of removing the troops more 
mild tban an immediate recourse to the swrrd. 



with regard to us, is truly astonishing! what can be 
proposed by the repeated attacks made upon our 
freedom, I really cannot surmise; even leaving jus- 
tice and humanity out of question. I do not know 
one single advanta^ge whic'.i can aiise to the Bri- 
tish nation, from our being enslaved: — I kiow not 
of any gains, whic!> can be wrung from us by op- 
pression, which they may not obtain from us by oul* 
own consent, in the smooth channel of commerce: 
we wish the wealth and prosperity of Britain; we 
contribute largely to both. Doth what v, -.• contri- 
bute lose all its value, because it is done voluntari- 
ly? the amazing increase of riches to Britain, the 
grtat rise of the value of her lands, the flourishing 
state of tier navy, are striking proofs of the advan- 
tages derived to her from her commerce with the 
colonies; and it is our earnest desire that she may 
still continue to enjoy the same emoluments, until 
her streets are paved with Americaic gold; only, 
let us have the pleasure of calling it our own, whilst 
it is iji cur own hands; but this it seems is too great 
a favor— we are to be governed by the absolute com- 
mand nf others f our property is to be taken away -with' 
out our consent— \i we complain, our complaints are 



With united efibrts you urged the immediate de- i treated with contempt; if we assert our rights, that 
parture of the troops from the tov/n — j'ou ursjeJ j assertion is deemed insolence; if we hunnbly offer 

It, with a resolution which ensured success you i to submit the matter to tlie impartial decision of 

obtainc l your wishes, and the removal of the troops reason, the swoun is judged the most proper arg-j.- 
was eflected, without one drop of tlidr blood being ment to silence our murmurs! but this cannot long 
shed by the inhabitants. \ be the case— surely the British nation will notsuf- 

The immediate actors in the tragedy of tqat | ^'''' ^^^ ^^P""^^''"" ''^^''^'•* j"^^'" ^"'^ ^'''^"' ''°"°''' 

sir.irr, were surrendered to justice. It is not h° ^^ *''"' sported away by a capricious ministry; 

mine to say how far they were guilty? they j ""' ^''^^ '-^ '" a short time open their eyes to 
have been tried by the country and ACQUITTED j '" ^'^^''' ^^'"^ interest: they nourish in their 
of murder! and they are not to be again arraigned at p'" "leasts, a noble love of liberty, they hold 
an earthly bar: but,£urely the men who have promis. I ''^■''^^'"'' ^"'^ they know that all wim have once 
cuously scattered death amidst the inmccni inhabi Possessed her charms, had rather die than suffer 



tants of a populous city, ought to see well to it, that 
Ihey beprepared to standatthebar of an omniscient 
judge! and all who contrived or encouraged the 
stationing troops in this plice have reasons of eter 



her to be torn from their embraces — tliey are also 
sensible tliat Britain is so deeply interested in the 
prosperity of the colonies, that she must eventually 
feel every wound given to their freedom; they can- 



nal importance, to reflect with deep contrition, on | "'^^ ^^ ignorant that more dependence may be 



their base designs, and humbly to repent of their 
impious machinations. 

The infatuation which hath seemed, for a num- 
ber of years, to prevail in the liiitish councils, 

•[ have the stronges reason to believe iliat I 
have men'aoned the only circumstance which saved 
the trcjops from destruction. It was then, and now 
is, the opinion of those who were best acquainted 
■withtlie state of affairs at tliat iime, that had thrice 
that number of troop*;, belonging to any powev at 
open war with us, been in this town, in the sume 
exposed condition, scarce a man would ijave lived 
to have seen the morning light. 



placed on the affections of a bi'other, than on llie 
forced service of a slave; they must approve your 
efforts for the preservation of your rights; from a, 
sympathy of soul they must pray for your success: 
and I doubt not but they will, e'er long, exert them- 
selves effectually, to redress your grievances^ 
Even in the dissoliit" reign of king CuAutEs II. when 
the house of commons impeached tlie earl of Cla- 
rendon of high treason, the first article on whiclj 
they founded their accusation was, that "lie had de.' 
signed a standintf army t he raised, anii tn ^utu-rn the 
kingdom thereby." And the eighth article was, that 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



"he had iiitrjducai an .roilrary q-ver,iment into his 
inajtsii/s plantation." A terrifying example to those 
who are now tbrging chains for this country. 
You have, my friends and country taen, frustrated 



va.i, if you, oaroffsprinij, vant v Ir >o rtpel the 

•ssauLs of her invaders! Stain not the glory of 

your worthy ancestors, but like them resolve, ne- 
ver to part wiih your binh-right; be wise in your 



^, , r ■ u. „,.,,r,or,;™;tv inrl i'^^^'^'^^^'^io"^* ^^^ determined in your fxeriions 

the aesigns of your enemies, by your unanimity ana ' j 



fjriituie: it was your union and determined spirit 

which eipclled those troops, who polluted your 

streets with isNoctiiT blood. You have appointed 

this , anniversary as a standard memorial of the; 

„.„^ .» .«^,vT. xT.i.rv 1^''^ ^"'■^'^^ of posterity from being heaped upon 

T.LOODY C0NSEaUK"«CES OF PLACING AN ARMLD FOUCh , ' •' O i f 

IN A POPULOUS ciTsT, uud of your delivcraiice fr^m j^*^"'' cmoues. 



for the preservation of your liberties. Follow not 
the dictates of passion, but enlist yourselves under 
the sacred bann -r of reason; use every meth id in 
your power to secure your riguis; at least prevent 



the dangers which then seen. ed to hang over your 
heads; and I am conSdent that you never will be 
tray the least want of spirit when called upon to 
guard your freedom. None but they who set a just 
value upon the blessiiigs of liberty are wortiiy to 
enjoy her — your illustrious fathers were her zeal- 
ous votaries — when the blasting frowns of tyranny 
drove her from public view, they clasped her m 
iheir arms, they cherished her in their generous 
bosoms, they brought her safe over the rough 
ocean, and fixed her seat in this then dreary wilder 
Bess; they nursed her infant age with the most ten- 
der care; for her sake, they patiently bore the se 
verest hardships; for her support, they uoderweal 
the most rugged toils: in her defence, they boldly 
encountered the most alarming dangers; neither 
the ravenous bessls that ranged the woods for prey, 
nor the more furious savages of the wilderness, 
could damp their ardor! — Whilst with one hand 
they broke the stubborn glebe, with ihe other they 
grasped their weapons, ever ready to protect he 
from danger. No s.icrifice, not even their own 
blood, was esteemed too rich a libacion for her al- 
tar! GuD prospered their valor; they preserved he: 
brilliancy unsullied; they enjoyed her whilst they 
lived, and dying, bequeathed the dear inheritance 
to your care. And as they left you this glorious 
legacy, they have undoubtedly transmitted to yeu 
some portion of their noble spirit, to inspire you 
with virtue to merit her, and courage to preserve 
her: you surely cannot, wiih such examples before 
your eyes, as every page of the history of this coun- 
try affords,* suffer your liberies to be ravished 
from you by lawless force, or cajoled away by flat 
tery and fraud. 

The voice of your fathers* blood cries toyou froo 
the ground, mt soms scohn to be SLAVES! in vai'. 
we met the frowns of tyrants — in vain we cross'd 
the boisterous ocean, found a new world, and pre- 
pared it for the happy residence of liberty — i 
vain we toiled — in vain we fo'ii;!)t — e hie.! i*i 

*At siiiiiilberoum laudes, et facta parentis 

t^ara legere, et qua sit poteris tt>gnoscere virtus.— Kir^. 



if you, with united zeal and fortitude, oppose 
the torrenr of oppression; if you feel the true fire 
of patriotism burning in your breasts: if you, from 
your souls, despise the most gaudy dress that sla- 
very can wear; if you really prefer the lonely cot- 
tage (whilst blest with liberty) to gilded palaces, 
surrounded with the ensigns of slavery, you may 
have the fullest assurance that tyranny, with hep 
whole accursed train, will hide their hideous heads 
in confusion, shame and despair — if you perform 
your part, you must have the strongest confidence, 
that THE SAME ALMiGnTY uKiNG who protected your 
pious and venerable forefathers — who enabled them 
to turn a barren wilderness into a fruitful fieldj, 
who so often mack dare Ids arm for their salvation, 
will still be mindful of you, their ofFt.pring. 

May THIS ALMIGHTY BEING graciously pre 
side in all our councils. May he direct us to such 
measures as he himself shall approve, and be pleas- 
ed to bless. May we ever be a people favored of 
GOl^. May our land be a land of liberty, the seat 
of virtue, the asylum of the oppressed, a name and 
a praise in the -,vhole earth, until the last sl'ock of 
time shall bury the empires of the world in one 
common undistinguished ruin! 

ORATION, DELIVERED AT BOSTON, MARCH 5, \77o^ 

BY mi. BENJAMIN CHURCH, 

Impius h^c culta novalia miles Iiabebit? 
Barbai'us has st-getes? in quodiscurclia cives 
ptrduxit misei'os? in queis coiiseviwus agrus? 

Virgil, Eel. r. 
O! SOCII 

O passi graviora, dahit Deus his quoque finem; 
I'evucate aniinos, in:estun>que tiinorem 
mittite, foi'sun et b:ec olim meniinisse Jiivabit 

y/r^il,J£ue. I. 

From r consciousness of inability, my friends 
AND FELLOW COUNTRYMEN, I havc n^pcatcdly de- 
clined the duiics of this anniversary. Nolhin,^ but 
:» firm attachment to the totterng liberiicfs ot 
America* added to the the irresisvible importunity 
of some valued friends, couid have indue, d me (es- 
pecially with a very shoit notice) so far as lo mis- 

*l*ericulosa: plenum opus alese 
'; lactas, Incedis per ignes 
Suppositbs cinevi dplogo. — HoBiCE. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



take my abilities, as to render the utmost extent 
of your candor truly indispensable. 

Wiiea man was unconnected by social obliga 
tlons; abhorrent to every idea of dependence; 
actuated by a savage ferocity of mind, displayed in 
the brutality of his manners, the necessary exi- 
gencies of each individual, naturally impelled him 
to acts of treachery, violence and murder. 

The miseries of mankind thus proclaiming eter 
nal war with their species, led them, probably, to 
consult certain measures to arrest the current of 
such outrageous enormities. 

A sense of their wants and weakness, in a state 
of nature, doubtless inclined them to such recipro 
cal aids and support, as eventually established so- 
ciety. 

Men then began to incorporate; subordination 
succeeded to independence; order to anarchy; and 
passions were disarmed by civilization: society lent 
its aid to secure the weak from oppression, who 
wisely took saelter within the sanctuary of law. 



Encreasing, society afterwards exacted, that the 
tacit contract made with her by each individual, at 
the time of his being incorporated, sikould receive 
a more solemn form to become authentic and irre- 
fragable; the main object being to add force to the 
laws, proportionate to the power and exl» nt of 
the body corporate, whose energy they were to di- 
rect. 

Then society availed herself of the sacrifice of 
tliirt liberty and that natural equality of which we 
are all conscious: supsriors and magistrates were 
appointed, and mankind submitted to a civil and 
political subordinauon. This is truly a glorious 
inspiration of reason, by whose uiiiuence, notwith- 
standing the inclination we have lor independence, 
we accept control, for the eslablislunent of order. 

Although unrestrained power in one person ma) 
Lave been the first and most natural recourse of 
mankind, from rapine and disorder; yet all restric 
tions of power, made by laws, or participation of 
sovereignty, are apparent improvements upon what 
began in unlimited power. 

It would shock humanity, should I attempt to 
describe those barbarous and tragic scenes, which 
crimson the historic page of this wretched and de- 
testable constitu'.ion, where absolute dominion is 
lodged in one person: where one makes the xuhole, 
and the -luhole is vot!ung What motives, what 
events, could have been able to subdue men, en- 
dowed with reason, lo render themse'veB the n u*j 
2. 



instruments, and passive objects of the p.apnce of 
an individual. 

Mankind, apprised of their privileges, In being 
rational and free, in prescribing civil laws to them, 
selves, had surely no intention of being enchained 
by any of their equals; and althout^h they submitted 
voluntary adherents to certain laws, for the sake of 
mutual security and happiness, they, no doubt, in- 
tended by the original compact, a permanent ex- 
emption of the subject body from any claims, which 
were not expressly surrendered, for the purpose of 
obtaining the security and defence of the whole. 
Can it possibly be conceived, that they would vo- 
luntarily be enslaved by a power of their own crea- 
tion. 



The constitution of a magistrate does not, there- 
fore, take away that lawful defence against force and 
injury, allowed by the law of nature; we are not to 
obey a prince, ruling above the limits of the power 
entrusted to him; for the commonwealth, by con- 
stituting a head, does not deprive itself of the 
power of its own preservation.* Government and 
magistracy^ whether supreme or subordinate, is a 
mere human ordinance, and the laws of every na- 
tion are the measure of magistratical power: and 
kings, the servants of the state, when they degene- 
rate into tyrants, forfeit their right to government. 
Breach of trust in a governor,! or attempting t9 
enlarge a limited power, effectually abiolves sub- 
jects from every bortd of covenant and peace; the 
crimes acted by a king against the people, are the 
highest tvetkson against the hiffhe.it law among- men.^- 
"If the king fsays GrotiuaJ hath one part of 
the supreme power, and the other part is in the 
senate or people, when such a king shall invade 
that part which doth not belong to him, it shall 
be lawful to oppose a just force to him, because 
lis power doth not extend so far." 

The question, in short, turns upon this single 
point, respecti(>g the power of the civil magisirate. 
is it the end of that ofn.ce, that one particular per- 
son may do what he vvill without restraint? or ra- 
ther that society should be maile happy and se- 
cure.? the answer is very obvious— And it is my 
firm opinion that the equal justice of God, and the 
natural freedom of mankind, must stand or fall toge- 
ther. 

When rulers become tyrants, they cease to be 
kings: they can no longer be respected as God's 
vicegerents, who violate the laws they were sworn 



*The celebrated Mrs. Macaulay. 

jMrs. Macaulay. 

irfalus populi stiprema lex este, 



\0 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



to protect. The preacher may te\[ us o{ passive obe-'^f ree\y on every object worthy its attention, when 



dience, that tyrants are scourges in the hands of a 
righteous God to chastise a sinful nation, and are 
to be submitted to like plagues, famine and such 
lilie judgments: such doctrine may serve to mis 
lead ill judging princes into a I'alse security; but men 
are not be hariangued cut of their senses; human 
nature and seU-preservation will eternally arm th( 
brave and vigilant, against slavery and oppression. 

As a despotic government* is evidently produc- 
tive of the most shocking calamities, whatever 
tends to restrain such inordinate power, thougli in 
itself a severe evil, is extremely beneficial to so- 
ciety; for where a degrading servitude is the de 
testable alternative, wlio can shudder at the reluc- 
tant poignard of a Brutus, the crimsoned axe of a 
Cromwell, or the reeking dagger of a Jtavillac. 

To enjoy life as becomes rational creatures, to 
possess our houls with pleasure and satisfaciion, 
we must be cartful to maintain that irieslimable 
bkhsing, liberty. By liberty I would be understood, 
the happiness of living under laws of our own mak- 
ing, by our personal consent, or thai of our repre- 
sentatives. -(■ 

Without this, the distinctions among mankind 
are but difi'crent degrees of misery; for as the true 
estimate of a man's life consists in conducting it 
according to his own just sentiment and innocent 
inclinations, his being is degraded below that of a 
free agent, which heaven has made him, when his 
afieciion and passions are no longer governed by 
the dictates of his own mind, and the interests of 
iiuman society, but by the arbitrary, unrestrained 
will oi" another. 

I thank Gob we live in an age of rational inquisi- 
tion, when the unfettered ujind dares to expatiate 



the privileges of mankind are thoroughly compre- 
hended, and the rights of distinct societies are ob- 
jects of liberal enquiry. The rod of the tyrant no 
longer excites our apprehensions, and to the frown 
of the DESPOT, whicii made tiie darker ages trem- 
ble,* we di.re oppose demands of right, and appeal 
to that constitution, which holds even kings in 
fetters. 

It is easy to project the subversion of a people, 
when men behold them, the ignorant or indolent 
victims of power; but it is difficult to effect their 
ruin, when they are apprised of their just claims, 
and are sensibly and seasonably affected with 
thouglits for their preservation. God be thanked, 
the alarm is gone forth,f the people are universally 
informed of their chahteh rights; they esteem 
them to be thearkof Godtonsw-englakd, and like 
that of old, may it deal destruction to the profane 
iiand that shall dare to touch it. 

In every state or society of men, personal liberty 
and security must depend upon the collective power 
of the whole, acting for the general interest. t If 
this cellective power is not of the whole, the free- 
dom and interest of the whole is not secured: If 
this confluent power acts by a partial delegation. 



* V 'ithnn 1WH unimum mulant, qui trans mare currunt. 
The citizens of Rome, Sparta, or LacedemoH, at 
those blessed periods when they were most eminent 
for their attachment to liberty and virtue, could 
never exhibit brighter examples of patriotic zpai, 
than are to be found at this day in America; I will 
not presume to say that the original British spirit 
has improved by transplanting; but this I dare 
affirm, that shculcl Britons stoop to oppression, the 
struggles of their American brethren, will be their 
eterniil reproach. 

fThe instituting a committee of grievances and 
correspond iince by the town of Boston, has served 
this valuable purpose: The general infraction of 
the rights of all ihe colonies, must finally reduce 
the discordant provinces, to a necessary combina- 
tion for iheir mutual interest and defence: Some 



*The ingratitude and curruption of Rome is, 
ptrliaps, in no instance, more strongly marked than 
in her ireatment of her colonies; by their labors, K"ture congress will be the glorious source of the 
toils, and arnis, she had reached to that summit of s^'v-'^^-o^ of '^'^<''"'<''"= The .\mp!ictiones oi Greece, 



glorious ex Uation, as to be like Britai:;, the won- 
der aud dread of tl,e world; but by fatal experience 
t!;ose ruined colonies inculcate this serious lessun, 
tlie ambition of a despot is boundless; his rapine is 
insatiaole; the accomplishment of his conquest- 
over his enemies, is but the introduction of slavery, 
with her concomitant plagues, to his friends. 

-j-TUe Very idea of npresentauve, deputy ortrus 
tee, mcludes tha) of a constituent, who.^e interest 
*i)ey are ordained and appointed to promote andse 
cure; my unappo';ated, self constituted agct in the 
Biit»s:i parlian,t;nt, has fraudulently and arbitrarily 
surrendered iny best interest, without m_> priviiy; 
or consent; 1 do ti.erefore hereby protest aguinsi 
all sucn powers as Utsh^ll claim in my behalf, ai.d 

most, solemn i_^ discard him my service foiever. , 

.■3&« Lock, oivii jj-overamcai. K;gum teaciUis aiaici. ! i's"I^'ox 



who furraed tlie diet or grea' council of the states, 
exhibit an excellent model for the rising Ameri- 
cans. 

tLord chief justice Coke observes "nhen any 
new device Is moved in the king's behalf, for aid 
or the like, the commons may ans-ver, they dai^ 
not agree without conference wi'h their "-ounties." 
The novel device of fleecing the colonies, was 
introduced in a way the constitiition kiiows not 
of, and cramnifcd down their throats, by mc .sures 
equally iniquitous. 

I will not aUrm the sti kl.-rs for the present 
measures, by confronting ihem with more stale 
authorities, if ttny will permit me the foliowing 
short but express <leclaration of Sidney, which they 
may chea at leisure. JNo mam cajj aiYii tuax wuxcu 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



11 



or for a partial interest, its operation is surely 
determinable, where its delegation ends. 

The constitution of England, I revere to a degree 
of idolatry; but my attachment is to the cominon 
weal: The magistrate will ever command my 
respect, by the integrity and wisdom of his ad- 
ministrations. 

Junius well obsprves, "when the constitution ]" 
openly invaded, when the first original right of 
the people, from which all laws derive their au- 
thority, is directly attacked, inferior grievances 
naturally lose their force, and are suffered to pass 
by without punishment or observation." 

Kumberless have been the attacks made upon 
our free constitution; numberless the grievances 
we now resent: but the Hydra mischief, is the 
violation of my right, as a British ameiiicaw free- 
holder, in not being consulted in framing those 
statutes I am required to obey. 

The authority of the British monarch over this 
colony was established, and his power derived from 
the province charter; by that we are entitled to a 
distinct legislation. As in every government there 
must exist a power s'.iperior to the laws, viz. the 
the power that makes those laws, and from which 
they derive their authority:* therefore the liberty 



no possible rght to be consulted, in the disposal 
of his property: when a lordly, though unlettered 
British elector, possessed of a turnip garden, with 
great propriety may appoint a legisViture, to assess 
the ample dom.iins of the most sensible, opulenff 
American planter. 

But remember, my brethren, when a people have 
once sold their liberties, it is no act of ex'raordi^ 
nary generosity, to throw their lives and proper^ 
ties into thebarf^uin, for they are poor indeed when 
enjoyed at the mercy of a master. 

The late conduct of Great Britain, so inconsis- 
tent with the praclice of former times, so subver- 
sive of the first principles of guvernment, is suffi- 
cient to excite the discontent of the subject: the 
Americans jusdy and decently ur;jced an exclusive 
right of taxing ♦hemselvesj was V indulgent, conci- 
liating, or parental conduct in that state, to exag- 
gerate such a claim, as a concerted plan of rebel- 
lion in tlie wanton Americans? and by a rigorous 
and cruel exercise of power to enforce submission, 
excite such animocities, as at some fuiure period, 
may produce a bitter repentance? 

Cm such be railed a legal tax or free gift? it is 
rather levying contributions on grudging en--iaved 
Americans, by virtue of an act fraiTned and enforced, 
not only witho>!t, but against their consent; there- 



jpart of the constitution. 

Where laws are framed and assessments laid with- 



of the people is exactly proportioned to the share,, , . , - -i „.^ur^<, oo ..coi^ae 

' '^ / I i ijj rendering t!ie provincial assemblies an uselest. 

the body of the people have in the legislature; 
and the check placed in the constitution, on the! 
executive power. That state only is free, where the 
peoplearegovernedbylawswhichthey haveasharejout a legal representation, and obedience to snch 
in making; and that country is totally enslaved, j^^ts urged by force, the despairing people robbed 
where one single law can be made or repealed, | "^ ^^^''y constitutional means of redress, and that 
without theinterposition or consent of the people. iPe°P^^» ^'*^^'« *"'i virtuous, must become the 

; admiration of ages, should they net anneal to those 



That the members of the British parliament are 
the representatives of the whole British empire, 
expressly militates with their avowed principles: 
property and residence within the island, alone 
constituting the right of election; and surely he is 
not my delegate in whose nomination or appoint- 
ment I have no choice: but however the futile and 
absurd claim of a virtual representation, may com- 
port with the idea of a political visionary, he must 
(if possible) heighten the indignation, or excile 
the ridicule of a freeborn American, who by such 
a fallacious pretext would despoil him of his pro 
perty. 

An American freeholder, according to the just 



powers, which the immutable laws of nature have 
lent to all mankind. Fear is a slender tie of sub- 
jection; we detest those whom we fear, and wish 
destruction to those we detest; but humani^j', 
uprightness, and good faith, with an apparant 
watchfulness for the welfare of the people, con- 
stitute the permanency, and are the firmest sup- 
port of the sovereign's authority; for when violence 
is opposed to reason and justice, courage never 
wants an arm for its defence. 

What dignity, what respect, what authority, can 
Britain derive from her obstinate adherence to 
error? she stands convicted of violating her own 
principles', but perseveres with unrelenting severity; 



and judicious conduct of the present minis-ry, hasl ^^ j^^,^^^ j.^^ ^.^^^^ as a gr..ce-she aggravates. 

[our distress, by lopping away another and another 
darling privilege; we ask (or freedom and she sends 



•Notliing-, continued the covpm-al, can he so sweet, 
All' pltase your iiuixir, as lilitrny: 

Nothing, Trim, saiu my ujiuie Tohy. musings , ^ ,- - - 

Whilsta mail is free— cried thecoruoral, t'tvinjc a flourish with I , ,, 

bl4 SUCK lbus:rj~. '^ Trhtrant Sh',„d,,. j the SWOrrf.' 



12 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



To ihe wisdom, to the justice, to tiie piety of 
bis mos; sacred majesty, I unite in my sppeal with 
this uiibnimdej empire; GfD grant he may attend 
to the reiterated prayer, instead of the murmur of 
discontein, and the frown of louring disafTection; 
we would up.iversally hail him with those effusions 
ofg-enuin? joy, and duteous veneration, which the 
proudest despot will vaiuly look for, from forced 
respect or cer'emonial hom'»ge- 

Parties and fifitjous, since the days of the detest 
ed Andross, have been strang-frs to this land; no 
distinctions of heart felt animosity, disturbed the 
peace and order of society tiil the malignant folly 
of a* late rancorous comwavder in chief, conjured 
them from the dead: when shall this unhappy clime 
be pitrgf-d of its numerous plagues? when will our 
troubles, our feuds, our struggles cease? -when iviU 
thf locusts leave the luhd? then, and not lill then, 
peace and plenty shall smile around us; the hus- 
bandman will labor with pleasure; and honest in- 
dustry reap the reward of its toil. 

Rut let us not forget the distressing occasion of 
t)iis anniversary: the sullen ghosts of murdered 
Jell't-at-citizens haunt my imagination "and harrow 
up tJiy soul;" metliinks the tainted air is hung with 
the dews of death, whUe Ate, hot from hell, cries 
havock, and lets slip the dogs of war. Hark! the 
van tenants of the grave still shriek for vengeance 
on their remorseless butcliers: forgive us heaven! 
should v;e mingle involuntary execrations, while 
hovering in idea over the guihless dead. Where is 
the p.miable, the graceful Maverick? the opening 
blossom is now withered in his cheek, the sprightly 
fire th;it once lightened in' his eye is quenohed in 
death;! the savage hands of brutal ruffians have 
crushed the unsuspecting victim, and in an evil 
houi- snatched away his gentle soul. 

Wiiere is the friendly, the industrious Cahhoell? 
he paced innoxious through the tlicatre of death, 
in.-onscious of design or danger, when the winged 
fate gored his bosom, and stript his startled soul 
for the world of bpirits. AVhere are the residue of 
active citizens \h-jit were wont to tread these sacred 
fljois? fiiUen by the hands of the viudrctive assassins 
thry swell the horrors of tiic sanguinary scene.— 
Loyally stands on tiptoe at the shocking recollec- 



breihren and grinning furies, glolting o'er their 
carnage, the hostile attitude of the miscreant 
murderers, redoubles our resentment, and makes 
revenge a virtue. 

By heriven they di^f thus nature spoke, and the 
swoln heart leap'd to execute the dreadful pur- 
pose; dire was the interval of rage, fierce was the 
conflict of the soul. In that important hour, did 
not the stalking ghosts of our stern foi efat}i.erg, 
point us to bloody deeds of vengeance? did not the 
■consideration of our expiring liberties, impel us 
to remorseless havoc? but hark! the guardian Gob 
of New K gland issues his awful mandate, "peace, 
BE still;" hush'd was the bursting war, the 
louring tempest frowned its rage away. Confidence 
in that God, beneath whose wing we shelter all 
our cares, that blessed confidence released the 
dastard, the cowering prey: with haughty scorrj 
we refused to become their executioners, and 
nobly gave them to the wrath of heaven: but wordy 
can poorly paint the horrid scene* — defenceless, 
prostrate, bleeding countrymen — tiie piercing, 
agonizing groans— the mingled moan of weeping 
relatives and friends — these best can speak, to 
rouse the luke-warm into noble zeal; to fie the 
zealous into manly rage, 2Lg'imi\.\.ht foid oppression, 
of quartering troops, in populous cities, in times of 
peace. 

Thou who yon bloody wajk shalt traverse, there 
Where troops of Britain's king, on Britain's sons, 
Dischar);;'d the leadt-n vtiigeauce; pass not oa 
E'er thou hast blest their memory, and paid 
Those hallowed tears, which sooth the virtuous deaifi 
O stranger! stay thee, and the scene around 
Contemplate well; and if perchance thy home 
Salute thee with a father's honor'd name, 
Go call thy sous— instruct them what a debt 
They owe their ancestors, and make them swear 
To pay it, by transmitting down entire, 
Those sacred rights, tu which themselves were born. 

OHATIOV, DKLTVEIIED AT BOSTOW, MAIICH 5, 177i^ 

BY THE HON. JOHN H (\NCOCK, ESQ. 

Vendidit hie anro patriam, dominumque potentem 
Iniposuit: fi.xit leges pretio att|ue retixit. 
Xon, mibi si linguse centum sint, uraque centum, 
Ferrea vox, omnes scelerun: com premiere formas, 

I posaini. 

Vtrg' 

Men, brethren, fathers andfelloiV'Countr^men! — Ihe 
attentive gravity, the venerable appearance of this 
crowded audience; the dignity which I behold in 
the countenances •f so many in this great assem- 



bly; the solemnity of the occasion upon which we 

tion,. while justice, virtue, honor, patriotism become! have met together, joined to a consideration of the 

suppliants for immoderate vengeance: the whole part I am to take in the important business of this 

uoul clamors fur arms, and is on fire to attack day, fill me with an awe hitherto unknown; and 

the brutal banditti; we fly agonizing to the horrid heighten the sense which I have ever had, of my 

f.celdama; we gaze on tlie mangled corses •f our unworthiness to fill this sacred desk; but, allured 

; rr ~ ~ I by the call of some of my respected fellow-citizens, 
*The Netvleham Baronet. j ^^ / ' 

j7.^_-- — ■ Hie ubi barbarus hostis, 

X't fera plus valeaut Itgibus argia facit.— Orirf de Panto-, 



Multaque rubentia coede 



Lubriea saxa madent, nnlU sua profuit Bt^s.-i!(C(i8} Lih. 3. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



18 



with whose request it is always my greatest plea- 
sure to comply, I almost forgot my want of abili y 
to perform what they required. In this situation 
1 find my only support, in assuring myself that » 
generaus people will not severely censure what 
they know was well intended, though its want of 
merit, should prevent their being ab'e to appl?'id 
it. And I pray, that my sincere attachment to the 
interest of my country, and hearty detestation of 
every design fornied against her libertjps, may b? 
admitted as some apology for my appearance in 
this place. 

I have^always, from my earliest youth, rejoiced 
in the felicity of my fellow-men; and have ever 
considered it as the indispensable duty of every 
member of society to promote, as far as in him 
lies, the prosperity of every individual, but more 
especially of the community to which he belongs; 
and also, as a faithful subject of the state, to use lis 
utmost endeavors to detect, and having detected, 
strenuously to oppose every traitorous plot whic' 
its enemies mxy devise f ;r its destruction. Securitv 
to the persons and properties of the governed, is 
so obviously the design and end of civil govern- 
ment, that to attempt a logical proof of it, woulrl 
be like burning tapers at noonday, to assist the sun 
in enlightening the world; and it cannot be either 
virtuous or honorable, to attempt to support a go- 
vernment, of which this is not the great and princi- 
pal basis; and it is to the last degree vicious and 
infamous to attempt to support a government, 
which manifestly tends to render the persons and 
properties of the governed insecure. Some boast 
of being friends to government; I am a friend to 
righteous government, to a government founded 
upon the principles of reason and justice; but T 
glory in publicly avowing my eternal enmity to 
tyranny. Is the present system, which the British 
administration have adopted for the government 
of the colonies, a righteous government.' or is it 
tyranny.? — Here suffer me to ask (and would to 
Heaven there could be an answer) what tenderness, 
what regard, respect or consideration has Great 
Britain shewn, m their late transactions, for the 
security of the persons or properties of the in- 
habitants of the colonies.' or rather, what have 
they omitted doing to destroy that security? they 
have declared that they have, ever had, and of 
light ought ever to have, full power to make laws 
of sufficient validity to bind the colonies in all 
cases whatever: they have exercised this pretended 
right by imposing a tax upon us without our con- 
sent; and lest we should shew some reluctance «t 
parting with our property, her fleet.s and armies 



're sent to piif<irce their rrad jne'f nsions. The 
.own of Boston, erwtfiiiihrul to the British crown» 
has been invested bv a "bsitish fleet: the troops of 
George the HI. have crossed the wide Atlantic, not 
to engage an enemy, but to assist aband of thaitohs 
in trampling on the rights and liberties of his most 
loyal subjects in America — those righ'.s and liber- 
ties which, as a father, he ought ever to regard, 
and as a king, he is bound, in honor, to defend 
from violations, even at the risque of his own Tfe. 

Let not the history of the illustrious hous!' of 
Brunswick inform posterity, that a king, descend- 
ed from that glorious monarch, George the II. once 
sent hi.s Briiish subjects to conquer zr\<^ enslave 
his subjects in America, but be pcrpeUiul infany 
'ntailed upon ihat villain who dared to advise his 
master to such execrable measures; for it was easy 
to foresee the conseq'iences which so naturally 
followed upon sending troops into America, to en- 
force obetlience to acts of the Briti.sh parliament, 
'vhich neither God nor man ever empowered them 
to make. It was reasonable to expect that troops, 
who knew the errand they were sent upon, would 
treat the people wl^om they were to subjugate, 
with a cruelty and haughtiness, v.l.irli too often 
buries thehonorable character of a soldiery i the dis- 
gracefulname of p.nunfeling ruffian. Thetroop*, up- 
on their first arrival, took possession of our senate- 
house, and pointed their cannon against the judg- 
ment hall, and even continued them there whilst 
the supreme court of judicature for this pro^'ince 
was actually sitting to decide rpon the lives and 
fortunes of the kinr's subjects. O^r streets nightly 
resounded with the noise of riot and debauchery; 
our peaceful citizens were hourly exposed to 
shameful insults, and often felt the effects nf their 
violence and oritrage. — But this was not all: as 
tliough they thought it not enou,k;h to violate our 
civil rights, they endeavored to deprive us of the 
enjoyment of our religious privileges; to vlciate 
our morals, and thereby render us deserving of 
destruction. Hence the rude din of arms which 
broke in upon your solemn devotions in your tem- 
ples, on that day hallowed by heaven, and set 
apart by God himself for his peculiar wors!;!p. 
Hence, impious oaths and bbisphemies so often 
tortured your unaccustomed ear. Hence, al' the 
arts whicli idleness and luxury could invent, were 
used to betray our youth of one sex into extrava- 
gance and effeminacy, and of theotherto inf>my and 
ruin; and did they not succeed but too well? did 
not a reverence for religion sensibly dec^y? did 
not our infants almost learn to lisp out c^rscs be- 
fore they knew their horrid import? did not our 



14 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION-. 



youih forget they were Americans, and regardles3 
of the admonitions of the wise and aged, servilely 
Cbpy from their tyrants those vices which finally 
must overthrow the empire of Great Britain? and 
must I be compelled to acknowledge, that even 
the noblest, fairest part of all the lower creation 
did not entirely escape the cursed snare? when 
virtue has once erected her throne within the 
fem.ae breast, it is upon so solid a basis that noth- 
ing is able to expel the heavenly inhabitant. Bir 
have there not been some, few indeed, I hope, 
whose youth and inexpi'rience have rendered thenri 
a prey to wretches, whom, upon the least reflec- 
tion, they would have despised and haled as foes 
to God and their country? I fear there have been 
some such unhappy instances; or why have I seen 
an honest father cloathed with shame; or why a 
virtuous mother drowned in tears? 

But I forbear, and come reluctantly to the trans 
actions of that dismal night, when in such quick 
succession we felt the extremes of grief, astoaisli - 
ment and rapr; when Heaven in apger, for a dread- 
ful moment suffered hell to take the reins; when 
Satan with his chosen band opened the sluices of 
Ne vEngland's blood, and sacrilegiously polluted 
our land with the dead bodies of her guiltless 
sons Let this sad tale of death never be told 
without a tear: let not the heaving bosom cease 
to burn with a manly indignation at the barbarous 
story, through the long tracts of future time: let 
every parent tell the shameful story to his listening 
children 'til tears of pily glisten in their eyes, 
and boiling passions shakes their tender frames; 
and whilst the anniversary of that ill-fated night is 
kepi a jubilee in the grim court of pandsemonivim, 
let all America join in one common prayer to hea 



from ruin, even a guilty villian, forever actuate the 
noble bosoms of Americans! But let not the mis- 
creant host vainly imagine that we feared their 
arm's. No; them we despised; we dread nothing 
but slavery. Death is the creature of a poltroon's 
brains; 'tis immortality to sacrifice ourselves for 
the salvation of our country. We fearnot deatli. 
That glo»my night, the pale faced moon, and the 
affrighted stars that hurried through the sky, can 
witness that we fear not death. Our hearts which, 
at the recollection, glow with rage that four revolv- 
ing years ha\'e scarcely taught us to restrain, can 
^vitness that we fear not death; and happy it is for 
those who dared to insult us, that their naked bones 
are not now piled up an everlasting monument of 
Massachusetts' bravery. But they retired, they 
fl'id, and in that flight they found their onlysafety„ 
We then expected that the hand of public justice 
would soon inflict that punishment upon the mur- 
derers, which, by the laws of God and man, they had 
incurred. But let the unbiassed pen of a Robert- 
son, or perhaps of some equally famed American, 
conduct this trial before the great tribunal of suC" 
ceeding generations. And though the murderers 
may escape the just resentment of an enraged peo- 
ple ; though drowsy justice, intoxicated by the 
poisonous draught prepared for her cup, still nods 
upon her rotten seat, yet be assured, such compli- 
cated crimes will meet their due reward. Tell 
me, ye bloody butchers! ye villians high and lov/! 
ye wretches who contrived, as well as you who ex- 
ecuted the inhuman deed! do you not feel the 
goads and stings of conscious guilt pierce through 
your savage bosoms? tliough some of you may think 
yourselves exalted to a heiglit that bids defiance 
to human justice, and others shroud yourselves be- 
neath the mask of hypocrisy, and build your hopes 



ven, that the inhuman, unprovoked murders oflhe of safely on the low arts of cunning, chicanery and 
fifth of M^rch, 1770, planned by Hillshorough, and falsehood; yet do you not sometimes feel the knaw- 



a knot of treacherous knaves in Boston, and execu- 
ted by the cruel hand of Preston and his sangui- 
nary coadjutors, may ever stand on history with- 
out a parallel. But what, my countrymen, wilh- 



ings of that worm which never dies? do not the in- 
jured shades of. Maverick, Gray, Caldwell, Attucks 
and Carr, attend you in your solitary walks, arrest 
you even in the midst of your debaucheries, and fill 



held the ready arm of vengeance from executing even your dreams with terror? but if the unappeas- 
instant justice on the vile assassins? perhaps you I ed manes of the dead should not disturb their mur- 
feared promiscuous carnage mignt ensue, and that derers, yet surely even your obdurate hearts must 
the innocent might share the fate of those who had shrink^ and your guilty blood must chill within 
performed the infernal deed. But were not all your rigid veins, when you behold the miserable 



guiliy? where you not too tender of the lives of 
these who came to fix a yoke on your necks? but I 
must not too severely blame a fault, which great 
souls only can commit. May that magnificence of 
spirit which scorns the low pursuits of malice, may 
that generous compassion which often preserves 



Monk, the wretched victim of your savage cruelty. 
Observe bis tottering knees, which scarce sustain 
his wasted body; look on his haggard eyes; mark 
well the death-like palene.ss on his fallen clieek, 
und tell me, does not the sight plant daggers in 
your souls? unhsppy Monk! cut oiTin the gny morn 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



13 



of manhood, from all the joys which sweeten life, 
doomed to drag on a pitiful existence, without even 
» hope to taste the pleasures of returning health! 
yet Monk, thou livest not in vain; thou livest a 
warning to thy country, which sympathizes with 
the in thy sufferings; thou livest an affeciing, an 
alarming instance of the unbounded violence which 
lust of power, assisted by a standing army, can lead 
« traitor to commit. 

Tor us he bled, and now languishes. The wounds 
by which he is tortured to a lingering death, were 
aimed at our country! surely the meek-eyed chari- 
ty can never behold such sufferings with indiffer 
ence. Nor can her lenient hand forbear to pour 
oil and wine into these wounds, and to assuage at 
least, what it cannot heal. 

Patriotism is ever united with humanity and 
compassion. This noble affectic* v/hich impels us 
to sacrifice every thing dear, even life itself, to 
our country, involves in it a common sympathy and 
tenderness for every citizen, and must ever have a 
particular feeling for one who suffers in a public 
cause. Thoroughly persuaded of this, I need not 
add a word to engage your compassion and bounty 
towards a fellow citizen, who, with long protracte<] 
anguish, falls a victim to the relentless rage of our 
common enemies. 

Ye dark designing knaves, ye murderers, parri- 
cides! bow dare you tread upon the earth, which 
has drank in the blood of slaughtered innocents, 
shed by your wicked hands? how dare you breathe 
that air which wafted to the ear of heaven, the 
groans of those who fell a saw ifice to your accursed 
ambition? but if the laboring earth doth not es 
pand her jaws; if the air you breatlve is not com- 
missioned to be the minister of death; yet, hear it, 
and tremble! the eye of heaven penetrates the dark 
est chambers of the soul, traces the leading due 
through all the labyrinths which your industrious 
folly has devised; and you, however you may have 
screened yourselves from human eyes, must be ar- 
raigned, must lift your hands, red with the blood 
of those whose death you have procured, at the tre 
mendous bar of God. 



means say generally, much less universally) com- 
posed of persons who have rendered themselves 
u:ifit to live in civil society; who have no other 
motives of conduct than those which a desire of 
the present gratification of their passions suggests; 
who have no property in any country, men who 
have given up their own liberties, and envy those 
who enjoy liberty; w!)0 are equally indifferent to the 
glory of a George or a Louis; who for the addition 
of one penny a day to their wages, would desert 
from the Christian cross, and fight under the cre- 
scent of the Turkish sultan; from such men as these' 
what has not a state to fear? with such as these' 
usurping Cxsar passed the Rubicon; with such as 
these he humbled mighty Rome, and forced the 
mistress of the world to own a master in a traitor 
These are the men whom sceptered robbers now 
employ to frustrate the designs of God, and render 
vain the bounties which his gracious hand pours in- 
discriminateiy upon his creatures. By these the 
miserable slaves in Turkey, Persia, and many other 
extensive countries, are rendered truly wretched 
though their air is salubrious, and their soil luxu! 
riously fertile. By these, France and Spain, though 
blessed by nature with all that administers to the 
convenience of life, have been reduced to that con- 
temptible staJe in which they now appear; and bv 

these ^ritain but if I was possessed 

of the gift of prophecy, I dare not, except by divine 
command, unfold the leaves on which the destiny 
of that once powerful kingdom is inscribed. 



But 1 gladly quit the gloomy theme of death, 
and leave you to improve the thought of that in 
portantday, when our naked souls must stand be- 
fore that being, from whom nothing can be hid. I 
would not dwell too long upon the horrid effects 
which have already followed from quartermg regu 
lar troops in this town: let our misfortunes teach 
posterity to guard against such evils for the futm-e. 
Standing armies ai'e sojaetirftes (I would by no 



But since standing armies are so hurtful to a 
state, perliaps my countrymen may demand some 
substitute, some other means of rendering us se- 
cure against the incursions of a foreign enemy. But 
can you be one moment at a loss? will not a we// di<!~ 
ciplined mili/ia afford you ample security against 
foreign foes? we want not courage; it is discipline 
alone in which we are exceeded by the most formid- 
able troops that ever trod the earth. Surely our 
hearts flutter no more at the sound of war, than 
did those of the immortal band of Persia, the Ma- 
cedonian phalanx, the invincible Roman legions, 
the Turkish Janissaries, the Gens des Armes of 
France, or the ivell knoivn grenadiers of Britain. A 
well disciplined militia is a safe, an honorable 
guard to a community like this, whose inhabitants 
are by nature brave, and are laudably tenacious of 
that freedom in which they were born. From a 
well regulated militia we have nothingto fear; their 
interest is the same with that of the state. When 
a country is invaded, the militia are re^dv to ap- 
pear in its defence; they march into the field v.-ith 
that fortitude wLich a consciousness of the jii lice 



16 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. 



of their cause inspires; they do not jeopard their 
lives for a master who considers tiiem only as the 
instruments of his ambition, and whom they regard 
only as the daily dispenser of the scanty pittance 
of bread and water. No, they fight for their house^ 
their lands, for their wives, their children, for all 
V\rho claim the tenderest names, and are held dear- 
cat in tlieir hearts, they fight proarvus et focis, for 
their liberty, and for themselves, and for their God. 
And let it not offend, if I say, that no miii'ia ever 
appeared in more fiourishing condition, than that 
of this province now doth; and pardon me if I say 
— of this town in particular. — I mean not to boast; 
i would not excite envy but manly emulation. We 
have all one common cause; let it therefore be our 
only cynlest, who shall most contribute to the se- 
curity of the liberties of America. And may the 
same kind Providence which has watched over this 
country from her infant state, still enable us to de- 
feat our enemies. I cannot here forbear noticing 
the signal manner in which the designs of those 
■who wish not well to us have been discovered. The 
darkdeeds ofa treacherous cabal, havebeen brought 
to public view. You now know the serpents who, 
whilst cherished in yeur bosoms, were darting their 
envenomed stings into the vitals of the constitution. 
But the representatives of the people have fixed a 
mark on these ungrateful monsters, which, though 
it may not make them so secure as Cain of old, yet 
renders them at least as infamous. Indeed it would 
be affrontive to the tutelar deity of this country 
even to despair of saving it from all the snares 
which human policy can lay. 

True it is, that the British ministry have annexed 
a salary to the office of tlie governor of this pro- 
vince, to be paid out of a revenue, raised in Amen 
ca, without our consent. Tliey have attempted to 
fender our courts of justice the instruments of ex- 
tending the authority of acts of the British parlia- 
ment over this colony, by making the judges de- 
pendent on the British administration for their 
support. But this people will never be enslave d 
with their eyes open. The moment they knew thai 
the governor was not such a governor as the char- 
ter of the province points out, he lost his po'.ver of 
burtiag them. They were alarmed; they suspect- 
ed him, have guarded against him, and he has found 
thatawiseanda brave people, when theyknow their 
danger, are fruitful in expedients to escape it. 

The courts of judicature also so far lost their 
dignity, by being supposed to be under an undue 
influence, thac our representatives thought it abso 
lately necessary to resolve tiiat they were bouriA*. 
t() declare that they would not receive any oUur 



salary besides that which the general court should 
grant them; and if they did not make this declara- 
tion, that it would be the duty of the house to im- 
peach them. 



Great expectations were also formed from the 
artful scheme of allowing the Easi India company 
to export tea to America, upon tlieir own account. 
This certainly, had it succeeded, would have ef- 
fected the purpose of the contrivers, and gratified 
the most sanguine wishes of our adversaries. We 
soon should have found our trade in the hands of 
foreigners, and taxes imposed on every thing which 
we consumed; nor would it have been strange, if^ 
in a few years, a company in London should have 
purchased an exclusive right of tradingto America. 
But their plot was soon discovered. The people 
soon were aware of the poison which, with so much 
craft and subtility, had been concealed: loss and 
disgrace ensued: and, perhaps, this long-concerted 
master-piece of policy, may issue in the total disuse - 
of tea, in this country, which will eventually be the 
SHving of the lives and the estates of thousands — 
yet while we rejoice that the adversary has not hi- 
therto prevailed against us, let us by no means 
put off the harness. Restless malice, and disap- 
pointed ambition, will still suggest new measures 
to our inveterate enemies. Tlierefore let us also 
be ready to take the field whenever danger callsj 
let us be united and strengthen tlie hands of each 
other, by promoting a general union among us. 
Much has been done by the committees of cor- 
respondence for this and the other towns of this 
province, towards uniting the inhabitants; let them 
still go on and prosper. Much has been done by 
tiiC committees of correspondence, for the houses 
of assembly, in this and our sister colonies, for 
uniting the inhabitants of the whole continent, for 
he security of their common interest. May suc- 
cess ever attend their generous endeavors. But 
permit me here to suggest a general congress of 
deputies, from the several houses of assembly, on 
the continent, as the most efl'ectual method of estab- 
lishing such an union, as the present posture of 
our aflairs require. At such a congress a firm 
foundation may be laid for the security of our 
rights and libenies; a system may be formed for 
our common safety, by a strict adherence to which, 
we shall be able to frustrate any attempts to over- 
tlirow our constitutioH; restore peace and harm )ny 
to America, and secure honor and wealth to Great 
Britain, even against the inclinations of iier miais- 
,ers, whose duty it is to study her welfare; and we 
siiali also free ourselves from those unnianaerly 
pillagers who impudently tell us, that they are li* 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ir 



censed by an act of the Rritish parliament, to thrust 
their dirty hands into the pockets of every Ame- 
rican. But, I tr.ist, the happy tinDe will come, 
when, with the besom of destruction, those noxious 
vermin will be swept forever from the streets of 
Boston. 

Surely you never will tamely suffer this country 
to be a den of thieves. Remember, my friends, 
from whom you sprang. — l^et not a meanness of 
spirit, unknown to those whom you boast of as your 
fathers, excite a thought to the dislionor of your 
mothers. I conjure you by all that is dear, by all that 
is honorable, by all tliat is sacred, not only that 
ye pray, but that you act; that, if necessary, ye 
fight, and even die, for the prosperity of otir leru 
salem. Break in sunder, with noble disdain, tlie 
bonds with which the Pliilistines have bound you. 
Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed by the soft 
arts of luxury and effeminacj-, into the pit digped 
for your destruction. Despise the glare of wealth. 
That people who pay greater respect to a wealthy 
villain, than to an honest upright muu in poverty, 
almost deserve to be enslaved; they plainly shew 
that wealth, however it may be acquired, is, in 
their esteem, to be preferred to virtue. 

But I thank God, that America abounds in men 
who are superior to all temptation, whom nothing 
can divert from a steady pursuit of the interest of 
tlieir country; who are at once lis ornament and 
safe-guard. And sure I am, I should not incur 
your displeasure, if I paid a respect so justly due 
to their much honored characters in this placf; 
but when I name an ADAMS, such a numerous 
host of fellow patriots rush upon my mind, that I 
fear it would take up too much of your time, should 
I attempt to call over the illustrious roll: hut your 
grateful hearts will point you to the men; and their 
revered names, In all succeeding times, shall grace 
the annals of Annerica. From them, let us, my 
friends, take example; from them, let us catch the 
divine entiiusi.ism; and feel, each for himself, the 
GrOD-like pleasure of diffusing happiness on all 
around us; of delivering the oppressed from the 
iron grasp of tyranny; of changing the hoarse com- 
plaints and bitter moans of wretched slaves, into 
those cheerful sorgs, which freedom and content- 
ment must inspire. There is a heart-felt satisfac- 
tion in rfcf.ecting on our exertions for the public 
V eal, which all the sufferings an enraged tyrant 
can i.iflict, will never take away; which the ingra- 
titude and reproaclies of tliose whom we have sav 
etl from ruin, cannot rob us of. The virtuous as- 

sertor of the rig-lits of mankind, noerlts a reward, 
3. 



which even a want of success in his endeavors to 
save his country, the heaviest misfortune which 
can befal a genuine patriot, cannot entirely prevent 
him from receiving. 

I have the most animating confidence that the 
present noble struggle for liberty, will terminate 
gloriously for America. And let us play the man 
for our God, and for the cities of our God; while 
we are using the means in our power, let as hum- 
bly commit our righteous cause to the great Lord 
of the universe, who lovetb righteousness and 
hateth iniquity. And having secured the approba- 
tion of our hearts, by a faithful and unwearied dis- 
charge of our duty to our country, let us joyfully 
leave our concerns in the hands of Him who rais. 
eth up and putteth down tlie empires and king- 
doms of the world as He pleases; and with cheer- 
ful submission to His Mvereign will, devoutly say, 

"Mthoughthefig tree shall not blossom, neither shall 
fruil be in the vines; the labor of the olive shall fail, 
and the field shall yield no meat; the fiock shall be cit - 
off from the fold, and there shall be no herd in thf 
stalk; yet -.ue will rejoice in the LORD, we will joy 
in the GOD of our salvation." 

ORATIOfT DKLIVEHEn AT BOSTOT, MARCH 6, 1775. 

BY DR. JOSEPH VV.^RIiEN. ' 

Tantce molis erat, Romanam conderp 'rentevt. 

VinsiL's. JEir, 
Qin, metuens, vivit, liber mihi non erit vvquom. 

Hon. Ens. 

Mt ETKR honored FEI.r,OW-CITIZI;NS 

It is not without t!)e most humiliating conviction 
of my want of ability that I now appear before youf 
but the sense I have of the obligation I am under 
to obey the calls of my country at ail times, to- 
gether with an animating recollection of your in- 
dulgence, exhibited upon so many occasions, has 
induced me, once more, undeserving as I am,\o 
throw myself upon that candor, which looks w'ith 
kindness on the feeblest efforts of an honest mind. 

You will not now expect the elegance, the learn, 
ing, the fire, the enrapturing strains of eloquence 
which charmed you when a Loteli., a Cutrncu, ora 
HanccK spake; but you will perini: me to say (hat 
with a sincerity eqv d to theirs, I mourn over my 
bleeding country: With them I weep at her dig, 
tress, and with them deeply resent the many inji,. 
ries she has received from the hands of cruel and 
unreasonable men. 

That personal freedom is the natural right of 
every man, and tliat properly, or an exclusive 
right to dispose of what he Las honestly acqi.ired 



IS 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION 



■ y Ms own la^or, necessarily arises therefrom, art 
truilis wliich common sense lias placed beyond the 
reach cf contr;'.dicUon. And no man or body of 
inen can, without being guilty of flagrant injustice, 
claim a right to dispose of tliC persons or acquisi- 
tions of any oilier man or boiiy of men, unless it 
can be proved that such a right has arisen fron 
soir.e con.'pact between the parties in which it iuis 
been explicitly and freely granted. 

If 1 may be indulged in taking a retrospective 
view of tlie first scUiement of our country, it will 
btt easy to determiiie with what degree of justice 
the late parliament of Great Britain have assu.ned 
the power of giving away that properly which the 
Americans have enrned by their labor. 

Our fathers having nobly resolved never to wear 
the yoke of despotism, and seeing the European 
v.'Orkl, at that time, through indolence and cow- 
ardice, fdUiiig a prey to tyranny, bravely threw 
themselves upon the bosom of ti e ocean, deter- 
mined to find a place in which ihey '.riiglit enjot 
their freedom, or perish in the Ljlorions aiiempt. 
Approving heaven beheld the favorite ark dancing 
upon tVe waves, and gruciiusly preserved it until 
the chosen families were br lught ni safety to these 
western regions. They found the land swarniing 
with s-.ivages, who threatened death with every 
kind of torture. But savages, and death with tor- 
ture, were far less terrible than slavery: nothing 
WHS so much the object of their abhorrence as a 
tyrant's power: tliey knesvit was more safi-to dwell 
with n)an in his uiost unp dished state, tiian in a 
comitry where arbitrary power prev.iits. Even 
anurct'ty itself, that bngbear held up by die tools of 
power (tiougli Irtdy to be dtprecattd) is iiifii.iiely 
less d.tngerous lo mankind tiian arbitrary govern- 
ment. Anarchy can be but of ashor; duration; for 
when men are at liber>y to pursue that course which 
is most coiiducive to tiieir own happiness, they 
will s.).in ome into it, ail from tlie rudesi state 
of nature, order and g )od governm- nt must soon 
arise. Bui <i'ra;iHy, wl en once es ablished, entails 
its curses on .i nation to the latest period of tin.e; 
unless some daring gennis, i spired by heaven, 
sh^ll, unappalled by dangr-rj br:<veiy form and exe- 
cute the , arduous design of restorng libery and 
life to his enslaved, murdered cJuntr), 

The tools of power, in every age, have racked 
their inventions to justify the ffiv in sporting with 
the happiness of he jnoM^,- and, hsvi^g found tJitir 
sophistry too we k to I. old mankind m bondage, 
have iirpi'iusly d..red to force religion, t.ie daugli- 
ter of the king of heaven, to become a prosiiiutc in 



the service of hell. They taught that pn.ic s, ho- 
nored with the name of Christian, might bid defi- 
ance to the founder of their faith, might pillage 
Pagan countries and deluge thctn with blood, only 
because they boasted themselves to be the disci- 
ples of that teacher who strictly c' argfd his fol- 
lowers to do to others as ikey loottlJ that others should 
do unto them. 

This country having been discovered by an Eng 
iish subject, in the year 1620, was (accordirtg to 
Itie sysiein w'lich tie blind superstition of those 
times supp >rted) deemeil the propery of the 
crown of England. Our ancestors, when they re- 
solved lo quit their native soil, obtained from king 
James, a grant of certain lands in North America. 
Tliis tlipy probably did to silence the cavils of their 
enemies, fir it cannot be doubted, but they de- 
spised the pretended right which he claimed there- 
to. Certain it is, that he might, with equal pro- 
priety and justice, have made ihem a grant of the 
planet Jupiter. And their subsequent con. Uict plain- 
ly shews that they were too weil acquainted willi 
humanity, and tiie principles of natural equity, to 
suppose that the grant gave them any right to 
takp possession; they therefore entered into a trea- 
ty with the natives, and bought from them the 
lands: nor have I ever yet obuined any informa- 
tion that our ancestors ever pleaded, or that the 
natives ever regarded the grant from the English 
crown: the business was transacted by the parties 
m the same independent manner that it would 
liave been, had neither of them ever known or 
heard of the island of Great Britain. 

Having become the honest proprietors of the 
soil, they immediately applied themselves to the 
cultivation of it; and I'ley soon beheld the virgin 
earth teeming with richest fruits, a gra eful recom« 
pense for their unwearied toil. Tae fields began 
to wave with ripening harvests, and the late bar- 
ren wilderness was seen to blossom like the rose. 
The Savage natives saw with wonder the delight- 
ful cliaug •, and quickly formed a scheme to obiajn 
that by fr«ud or force, ivluch nature meant as the 
reward of industry alone. BjI ti.e illuslriovts emi- 
grants soon convinced the rude invaders, tliat they 
were not less ready to take tlie field for battle 
tlian for labor; and tlie insidious foe was driven 
Irom their borders as often as he veniured to dis- 
turb h^m. The crown of Enghngi looked with 
inditieri-nce on the contest; our ancestors ware left 
alone to combat widi the natives. Nor is there 
any reason lo believe, that it ever was intended 
by the one party, or expected by the other, that 
ihe grantor should, defend and maintain the ^ron- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



19 



tees \n the p'aceabl? p. ssession of the lands nairicc' 
in the patents. And it appestrs plainly, from tl f 
history of tho-e times, that neither the prince nov 
the people of EnglHnd, thought themselves mu'!, 
interested in the mutter. Tliey had not then any 
idea of a thousandth part of those advantages 
tvhich they since have, and we are most heartily 
willing they should slill continue to reap from us. 

But whm, nt an infinite expense of toU and blood, 
this widely extended contintnt had been culti- 
vated and defended: 7vhen the hardy adventurer:, 
justly expected that they and their descendants 
should peaceably have enjoyed the harvest of those 
fields which they had sown, and the fruit of those 
vineyards which they had planted, this country 
was the7t thought worthy the attention of the Bri- 
tish ministry; and the only justifiable and only sue 
cessful means of rendering the colonies serviceable 
to Britain were adopted. By an intercourse of 
friendly offices, the two countries became so united 
in affection, that they thought rot of any distinct 
or separate interests, they found both countries 
flourishing and happy. Britain saw her commerce 
extended, and her wealth increased; her lands raiser! 
to an immense value; iier fleets riding triumphant 
on the ocean; the terror of her wrms spreading to 
every quarter of the globe. The colonist fouju^ 
himself free, and thoui^ht himself secure: liedweb 
under his ovn vine, and under his own Jig-tree, and 
hadnone to make him afraid: lie knew indeed, that 
by purchasing the manufactures of Great Britain, 
he contributed to its greatness: he knew that all 
the wealth that his labor produced centered in 
Great Britain: But that, fir from exciting his envy, 
filled him with the highest pleasure; that thought 
supported liim in all his toils. When the business 
of the day was past, he solaced liiTiself with the 
conteinplation, ov perhnps entertained his listening 
family with lUe recital of some great, some glorious 
transaction which shines conspicuous in the history 
of Britain: or, perhaps, his elevated fancy led him 
to foretel, with a kind of enthusiastic confidence, 
the glory, power, and duration of an em|iire which 
should extend from one end of the earth to the 
other: he saw, or thought he saw, the British na- 
tion risen to a pitch of grandeur which cast a veil 
over the Roman glory, and, ravished with the prs 
view, boasted a race of British kings, whose n^me?, 
should echo through those realms where Cyrus 
Alexander, and the Cxsars were u'lknown; princes 
for whom millions of graipful subjects redeemed 
from slavery and Pagan ignorance, should, with 
thankful tongues, oflTer up their prayers and 



.•.f*iv h<i\i^, by -^ohoin kings reign and princes decree 
justice- 

Thesepleasing connections might havecontintied; 
vh.ese deliarhtsome prospects might have been 
very day extende^l; and even the reveries of the 
most warm i'nas'ination might have been realized; 
but,'Knh.)ppily for us, uiihnppily for Britain, the 
madness of an avaricious minister of state, has 
Iravvn a sable cu- tain over the charming scene, 
ftnd in its stead has brouglit upon the stage, dis- 
cord, f nvy, hatred and revenge, with civil war close 
in their rear. 

Some den)on, in an evil hour, suggested to a 
short-sighted financier, tlie hateful project of trans- 
ferring tine whole property of the king's subjects 
ill Americ ., to his subjects in Britain. The clain* 
of the British parliament to tax the colonies, car* 
.iever be supported bat by such a tbansff.h; for 
the right of the h use of commons of Great Britain, 
to originate any tax or grant money, is altogether 
derived Trom their being elected by the people of 
Great Britain to act for them, and the people of 
Great Britain cannot confer on i\\e\r repreeentatives 
a right to give or grant any thing which they them, 
selves have not a right to give or grant personally. 
Therefore it follows, tliat if the members chosen 
by the people of Great Britain, to reprs-senl them 
in parli.iment, hsive, by virtue of their being so 
chosen, any right to give or grant A-nerican pro- 
perty, or to lay any tax upoi the lands or persons 
of the colonists, it is beciiuse the la!^ds and people 
in the colonies are, bona fide, owned by, and justly 
belonging to the people of Gre..t Brit.iin. But (as 
has been before observed) every man lias a rigiit to 
personal freedom, cons.^qucntiy. aright to enjoy what 
is acquired by his own labor. And it is evident 
thai the property in this country has been acquired 
by our own labor; it is the duty of the people of 
Great Briiaiii, to produce some compact in which 
we have explici ly given up to them a right to dis- 
pose of our /)erso»is or /»ro/)(;f7^ Until this is done, 
every atiempt of theirs, or of those wliom thev 
have deputed to act for th^m, to give or granf 
any part of our property, is directly repu^jnant to 
every principle of reason and natur;il jusi ice. But 
I may boldly say, th;it such a compact never ex- 
isted, no, not even in imagination. Nevi^rtheless, 
the representatives of a nation, long fam' d for jus- 
tice and the exercise of every noble virtue, huvd 
been prevailed on to adopt the fatal sclieme; and 
although the dreadful consequences of this wicked 
policy have already shaken the eoipire to its cenfe, 
yet still it is persisted in. Uegardless of the voica 
of reason — deaf to the prayers and supplications-— 



praises to that transcendenlly great and benefi- and unaffected with the flowing tears of suffering 



£0 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TIIP: REVOLUTION. 



million; , the Brilisli ministry svill hsii;' the dariiig 
idol; and every rolling year affords fresh instances 
of the absurd devotion with which they worship it. 
Alae! how has the folly, the distraction of the Bri- 
tish councils, blasted our swellinghopes, and spread 
a gloom over this western hemisphere^ 

The hearts of Britons and Americans, which 
lately felt the generous glow of mutual confidence 
and love, now burn with jealousy and rage. Though 
but of yesterday, I recollect (deeply afiected at 
the ill-boding change) the happy hours tliat past 
whilst Britain and America rejoiced in the prospe- 
rity and greatness of each other (heaven grant those 
halcyon days may soon return.) But nosv^ the Bri- 
ton too often looks on the American willi an en- 
vious eye, taught to consider his just plea for the 
enjoyment of his earnings, as the effect of pride 
and stubborn opposition to the parent country. 
Wliilst the American beholds the Briton^ as the ruf- 
fian, ready ^rs< to take away his propertj , and next, 
■what is still dearer to every virtuous man, the li- 
berty of his country. 

When the measures of administration had dis- 
gusted the colonies to the higliest degree, and the 
people of Great Britain had, by arliHce and false- 
hood, been irritated against America, an army was 
sent over to enforce submission to certain acts of 
the British parliament, which reason scorned to 
countenance, and whicii placemen and pensioners 
were found unable to support. 

Martial law and the government of a well regu- 
lated city, are so entirely different, that it has al- 
ways been considered as improper to quarter troops 
in populous cities; frequent disputes must neces- 
sarily arise between the citizen and the soldier, 
even if no previous animosities subsist. And it is 
further certain, from a consideration of the nature 
of mankind, as well as from constant experience, 
that standing armies always end.v.iger the liberty 
of the subject.. But when the people on the one 
part, considered the army as sent to enslave them, 
and the army on the other, were taught to look on 
the people as in a state of rebellion, it was but just 
to fear the most disagreeable consequences. Our 
fears, we have seen, were but too well grounded. 

The many injuries offered to the town, I pass 
over in silence. 1 cannot now mark out the path 
which led to that unequalled scene of horror, the 
pad remembrance of which, takes the full posses- 
sion of my soul. The sanguinary theatre again 
opens itself to view. The baleful images of terror 
croud around me — and discontented ghosts, with 
.hollow groans, appear to solemnize the anniversary 

,0f the riFTH OF MAUCH, 



ApprOiich we then the mejancikoly walk of death, 
Hither let me call the gay companion; here let 
him drop a farewell tear upon that body which so 
lule he saw vigorous and warm with social mirth 
— hi'her let me lead the tender mother to weep 
over her beloved son — come widowed mourner, 
liere satiate thy grief; behold thy murdered husband 
g.isping on the ground, and to complete the pompous 
-show of wretchedness, bring in each hand thy infant 
children to bewail their father's fate — take heed, 
ye orphan babes, lesl, whilst your streaming eyes 
are fixed upon the ghastly corpse, yonrjett slide 
on the stones bespattered with your /tuber's bruins* 
Enough! this tragedy need not be heightened by 
an infant weltering in the blood of him that gave 
it birth. Nature reluctant, shrinks already from 
the view, and the chilled blood rolls slowly back- 
ward to its fountain. We wildly stare about, and 
with amazement, ask who spread this ruin round 
us.' what wretch has dared deflice the image of his 
God.? has haughty France, or cruel Spain, sent 
forth her myrmi.lons.i' has the grim sivage ruslied 
again from ihe far distant wilderness? or does some 
fiend, fierce from the depth of hell, with all t!ie 
rancorous malice which the apostate damned can 
fee', twang her destructive bow, and hurl her 
deadly arrows at our breast.' no; none of these— 
but, how astonishing! i,t is the hand of Britain that 
inflicts the wound. The arms of George, our right- 
ful king, have been employed to shed that blood, 
when justice, or the honor of his crown, had called 
his subjects to the field. 

But pity, grief, astonishment, with all the softer 
movements of the soul, must now give way to 
stronjfer passions. Say, fellow-citizens, what dread- 
ful thought now swells your heaving bosoms — you 
fly to arms — sharp indignation flashes from each 
eye — revenge gnashes her iiofi teeth — death grins 
an hideous smile, secure to drench his greedy jaws 
in human gore—whilst hovering furies darken all 
the air. 

But stop, my bold adventurous countrymen, stain 
not your weapons with the blood of Britons. Attend 
to reason's voice — humanity puts in her claim — and 
sues to be again admitted to her wonted seat, the 
bosom of the brave. Revenge is far beneath the 
noble mind. Many, perhaps, compelled to rank 
among the vile assassins, do from their inmost 
souls, detest the barbarous action. The winged 
death, shot from your arms, may chance to pierce 



*After Mr. Gray had been shot through the body, 
and had fallen dead on the ground, a bsyonet was 
pushed through his skull; part of the bone being 
broken, his brains fell out upon the pavement. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



21 



sonie breast that bleeds already for your injured lyou. Her arins, 'lis true, have filled the world 



country. 

The storm subsides— a solemn pause'ensaes— 
you sp^re, upon condition they depart. They go 
— they quit your city — they no more shall give 
ofience. Thus closes the important drama. 

And could it have been conceived that we again 
should have seen a British army in our land, sent 
to enforce obedience to acts of parliament desunic- 
tive of our liberty. Bat the royal ear, far distant 
from this western world, has been assaulted by 
the tongue of slander; and villains, traitorous alike 
to king and country, have prevailed upon a gr «cious 
prince to cloath his countenance with wrath, and 
to erect the hostile banner against a people ever 
aff^'Ctionate and loyal to him and his illustrious 
pr decessors of the house of ILmover. Ou" streets 
are again 61led with armed men: our harbor is 
crowded with ships of war; but these cannot 
intimidate us; our liberty must be perservcd; it is 
far de«rer than Jife, we hold it even dear as our 
allegiance,- we must defend it against the attacks 
o? friends as well as enemies; we cannot suffer even 
Britohs to ravish it from us. 

No longer could we reflect with generous pride, 
on the heroic actions of our American forefathers, 
— no longer boast our origin from that far-famed 
island, whose warlike sons have so often drawn 
their well tried swords to save her from the ravages 
of tyranny; could we, but f )r a moment, entertain 
the thought of giving up our liberty. The man 
who meanly will submit to wear a shackle, contemns 
the noblest gift of heaven, and impiously affronts 
the God that made him free. 

It was a maxim of the Roman people, which 

eminently conduced to the greatness of ihat state, 

never to despair of the commonwealth. The maxim 

may prove as salutary to us now, as it did to them. 

Short-sighted mortals see not the numerous links 

of small and great events, which form the chain 

on which the fate of kings and nations is suspended. 

Ease and prosperity (though pleasiiig for a day) 

have often sunk a people into effeminacy and sloth. 

' Hardships and dangers (tho' we forever strive to 

, ^hun them) have frequently called forth such 

.^ virtues, as have commanded the applause and 

' reverence of an admiring world. Our country 

loudly calls you to be circumspect, vigilant, active 

and brave. Perhaps, (all gracious heaven avert 

it) perhaps, the power of Brivaiii, a nation great in 

war, by some malignant influence, may be employ 

e<l to enslave you: but let not even this discourage 



with terror: her troops have reaped the laurels of 
the field: her fleets have ro.id triumphant on the 
sea — and ivhen, or -where, did you, my countrymen, 
depart inglorious from the field of fight?* yo7t too 
oan shew the trophies of your forefather's victories 
and your own,- can name the fortresses and batt'i. s 
>ou have won; and many of you count the honor- 
able scars of wounds received, whilst fighting for 
your king and country. 

Where justice is the standard, heaven is the 
warrior's sliield: but conscious guilt unnerves the 
arm that lifts the sword against the innocent. Bri- 
tain, united with these colonies, by commerce and 
affection, by interest and blood, may mock the 
threats of Fr;ince and Spain: may be the seat of 
universal empire. But should America, either by 
fjrce, or those more dangero'.is engines, luxury and 
corruption, ever be brought into a state of vassalage, 
Britain must lose her freedom also. No longer 
shall she sit the empress of the sea: her ships no 
more shall waft her thunders over the wide ocean: 
the wreath shall wither on her temples: her weaken, 
ed arm shall be unable to defend her coasts: and 
she, at last, must bow her venerable head to some 
proud foreigner's despotic rule. 

But if, from past events, we may venture to form 
a judgment of the future, we justly may expect 
that the devices of our enemies will but increase 
the triumphs of our country. I munt indulge a 
hope that Britain's liberty, as well as ours, will 
eventually be preserved by the virtue of America 

The attempt of the British parliament to raise a 



*The patience with which this people liave borne 
the repeated injuries which have been heaped 
upon them, and their unwillingness to tiike any 
sanguinary measures, has, very iiijudiciousl\ , bsei« 
ascribed to cowardice, by persons both here and 
in Great Brituin. I most heartily wish, that an 
opinion, so erroneous in itself, and so fatal in iu 
consequences, mighi lie utterly removed before it 
be too late: and I tiiink nothing farther nectksary 
to convince every intelligent man, that tlie con- 
duct of this people is owing to t!ie lender regard. 
which they have for their fello^v-n^.en and an utter 
abhorrence to the shedding of huinan blood, tlian 
a little attention to their gener.d temper and dis- 
position, discovered when tliey cannot be supposed 
to be under any apprehension of danger to tlicm- 
selves. — I will only inenlion t!ie universal detesva- 
tiopi which they shew to every act of cruelty, by 
whom, and upon whomsoever committed; the mild 
spirit of their laws; the very few crimes to which 
capital penalties are annexed; and the very great 
backwardness which both courts and juries dis- 
rover, in condemning persons charged wuh capiul 
crimes. — But if any should think mis observation 
not to ihe purpose, I readily appeal to those geu- 
> lemen of the army who have been in the camp, or 
in the field, v.ith the .'Americana. 



22 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



revenue from America, un 1 o^nr denial of Iheir 
right to do it, have excited an almost universal 
enquiry into the right of mankind in general, anr. 
of British subjects in particular; the necessary 
result of which must be such a liberality of ser.ti 
ment, and such a jealousy of those in power, as will, 
h'tter than an adamantine wall, secure us against 
the future approaches of despotism. 

The malice of the Boslon port-bill has been 
defeated in a very considerable degree, by giving 
you an opportunity of deserving, and our brethren 
in this and qur sister- colonies an opportunity of 
hestorving; those benefactions which have delighted 
your friends and astonished your eneaiies, not only 
in America, but in Eirope also. And what is more 
valuable still, the sympathetic feelings for a brother 
in distress, and the grateful emotions excited in 
the breast of liim w!io finds relief, must forever 
<f"ndear each to the other, and form those indissolu 
ble bonds of friendship and a(Tection, on which the 
preservation of our rights so evidently depend. 

The mutilation of our charter, has made every 
©ther colony jealous for its own; for tfiis, if once 
submitted to by us, would set on float the property 
and government of every Britisli settlement upon 
the continent. If charters are not deemed sacred, 
how miserably precarious is every thing founded 
upon them. 

Even the sending troops to put these acts In 
execution, is not without advantages to us. The 
exactness and beauty of their discipline inspire 
our youth with ardor in the pursuit of military 
knowledge. Cliarles the invincible, taught Peter 
the great, the art t)f war. The battle of Pultowi 
convinced Charles of the proficiency Peter had 
made. 

Our country is in elanger, but not to be despaired 
of. Our enemies are numerous and powerful — but 
we have many friends, determining to be fhee, and 
Heaven and earth will aid the rejolutiox. On yon 
depend the fortunes of America. I'ju are to decid ; 
the important question, on which rest the happiness 
and liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of 
yourselves. The faltering tongue of hoary age 
calls on you to stipporl your country. The lisping 
infant raises its suppliant i'lands, imploring defence 
against the monster slavery. Your fathers look 
from their celestial seats with smiling approbation 
on their sons, who boldly stand forth in the caust 
of virtue; but sternly frown upon the inhuman 
miscreant, who, to secure the loaves and fishes lo 



himself, would breed a serpent to destroy his child- 
ren. 

But, pardon me, my fellow-citizens, I know you 
want not zeal or f jrtitude. You will maintain your 
rights or perish in the generous struggle. How- 
ever difficult the combat, you never will decline 
it when freedom is the prize. An independence 
of Great Britain is not onr aim. No, our wish '.s, 
that Britain and the colonies may, like the oak and 
ivy, grow and increase in strength together. But 
whilst the infatuated plan of making one part of 
the empire slaves to the other is persisted in, the 
interest and safety of Britain, as well as ihe colonies, 
require that the wise measures, recommended by 
the honorable the continental congress, be s'eadily 
pursued; whereby the unnatural contest between 
a parent honored, and a child beloved, may proba- 
b'y be brought to sueh an issue, as that the peace 
and happiness of both may be eslablished upon a 
lasting basis. But if these p.icific measures are 
ireflectual, and it appears that the only way to 
safely, is through fields of blood, 1 knov vju will 
not turn your faces from your f)es, but will, 
undauntedly, press forward, until tyranny is trod- 
den under foot, and you have fixed your adored 
goddess LiBERTr, fast by a Buvsswick.'s side, on 
the American throne. 

You iheti, who nobly have espoused your coun» 
try's cause, who generously have sacrificed wealth 
and ease — -ivho Jjave despised the pomp and sliew 
of tinseled greatness — refused tlie summons to the 
festive board — been de f to the alluring calls of 
lux!iry and mirdi — -who hsve fors.iken the downy 
pillow, to keep your vigih by the mid;iight lamp, 
for the salvation of your invaded country, that you 
might break the fowler's snare, and disappoint the 
vulture of his prey; yoti then will reap that harvest 
of renown which you so justly have deserved. Your 
country shall pay her grateful tribute of applause. 
Even the children of your most inveterate enemies, 
ashamed to tell from whom they sprang, while 
tliey, in secret, curse their stupid, cruel parents, 
shall join the general voice of gratitude to those 
who broke the fetters which their father's forged. 

Having redeemed your country, and secured the 
bkssing to future generations, tvho, fired by your 
example, shall emulate your virtues, and learn 
from you the heavenly art of making millions happy} 
with heart-felt joy — with transports all your own, 
roc COY, the glokious work is done. Then drop 
the mantle to some young Eusha, and take your 
'ocata v.'i'.h kindred spirits in your native skies. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION- 



£5 



CnATJON DEtlTBnF.n A I'WATKKTOWN,* MAtlCaS 1776, 

BY PF/IER TH \CHER, M. A. 

As°lliini in prato t!mii)iis pasocbat senes 
Is. hnninm flanicirf siibito t' rritiis, 
SuaiV hut afino f'usrere. 'ip pmsnit cavi. 
At illf l.iitin: qiiieso, nnm binat nii)'i, 
ClitPllas inipositiiriim Tiotorun piiras? 
SeneX negavit. ErRo quid nf^ It ni^a, 
Cui serviam? Clitellas dum portera meat.— PhcBdrut, 

My friends — When the ambition of princes in- 
duces tlien» to break over the sacred barrifrs of 
social compact, an<l to violate those riglits, which 
it is their du'v to defend, they will leave no methods 
unessayed to bring' the people to acquiesce in their 
unjuslifidhle encroachment*. 

In this cause, the pens of venal aut'iors hive, in 
every age, been drawn: with Macbiivilian subtilty, 
tliey have labored o p?isUide mankind, that their 
public happiness consisted in being suhject to 
uncontroled power; that they were incapable of 
judging concerning the mysteries of governmen'; 
and that it wai their interest to deliver their estates, 
their liberties, and their lives, into the hands of 
an absolute monarch. 

Mitred hypocrites, and cringing, base souled 
priests, have impiously dared to enlis; the oracles 
oT God into tlie service of despotism; to assert that, 
by the command of the supreme law-giver, we are 
bound to surrender 0"r rights into the hands of the 
first bold tyrant who dares to seize them; and that 
when they are so seize 1, it is rebellion against Gon, 
and treason ap:ainst the prince, for us to attempt 
to resume them. 

Depraved as is the human understanding, it hath 
yet strength eno'igh to discera the ridiculous 
fallacy of these assertions: the vot ries of ignorance 
and supers'iiion may, in leed, be i-ripose 1 mon b; 
them. When we place unlimited confidence in 
our civil or spiii'Uil fat'iers, we can swallow, with 
ease, the most improbable dogmas: but there are 
feelings in the hu vian heart, wh;ch compel men to 
recognize their own riglits— to venerate the ma 
jesty of the people — and to despise the in.suU 



mandates; but the baneful influence which they 
now have upon the interests of individuals, and of 
soc'ety, would come to a period: they would not 
revel in the snails of nations, nor trample upon th« 
ruins of public liberty. 

Conscious of this, they have used arguments, 
and pursued methods, entirely different from these, 
fo eflcct their designs; instead of convincing the 
underslandinf^s, they have addressed themselves 
to the pissions of men: the arts of bribery and 
corruption have been tried with a fatal successt 
men, loe know, have sold their children, their coun- 
try, and their Gon, for a small quantity of painted 
dirt, \ehich will peri nh with the usinsr. 

Extensive as are the revenues of princes, they 
are siill inadequate to the purpose of bribing large 
commiir-ities to submit to their pleasure; corrupt- 
ing therefore a few, they have overawed the rests 
from small beginnings, and under specious pre- 
tenses, they will raise a standing military force, the 
i!0't successful engine ever yet wielded by th« 
hand of lawless domination. 

With such a force, it is easy for an ambitious 
prince, possessed by nature of very slender abilities, 
to subvert every principle of liberty is the constitu- 
tion of his government, and to render his people 
che most abject of sUves: if any individual feels the 
injury done to liis country, and wishes to restore 
it to a state of happiness, with a bayonet at his 
breast, a dragoon will compel him to silence; if the 
people, awakened to see their interest and theip 
duty, assemble for the same purpose, a military 
f)rce is at hand to subdue them, and by leadea 
:irgumen's, to convince them of their error. 

An easy task would it be to enlarge upon the 
fatal consequences of keeping up such a star.ding 
army in time of peace, and of quartering a lawless 
body of men, who despise the just restraints of 
civil authority, in free and populous cities: that no 
vestige of freedom can remain ii a state where 



which is offered to their understandings by these 
doating absurdities. Had princes no other methods ^^''''' ^ ^'"■" ^""'^^'^ *'^^* ^^^ ™°''^'« of the people 
to accomplish their purposes, could they not estab-T''' ^^ }?'-^'l"a»'y corrupted: that they will coa, 
lish their usurpation, without convincing n^en's ! ^'"'^^ *"'''' ^" ''"'''^ ^^ *'*'"^ '"'''™*S'0"» ^9 to be- 



judgmeiits of their utility.' they would be more 
harmless to mankind than ihey have ever yet been. 
They might be surrounded with the fascinating 
ge\vg.iws of regal pomp; a few parasites might bow 
the knee before these idols of their own creat- 
ing; t!ie weak and the wicked might obey their 



come an easy prey to the brutal tyrant who rulea 
them, hath been heretofore largely and plainly 
dem.onstrated, by persons so much more capable 
of doing it, than he who is speaking, that it would 
be presumption in him to attempt it now. 

Tiiere is no need of recurring to the ancient 
histories of Greece and Rome, for instances of 
these truths. The British nation, once famous fop 



_ ♦Boston was at this tinae garrisoned by the Bri- 
tish troops, a:id rile iohabiiunis were in the coun 

try; wirich occasioned this oratiou to be delivered | '^^ attachment to freedom, and enthu-siailically 

jealous of its rights, is now become a ^jreat tame 



at WaterlowH. 



£4 



PkrNCIPLES AND ACTS OF TflE REVOLUTION. 



beast, which fetches ',nd carries for any minister 
who pleases to employ it. 

Englishmen have been wont to boast of the 
excellence of their constitution; to boast that it 
contained whatever was excellent in every form 
of .government hitherto, by the wit of man, devised: 
in their king', whose power was limited, they have 
asserted that they enjoyed the advantages of 
monarchy, without fear of its evils: while their 
house of commons, chosen by the suffrages of the 
people, and dependent upon them, represented a 
republic, their house of peers, forming a balance 
of power between the king and the people, gave 
them the benefit of an aristocracy. In theory, the 
British constitution is, on many accounts, excel- 
lent; but when we observe it reduced to practice, 
when we observe the British government, as it has 
been, for a long course of years administered, we 
must be convinced that its boasted advantages are 
not real: the management of the public revenue, 
the appointment of civil and military officers, are 
vested in the king: improving these advantages 
which these powers give him, he hath found means 
to corrupt the other branches of the legislature; 
Britons please themselves with the thought of 
being free; their tyrant suffers them to enjoy the 
shadow, whilst he himself grasps the substance of 
power. Impossible would it have been for the kings 
of England to have acquired such an exorbitant 
power, had they not had a standing army under 
their command: with the officers of this army, they 
have bribed men to sacrifice the rights of their 
country: having artfully got their arms out of the 
hands of the people, with their mercenary forces 
they have awed them into submission. When they 
have appeared, at any time, disposed to assert their 
freedom, these troops have been ready to obey the 
mandates of their sovereign, to imbrue their hands 
in the blood of their brethren. 

Having found the efficacy of tliis method to 
quell a spirit of liberty in the people of Great 
Britain, the righteous administration of the righteous 
king George the third, determined to try the ex- 
periment upon the people of America. To fright 
us into submission to their unjusvifiable claims, 
they sent a military force to the town of Boston. 
This day leads us to reflect upon the fatal effects 
of the measure! by their intercourse with troops, 
made up in general of the most abandoned of men, 
themoralsof ourjouth were corrupted: the temples 
and the day of our God were scandalously profa 
ned: we experienced the most provoking insults; 
stn?i at length saw the streets of Boston strewed 



with the corpses of five of i.s iahabitar ts, irmrdered 
in cool blood, by the British mercenaries 

The indignant rage which swelled your bosoms 
upon this occasion^- the fortitude and hun.anity 
which you discovered— the anguish of the friends 
and relatives of the dead and wounded, with all 
the horrors of that memorable night, have been 
painted in vivid colors by an HANCOCK and a 
WARREN; they have shewn the necessity of those 
exertions made by the town, which defeated, at 
that time, the designs of the enemies to American 
liberty, and preserved us, for the present, from the 
calamities of war 

But the past year hath presented us with a 
tragedy more striking, because more extensive, 
than this; a tragedy, which more plainly proves the 
fatal effects of keeping up standing armies in time 
of peace, than any arguments wliatsoever. we have 
seen the ground crimsoned v/ilh the gore of bun- 
dreds of our fellow-citizens;— we have seen the first 
city in America, for wealth and extent, depopulated 
— we have seen others destroyed, and heard our 
savage enemies breathing out thirstings for our 
blood. 

Finding their arts insufficient to flatter, or their 
treasures to bribe, the people of America out of 
their freedom, the British government determined, 
by force, to subjugate them to their arbitrary will; 
in consequence of this determination, a large party 
of their troops marched from Boston, on the morn- 
ing of the ever memorable nineteenth of April last- 
flushed with the hopes of certain victory, and 
defying the armies of the living Gon, they broke 
through every divine and political obligation; they 
wantoned in cruelty; they shed again American 
blooJ. 

Aroused by the unprovoked injury, like a Hon 
awaking from his slumber, we sprang to arms! 
we felt ourselves inspired with the spirit of our 
ancestors; we heard our brethren's blood crying 
to us for vengeance; we rushed into the midst of 
battle: we compelled our enemies to betake them- 
selves to disgraceful flight; we pursued them with 
avidity, and desisted not till they took refuge in 
that city, of which, by fraud and treachery, they 
had possessed themselves. 

Trusting to the divine protection, from that 
hour we determined never to sheatlie tije sword, 
till we had reparation for our injuries; till we had 
secured our own freedom and the freedom of our 
posterity: from that hour the den of enemies hath 
been siurounded by an American army, brave and 
determined.- although they had before boasted of 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



their superiority to all the troops in the world, 
they iiave scarcely dared to set their feet out of 
their strong holds since that limes and instead of 
ravaging the American continent in a single cam- 
paign, with a single regiment, they have proceed- 
ed ont mile ami an half in the conqueat of it. 

The heights of Charlestown witnessed to the 
world, that AmerJcafts, fighting in the cause of 
freedom, were a formidable foe: although they 
were surrounded by troops hitherto deemed in- 
viiicible; although they saw thehubitations of liieir 
countrymen invelopeS with flames; although cannon 
roared on every quarter, and they beheld scenes 
of desolation and bloodshed, to which they were 
entirely unused, yet they retireti not till they li^d 
compelled their enemy twice to retreat, and had 
expended the whole of their ammunition: the Bri 
tish ferces gained the ground, but they lost the 
flower of their army. 

Prom one end «f tUe continent to the other, a 
series of successes hath attended the American 
arms; instead of having troops of savages poured 
down to our frontiers (which the murderous policy 
of tiic tyrant of liritain induced him to attempt) 
we have, through the fuvor of Leaven, carried ou; 
victorious arms into tlie very bowels of Canada; 
instead of having our stores and provisions cut off 
by the enemy, we have muJe important captures 
from them: success hath crowned our eiiterprizes, 
while disappointment hath followed those who i 
oppose us. 

That elation of spirit, which is excited by our 
victories, is damped by our feeling the calumitie.s 
of war. To hear the expiring groaiiS of our belovei; 
countrymen; to behohl the flames of our habita- 
tions, once the abodes of pesce and plenty, ascend- 
ing to Heaven; to see ruin and desolation spread 
over our fruitful villages, must occasion sensation.- 
in the highest degree painful. 

This day, upon which the gloomy scene was first 
opened, calls upon us to mourn for the heroes who 
have already died iu the bed of honor, fighting for 
Gon and their country. Especially, doei it lead us 
to recollect Uie name and the virtue;* of general 
WARREN! the kin.d, the humane/the benevolent 
friend, in the private walks of life; the iiiflixiblc 
patriot, the undauuted commander in his public 
sphere, deserves to be recollected with gratitude 
and esteem! this audience, acquainted, in the nuost 
intimate manner, with his numberless virtues, mus' 
feel his loss, and bemoan their beloved, their 
entrusted feUow-cllizeii! ah! my countrymen, whai 
^nder, v/hat Cicrcliatin^" stasations rush at oace 



"pon our burdened minds, when we rrcn'i is 
loved id'a! wlien we reflect up^n tlie manner of 
his death; when we fancy that we see his savage 
enemies extilting o'er his corpse, beatwifui oven in 
death, when we remember that, destitute of the 
rites of sepulture, he was cast into the ground, 
without the distinction due to his rank and merit; 
we cannot restrain the starting tear, we cannot 
repress the bursting sigh! we mourn thine exit, 
illustrious shade, with undissefiihled grief; we 
venerate thine exalted character; we will erect a 
nnonument to thy memory in each of our greaieful 
breasts, and to the latest ages, v/ill teach our 
lender infants to lisp the name of WARKEN, with 
veneration and applause! 

Wlien we traverse the Canadian wjkls, and come 
to the plains of Abraham, where WOLFE once 
fell, we are there again compelled to pay a tributa 
to exalted merit, and to lament the fall of the 
great MONTGOMERY! warmed with a spirit of 
p:itriotism, too little felt by his venal countrymen, 
he espoused the cause of American freedom: he 
left domestic ease and afHurnce: he girded on the 
sword which he had long laid aside, and jeoparded 
his lifeiu the high places of ihe field: vic'iory followed 
his standard; she hovered over his Iiead, and 
crowned it with the laurel wreath; she was just 
re dy to hail him the conqueror of Canada, when 
che fatal sisters snapped, in a moment, ihe thread 
)f life, and seized, from his eager gr^ssp, the untast- 
ed conquer-,! Amsr.cans, h^ar v. ifiess to his hu- 
manity ard his valor, for he died fighting in your 
causf-, and the cause of mankind! let his memory 
live in your breasts; let it be handed down to your 
postf ; ity, that millions yet unborn may rise up and 
cull him blessed! 

Thetender feelings of the iiuman heart are deeper 
iftVcted with the fate of these and the other heroes 
Y :o have bled and died, that their country may b« 
Vee: but at the same time, "BCnsali .ns of indi-nant 
vruh, are excited in the breast of every friend 
t ) freedom: he will listen to the voice of their 
blood, which cries aloud to hetven nnd to him, for 
vengeance! he will fael himself animated with new 
vigor in tiie glorious cause: nctliing daunted by 
tlieir untimely fate, he will rush in.o the midst of 
dan^jer, that he may share their glory and avenge 
their death! every idea which can warm and animate 
im to glorious deeds, will rush at once upon his 
nind; and, when engaged in the warmest bat;ie, 
le will hear them, from their heaven, urging hita 
lo action: he will feel their spirits transfused inta 
his breast; ha will sacrifice whole hecatombs of 
their murderers to their illustrious mime*/ 



26 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Indeed, my countrymen, the people of Americx 
liave every thing to animate and encourage them 
in the present contest. Formidable as was once 
the power of the Briush lion, he bath now lost his 
teetlj; universal dissipation hath taken place of that 
sifi)[)iicity of manners, and hardiness of integrity, 
for which the nation Was once remarkable: the 
officers of the British army, instead of inuring 
tJiemselves to discipline, and seekinjy for glory in 
the bloo '-stained field, wish alone to captivate the 
eofier sex, and triumph over their virtue. The 
legislature of Great Britain is totally corrupt; her 
administration is arbitrary and tyrannical; the peo- 
ple have lost their spirit of resentment; and, like 
the most contemptible of animals, boio the shoulder 
to bear, and become servants tinto tribute. The na- 
tional resources are cut off; she is loaded with an 
intolerable public debt; she ia become the scorn of 
those foreigners to whom she was once terrible; 
and it is easy to see that her glory is in the wane. 

How different from this is the present state of 
our country; descended from a race of hardy 
ancestors, who loved their freedom better than 
they loved their lives, the Americans are jealous 
of the least infringement of their rights; strangers 
to that luxury, which effeminates the mind and 
body, they are capable of endurmg incredible hard- 
ships; with eagerness they rush into the field of 
battle, an:^ brave, with coolness, every danger; they 
possess a rich and a fruitful country, sufficient to 
supply them with every necessary and convenience 
of life; they have inexhaustible resources for carry- 
ing on war, and bid fair soon to be courted for their 
alliance, by the proudest monarchs of the earth. 
Their statesmen are equal to the task of forming 
and defending a free and extensive empire: their 
generals are brave and humane, intrepid and 
prudent. When I name a WASHINGTON, my 
atjdience will feel the justice of the remark, and 
acquit me of the charge of flattery. 

Possessed of tliese advantages, we should be 
inexcusable to Gob, to our posterity, to the whole 
world, if we hesitated, a single moment, in assert- 
ing our rights and repelling the attacks of lawless 
pov.'cr. Freedom is oflV red to us, slie invites us to 
accept her hiessings; driven from the other rt^Muns 
of the globe, she wishe'* to find an asyhirn in the 
wilds of AnsericH; with open arms let us receive 
the persecuted fair; let us imitate the exauiplp of 
our venerable ancestors, who loved and couried 
her into tliese desert climes. With determined 
bravery, let us resist the auacks of her iuipudent 
t-avisheis; by resolution and firmness we may 



defend her from their power, and transmit her 
blessip.gs to millions upon millions of our posterity. 
Let us then arouse to arms; for, upon our exer- 
tions, under God, depends their freedom; upon our 
exertions depends the important question, whether 
the rising empire of America, shall be an empire of 
slaves or of freemen. 

Animated by these considerations', my friends 
and fellow-citizens, let us strain every nerve in the 
service of our country! what are our lives when 
viewed in competition with the happiness of such 
an empire! what is our private interest when op- 
posed to that of three millions of men? let our 
bosoms glow with the warmth of patriotism; let 
us sacrifice our ease, our fortunes, and our lives, 
that we may save our country. 

That a spirit of public virtue may transcend 
every private consideration, you, the respected 
inhabitants of the town of Boston, have plainly 
manifested: with pleasure you have sacrificed what 
selfish men hold most dear, to save th.is oppressed 
land! with firmness you have resisted every attack 
of arbitrary power! like the sturdy oak, you have 
stood unmoved, and to you, utider Gob, will be 
owing the salvation of this extensive continent. 

We feel, my beloved friends, our obligations t« 
you! our hearts confess tliem; we cordially wish it 
were in our power to reward you for your patrio- 
tism; to restore you to that ease and afBuence of 
which, forour sakes, you have deprived yourselves 
it is not. B it our morning and evening petitions; 
to the guardian Gou of America shall be, that he 
will bless and reward yon. 

With transport, my countrymen, let us look 
forward to the bright day, which shall hail us a 
free and independent state. With earnestness let 
tis implore the forgiveness and the patronage of 
the Being of all beings, who holds the fate of em- 
pires in his hands! with zeal let us exert ourselves 
in the service of our country, in life: and when the 
earthly scene shall be closing with us, let us expire 
with this prayer upon otir quivering lips, O GOl* 
LET AMERICA BE FIIEE! 

OIIATION IlEtlVKIlED AT BOSTOS, MARCH 5, 1777, 

BY BENJAMIN HIGHBORN, ESQ. 

Turn vos, O Tyrii, stirpcm et gpnus omiie fucuruiii 

Kx: rc'tle oitiis; tmerique lute iiiittite noslru 

Muuera: mullus amor jxjpiilis, ncc I'sdtra junto.— Tirgit 

Friends and coiintryintn' — Leaving apologies for 

my iniibility to act .iie part I am to take, in this 

dyy's solemnity, to tho>e who might have remedied 

\\:f evil, by a more suitable appointment, I shall 

ofl^er my sentiments upon the subject with the same 

freedom that 1 conceived them. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS ©F THE REVOLUTION. 



«r 



The af!vantages of social life, are the result oM efirscmein, and learning, should ever be subdued 
ch evident necessity, so extensively diffusive and by a power that never could have crept into life, 

but throug'j the channel of tlieir indulgence. 

Rut alas! their fate remains a standing monumbht 
;)r this truil); that freedom, at sufference, is a 
solecis(« in politics. 



such 

universally felt, that all mankind M'^ill readil} 
Kcknowledge their existence without the aid c( 
metaphysics or history. 

The right that every individual has to reason 
freely upon the nature of that government he is 
called to submit to, Iiaviiig nature for its source, 
is no less obvious and perceptible — and hence, as 
a necessary foundation for tlie exercise oi' i! -s 
right, I define civil liberty to be, not "a govt-rn- 
nient by laws," made agreeable to ciiarter^-, tiii- 
of rights or compacts, but a power exisu.;g in the 
people at large, at any time, for any cause, or foi 
r,o cause, but their own sovereign pleasure, to alter 
or annihilate both the mode and essence of any 
former government, and ad^pt a new one in ilb 
stead. 

Placing ourselves then upon this broad basis of 
civil liber tij, founded on natural right, we will, 
unawed by the itandino- armies of any tyranl't. 
tools,* or monaixhs, deliberate freely upon the 
nature of their inslitu'ions, and their dangerous 
tendency to the rigliis of luxii. 

Every military force must necessarily imply a 
right of exercising an arbitiary power, so far as 
respects the objects against which it is to hi 
directed; and what will be the ohjects, agains' 
Vhich it will be it con tant exercise, in proportion 
to its extent, we may c<,llect from tlie experience ; t 
ages, and the well known source of human actions. 

The page of history seldom groans with the 
calamities of mankind, but we may trace the source 
of their unhappiness to this engine of oppression- 
Projected in the blackest principles of the hn 
man mind, aad supported by ambiiion and a lust 
of unbounded sway, thisarmtY^ m jiisier Uuth spread 
havoc and misery throughot't the world. We 
find the bloody traces cf its footsteps ihrougli ail 
the ruins of greatness and freedom, either in 
ancient or modern limes: the most free and opulent 
cities of the world, by conniving at its birth, have 
at last, fallen a prey to its relentless fury.-j- 

While we are ravished with the politeness, wis. 
dom, and greatness of tlie Grecian s ates, we can 
scarce believe that the productions of such art 

*Tbe petty slates and princes who iiave ruiscd 
their armies as a peasant v.ould his game cocks, 
and sent them to m ukel for a price, are in the mosi 
infamous sense of the word, tools. 

fPisislrutusof Athens.Dyonisius of Syracuse, and 
GpEsar of Rome, furnish a few among numberless 
examples, that history aftji-Js. 



To avoid the pain that humanity must suffer, 
ipon finding so few iuslances of virtue that harfi 
leen proof ag-jnst the temptations to prostitule a 
lelegard power, I am inrlined to thik, that the 
;ireat FOUM)F.R of societies has caused the cursx 
of infa'Uiting ambition, and relentless cruelty, to 
be entuiled on those whose vanity may lead tliem 
t'> assume his prerogative among any of his peo- 
ple as they ar"" canioned about in the world, and to 
prevent mankind from paying that adoration and 
respect to ihe most digdifi-d inorlal, which is due 
.)nly Xo ivjinite ivisdom and goodness, in the direction 
■if almighty po-wer, and dierefore that he alone is. fit 
to be a MosAucB. 

Were we to traverse the whole field of human 
transactio:is, and expect any where to fiud an 
exemption fr.m this general charge, we should 
most naturally fix our eyes upun the Romans- — but 
how mortified do we find ourselves by the survey? 

At the very time this people were most famed 
for their virtue and greatness— vhile they were 
regaling themselves with luxurious ease in the lap 
of freedom— the provinces, they obtained by fraud 
n-d violence, were suffering under every species 
>f the vilest servitude, and made to contribute to 
that very ease and luxviy at the discretion of the 
most merciless unfeeling task masters. 

But they themselves, by the same tools they 
iiad arn^ed to execute their bloody purposes, iti 
their turn, became tiie subjects of the same kind 
of oppression they so liberally dealt out to others, 
and stand recorded in history equal mMiturnents of 
the greatness and depravity of human nature. 

Taught by the experience of former ages, that 
a general, at the head of an armed force, would 
ever make himself superior to the laws, E irnpe, 
for several centuries, rai-ed effecuial barriers 
against the danger (and, I may say, the possibility) 
of their usurpations; for ihe tenure" of their land., 
though they acknowledge a superior lord, was up. 
on conditions so abhorrent to the idea of stand- 
ing armies, that it cffeved at once, both a promise 
■AV.A a pledge against them. 

Kut to convince us t) at no human institutions 
s n i 'sure permanent felicity to mankind — s&ctiri/tf 



•The feudal tenure. 



23 



PRT\CIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Ihe of]<;f>: . of ens:' »■ d frepflom, opened the dooi 
fbr;onften'.pr!->v!sin):^ usurper ufter another,* till the 
jnh'ibitantp of the whoir ea'stern worH lirid but little 
left i f l':e p-operty of their species but what they 
possessed in thei:* shnpe. 

Strac>ge melamovphosis! but is it not much 
strant^er still, to ser these pi'iable wretches stript 
of every enjoyment that ct-u render life a blessing-, 
nifsinly courting favor and protection fronn the 
tvr;,iits who enslaved them, and easily iRistaking 
the chains nf servitmle for >lie garb of nature? 

T\^c formalities of a//-fe, and the ends of a de^p'itic 
state t^says » modern writer) have often subsisted 
tof^ether; Kritiun furnishes a mo'it unhappy cxamplp 
of this shockin;^ truth: as if the relish of liberty 
was pampered to make slavery itself more intoler- 
* ably loathsotT>e, they feel all the nnortifying conse 
qiicnces of the basest servitude, and are left to 
console themselves with this consideration, that 
the weij^ht of iheir grievances can never be increas- 
ed while they are complimented, or rather tantalized 
with the name oi freemen. These are sos^e of the 
glorious effects of standing armies zmowj^ foreign 
nations. Lei us now consider their consequences 
in that part of the world, in vvhose aftwirs me take 
a more interes'iiig part. 

It is easy to conceive that those men who would 
l^ol sf.riipie to make use of every artifice and 
violence to reduce the very people to wliose gene- 
rosity (hey wtie indebted for their splendor, 
wealth, and greatness, to a slate of vassalage, would 
never ie-ii-'f to juake their conquests as exten- 
sive as their power; --they can fee! the influence of 
jio law but that '.'f the sword, and therefore (vvhat- 
ever may be their pretensions) you will, in every 
case, find them ultimately mafee an appeal to its 
decisions. 

If fucli are the ^owroor;, what must ihe people 
\)i ? havin<; been robbed of liberty thenriselvcs, with- 
out tlie faintest struggle in its defence,f they are 
iast fit to be made the instruments of wresting it 
from others. 

llow can we expect that t!iey who know nothing 
of the h <pplness of freedom themselves, should feel 
any reluctance atreducuigall mankind to their own 
disgraceful situation? indeed the reverse is true, 
for we generally find them taking ^n unnatural 

*Gharle^ VII. Lewis XI. of France, iiaving set 
the exii nple, all the crowned heads in Europe soon 
follovved it. 

-j-The murder of two or three people in St. 
Ge.rgc's fields, sc.crr.s to be all the ceremony at- 
^^pding the death and burial of liritish liberty. 



ol-asure in stripping others of tlie noblest orna« 
iien<s and gifts of nature, to countenance their own 
'eformity and wretchedness. 

A trifling farce, therefore, upon the question of 
right in parliament, was all the previous parade 
that was thought necessary to the introduction of 
a standing army, with all the ensigns of war, into 
the bowels of our country. 

It is needless to recount the various preludes 
to hostili'ies, tlie fatal day we now commemorate, 
opened a scene that filled every honest mind with 
mdigriation, and every tender heart with distress.* 
— It is impossible for any who were not witnesses 
of that shocking event, to conceive the terrors of 
that dreadful night, and they who w^-e must have 
images of horror upon the mind they never can 
communicate. 

Tlie variety of contending passions that once 
fall upon and distract the mind, upon the arrival 
of such an important crisis, cun never be realized 

but once. 

To see the peaceful inhabitants of a city, 
deliberately murdered by the very men, who, in 
pretence, were supported for their protection — to 
hear the piercing groans — to see the mangled 
bodies and ghastly visages of the dying and the 
dead — to hear the shrieks and cries of the timid, 
with the promiscuous, mingling horrid sound of 
arms, execrations, and vengeance, produced a 
scene of confusion and vvretchedness, so com- 
plicated and complete, that the power of the richest 
language must ever fail in describing it.f 

The eye of pity is y.'-t called to drop a tear at 
the sufferings, and patriotism to pour the b^lm of 
ch<iriiy over the wounds of half-murdered citizens, 
dragging out a miserable life, and fresh bleeding 
with the blows aimed at our country. 

We could dwell, with a melancholy pleasure, on 
this sad catastrophe, did not a more ample field 
of violence, bloodshed, and cruelty, demand our 
attention. 

The palpable absurdity of making use of the 
name of a king, to give a sanction to those very 
operations which were carrying on against lam, has 
been so sensibly felt, through all ranks of men, that 
we have not yet altogether got rid of its disagreea- 
ble effects. 

And I must confess I s'.iould blush at the ludicrous 

» . Qiiis talia fando, 

Wyrmidonum, riolopiimve, aut duri miles Ulyssei,^ 
Teniperet a latlirymis. ' "■^"• 
tNuii milii ai linguae centum sint, oraque centmn, 
Ferrca vox, omiies scelfinm coniprtnriere Urmas 
, __. possim. I "■£!«« 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. 



29 



figure in which this part of our history trvtist exhibit 
to view, in future time, were we not countenanced 
by the same, or more stvikini^ inconsistencies which 
are to be found attendant (and p<'rhap8 necessarily 
so) upon all important revolutions. 

We can easily conceive a mixture of prr judicr- 
and fear, that will excite such awful ideas office 
person, ti whom we huve been tuus^ht from our 
cradlA, to annex the propTties of o most ^radons 
sovereign, most sacred majesty, and a train of biich 
CoD-like attributes, as would make us f^el con- 
scious of a degree oi' impiety, in calling- a villain hy 
Lis proper name, while shrouded under thii garb 
©f sanctity. 

But it is exceedingfly diverting to view the 
influence of this chimerical divinity in thos« who 
are made the immediate tools of svipportinj^ it — 
they will tell you it is a task iiost un^ateful to 
men of their sensibility and refinement, to be made 
the instruments of sending fire and death indis 
criminaiely among the innocent, the helpless, and 
the fair — but they h>tve sworn to be fnithful to 
their sovereign, and were they ordered to scale the 
walls of the new Jerusalem, they should not dare 
to decline the impious attempt. 

Were it not for this ridiculous faith in the 
omnipotence of the tyrant whom they serve, we 
must suppose them fools or madmen: — Indeed that 
very f.,ilh, would justify the charge of extreme 
madness and folly against all mankind, who had 
not been nurtured in this cradle of infatuation. 

Were it not for the indulgence that a generous 
mind will always shew to the weakness and pre- 
judices of the worst of men, many whom the chance 
of war has thrown into our hands, must have felt 
the severity and comtempt of a justly enraged peo- 
ple, while they, with all their vanity and ostenta- 
tion, remain the unhurt objects of ovr pity. 

It is surely rather a subject of merry ridicule, 
thau deserving of serious resentment, to see many 
of this kind of gentry affecting to deny the cha- 
racter of prisoners, and attributing that indulgence 
which is the effect of unparalleled generosity, to 
tire mean motive of fear; but we will let them knov/, 
that they cannot provoke us even to justice in the 
line of punishment, and we leave them to their own 
consciences and the impartial censures of sui round- 
ing nations, to make some returns for t];e iin- 
exampled cruelties that many of our friends have 
suffered from their barbarous hands;* in lieu of that 



severity, which, however just, humanity shudders 
to inflict. But we cannot think it strange to find 
people in the subordinate departments of life, in- 
fluenced by such ridicu'o^is notions, while their 
haughty masters seem to labor under tlie misfortune 
o the same infatuation. 

Slaves a', ways rate the consequence of those they 
serve, by the treatment they receive from them, 
and wonder tba' others do not feel the weight of 
the same iir.povtance. 

To call men of distinguished rank, in any go. 
vernment, knaves, fools and scoundrels, however 
;hey may deseiveit, is esteemed neither polite or 
decent: I arr>, therefore, at a loss for names while I 
aiii describing the oppressors of my country. Who, 
williout deserving these reproachful appellations, 
co'ild have conceived the horrid wisli of decking 
his crown with the idle plume of foreign empire 
nt the expense of the peace, wealth, and very being 
of a nation? and who but a pomjious blockhead, in 
the fsecution of this impious design, could expect 
;o conquer .i hard\, virtuous set of men, by ineffec- 
tual threa.s and empty promises, contained in aset 
of proclnmations, he wanted either courage or power 
to disperse among the people they were designed 
to subdue?* 

Possibly they may conceive the length of their 
master's purse, at the rate of thirty crowns a man , 
to be equal to all the armed force of Europe, and 
therefore they should be able ultimately to effect 
that by the point of the bayonet, which t!.cy ra- 
ther wished, than expected, to obtain on any other 
terms. 

Here let us pause, and for the honor of our spe- 
cies, give a moment to reflection upon this shock- 
ing idea! is it possible that any race of men, should 
be so lost to a sense of the rights of nature, and 
thcdigr.ity of their rank in tlie chain of beings, as 
to bufier themselves (like the horses vvhicii t!icy 
ride) to be tutored to the field of war, to have a 
price set upon their lives, which their masters will 



*Captain Johnson and his crew, the prisontrs in 
general at New York and Halifax, Mr. Loveil and 
many others in Boston, ara instances sufficient to 



destroy the little credit they ever luid fur iiuniunity; 
and the sufferings of some to whicii I liavf nijseU" 
been a witness, exposed \n iiU the inconveniences 
and liazurds of a languishi'ng disease in confinement 
on sh.ip board, in view of the persons and habita- 
tions of their nearest friends, and a bympathizing 
parent t'lrned over the side with repruitches, f,,r 
attemp.ing to :pfak to Lis s cli, sufiering, dying 
child, must give tlie chiracttis of the puihc, seiibi- 
bie, hum:iRe adoiira! Gruvcij. and iiis isephew Sujn, 
a stiimp of infamy, which the power of lime emi 
never wipe uv.ay. 

■j-'l'he generals G»ge and Howe, have been pl^V- 
ir.g I'.iis warlike gime ever since they h»ve beta 
m the country. 



80 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THR REVOLUTION. 



receive, and then be sold into the service of hist 
ambition and avarice, and become the tools of eifr 
nal war against the lives, the properties, and free 
dom of the rest of mankind. 

But, thanks to heaven! this black combination of 
Jjassions, snppor'ed by the unmasked tyrant of Bri 
tain, wiUi all Uie mercen try forces of his powerful 
and extensive allies, have hitherto proved unsuc- 
cessful (and I trust in God they ever will) in every 
effort to contaminate the only column of free air 
in both Aeims/Tifrey,- however, one advantage we de- 
rive from their open attempts, which is to expect 
tto security for ourselves, but in tlieir ruin; delibe- 
rate murders, indiscriminate pluiider, and the most 
barbarous violence upon the delicacy and virtue of 
the fair, have marked the few paces of imaginary 
conquest they have trod.* 

Methinks I see the tender parent, frantic with 
rage, defying hosts of ruffians armed, and courting 
death in every form, rather than live llie witness ol 
Lis daughter's shame; — ah! hear the shrieks of vir- 
gin innocence calling in vain for succour from that 
arm which oft defended her! but see tlie helpless- 
victim of their British lust, in wild despair, wring 
ing \iet gniUless hands, with looks to heaven, as if, 
without a crime, she had lost her only title to those 
pure abodes! v.here is the coward heart that does 
not beat to arms, and glow with unusual ardor for 
revenge.' 

Where are friends to reconciliation, with these 
foes to virtue? they wifl tell us their power is formi- 
dable, and it is wise to accommodaie ourselves to 
the requisitions of superior force — as soon I'd tam- 
per with the power of hell! for 



."Tis tlie worst of slavery 



"Tamely to bend our necks beneatli the yoke 
•'And suffer fraud to talk us oul of freedom." 

They wish not to sooth but to destroy us; and if 

this stale ariifice of tyrants should succeed, we 

well deserve the ruin it insures. — they never ask 

for what they can demand, and impotence alone pre- 
vents a general car?iage. 

Does courage want a stimulus in the defence of 
virtue.' let us cast our eyes on the example of our 
illustrious general; equally be3ond the reach of 
calumny and encomium, the tongue of slander has 
rever dared to attack him, wliile tlie ablest panegy- 
rist must blush v.'hen he is attempting to give him 
An//* the euloglums which are his due. 

The generous sacrifice he has made of private 



•Sec accounts of iheir proceedings in the Jersies, 
and general orders in the orderly book taken at 
Trenton. ! 



interest, domestic felicity, ai;d all the consequent 
refined enjoyments of social life, to tlie exiarencie* 
of his country in the field of war: — the cbeprful- 
ness with which he has sustained all the hardships, 
anxieties, and disappointments of two important 
campaigns, pgainst a formidable body of well dis- 
cipUnpd veterans, with an army composerl of men 
difftrent ia their manners, and unused to the dis- 
cipline of a camp, without exciting the smallest 
jealousies in tlie civii. power on the one hand, or 
,^iving occasion for the faintest murmurs among 
his soldiers, on the other: and finally, when his 
enemies were at the zenith of their glory, and, in 
imagination, already in possession of a conquered 
world i — -zpith the remnant of his expiring army, to 
resume tlie field, and with this handful of his cho- 
sen followers, disperse, destroy, or captivate whole 
hosts of foes, must excite sentiments ofaflTection, 
gratitude, and esteem, that border upon adoration^ 

Did not a life of the most disinterested patriot- 
ism and unremitted ardor in the cause of virtue 
and of mankind, point him out as an exception to 
the charge we have so fully supported against all 
who lived before him, I should dread more from 
the virtues of this crcat man, than fiora all the 
standing armies in the world. 

Rut so full a confidence do I possess in his invio- 
lable attachment to the rights of iiumanity and the 
cause of freedom, that in some iature emergencies 
of the state (produced perhaps by the shifting for- 
tune of war) to his instinctive goodness and excen- 
tric operations, I would most cLeerfuliy commit 
supreme command. 

I will explain my sentiments upon this subject* 
by those of a friend, in his own words. 

"'Tis best that reason govern man, 

'Tis calm, deliberate, wise, 
Yet passions were not given i.i vain, 

Here then the dlflertnce lies. 

Reason, tho' S7ire, too slow is found 

In great emergencies. 
While passion instant feels the wound. 

As quick the cure applies. 

Yet that must not due bounds transgress^ 

Bi.it move at reason'* nod. 
Submit at last to her decrees 
And own her for the Gou. 

'Tw&s thus thefiynod of our land, 

The reasoning power of state. 
Gave Washington .supreme command 

And made iiis orders fate. 

Yet as necessity impelled 

The step — when that is past 
Tlie senate shall resume the field 

And reign^uprerae at last." 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF f^E REVOLUTIOK 



a 



In support o*" such a cuse, directed by 'uc^ » 
leader, who wotild think his life too dear a sacri 
ce?— let the mean, base, groveling soul, that wishes 
for security on anv terms, through fear forget he is a 
man, cringeto the creature he despises,smile on the 
man he hates, alternately shake hands with vice and 
virtue, and court protection from the power he wish- 
es to destroy! — let us, my friends, determine to 
maintain our saered rights, or perish in the at- 
tempt,* with vigor urge the war, frown on our foes 
wherever we meet tliem, despise their mercy when 
we feel potcer, and from this moment hold our- 
selves beyond the reach of parrfon. 

ORATION, DF.LIVF.nED AT BOSTON, MAllCH 5, 1778, 

BY .lOXA I HAN W. AUS UN, ESQ 

— — MtiUaqiie robentia Casde 

JOubrica Sax4 inadent. nulli sua profuit ^xsa—Lucan, Lib, 2. 

——Hie ubi barbarus hostii, 

Utft'ra plus valeantlr^ibin arms faeit.— 0»jd de Ptnto. 

QHii-cladem illius noctis, quis funera fando 
Explicet? aut (fusjit lachryuiis ajquare labores? 
Plui-iiiia perque viat sterituntur inertia p»ssim 
Corpora.— Virgil 2d JSneiil. 

j\fif friends and fellow citizens. — To weep over 
the tomb of the patriot — to drop a tear to the me- 
mory of those unfortunate citizens, who fell the 
first sacrifice to tyranny and usurpation, is noble, 
generous and humane. Such are the sentiments 
that influence you, my countrymen, or why, through 
successive periods, with heurt-felt sensations, have 
y«u attended this solemn anniversary, and paid 
this sad tribute to the memory of your slaughtered 
brethren. Nor is the circle contracted — the most 
amiable part of the creation share the grief, and, 
soft pity be.irninj in their countenances, like the 
dawglitcrs of Israel, annually lament the fate of 
others, and weep over the miseries of their coun- 
try.-j- Coine then, my friends, let us enter the soli- 
tary courts of death, and, perhaps, an hour spent 
in such reflection, m>iy afford as solid improvemcHt 
as nature in her £;uycsi scenes. 

To commemorate the deaths of those men wlio 
fell unhappy victims to brutal violence — to show 
the dcUigerous tendency of standing- armies in popu- 
lous cities in time of peace, the origin of this fatal 
catastrophe — to trace its connexion and effects, as 
they have been, and are now displayod, in diffe- 
rent parts of .America, I take to be the design of 
thisdaj's solemnity. 

It appears to me needless to enter into the nature 
and enr!s of civil government, and to evince that 
standing armies are a solecism in such a constitu 



*.)'jstum et tenaceiTi, propositi viriini, 
Non c'vium ardor, prava jubentium 
Non viihiis instantis tyranni 

Mente qu itit soli<la: -— 

f Judges, xi. j9,40. 



lion. Such sentiments are founded in nature, and 
have, for ages, under different meridians, been ful- 
ly displayed by men who knew the rights of nature 
and mankind. The names of Lock, Sid^jet and Ha^up- 
DEN, h.^ve long been illustrious, and my country- 
men are too well acquainted with their writings, 
not to venerate their memories. Nor can I forget 
the same sentiments which have charmed you from 
.the lips of men, who have spoke before me, on the 
same occasion, whose cliaracters will be ever dear, 
and the exertions of whose patriotism and virtue, 
exhibited, in the most critical situations, posterity 
will ever wonder at and revere. 

In short, to confirm this point by logical conclu- 
sions, must be an useless mispense of time. Even 
a crown lawyer, whose sentiments are not always 
friendly to the rights of mankind, will tell us, "in 
a land of liberty, it is extremely dangerous to make 
a distinct order of the profession of arms. In ab- 
solute monarchies this is indeed necessary for the 
snftly of the prince, and arises from the main prinei' 
pie of their constitution, wliich is governing by fear.- 
but in free states the profession of .1 soldier, taken 
sing-li/ and merely ah a profession, is justly an object 
of jealousy. The laws, therefore, and conslitution 
of these kinpjdoms, know no such tMng as & perpp. 
tual standing soldier."* 

Arguments existing in theory, however the mind 
may be captivated, do not always convince; and 
consequences, traced from thesame source, are seU 
dom interesting. But when we find the appre- 
hensionsof tlie greatest and best of mankind, who, 
actuated by a principle of benevolence, felt for the 
common interests, fully displayed in awful and 
tremendous effects, we then start from our lethargy, 
iind like the !;ensi'.ivephul^, shrink from approach- 
ing danger! such is the case with respect to the 
subject before us. Pliilosophers and statesmen 
have shewn haw dange.ous standing armies nnist 
he in a free state, and every p^ge in the volume 
of mankind confirras the melancholy account. 

Specnlative writers may indeed tell us, that the 
seeds of dissolution exist in every body p'^liilc— 
that like the body natural, it must decay and die— 
^nd that the same causes which brouglit the em- 
pires of Jlelus and Cyms to destruction, will sap 
every other government on carlh.f For my own 
part, I am no fatalist, and wi7 deaperundum pro re' 
puhlica, is to me a much r-eferable, and more ge- 
nerous mottp. And instead of enumerating their 
many vices and cornip'.Ions, as the original cause, I 



*lilackitone's Commentaries, vol. I. page 4'J7. 
i-See Kellisarus by M. .Mannontell. 



S2 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



those vices wMcti hhve befii prevalent in powerful 
monarchies, and how cTefally they vi'atched the 
s:icred altar of freedom, '.hattliey themselves naist 
remain a standing monument of the consequences 
of this fatal measure. Such is the case. M^irius, 
in new modelling the legions, and replacing (fbe 
But in rei)ublics, 'till the inlroducli^^n of citizens wlio served in them with foreign mercena- 
ries, laid the horritl foundation. The door was now 



titink a little acquaintance with aistory will iuf ,r..i 

us, that they are not mer»ly the original cause, but 

eonsequencas resulting from the fatal measure we 

are considering. Id absolute monarchies, where 

the military is the pri.»cipal engine of governmenv, 

we are not to look for a confirmation of this argu- 
ment. 

& soldiery, distinct from the citizens, we find them 

ts remote frem corruption. Luxury, and the other] opct. for one loo po^ue<fu< ciiizen lifter another, until 

black catalogue of vices, as any human system can Cxsur, losing every check, and laughing at the im- 
potent anathemas of the senate, with the distant 
legions marched to Rome, and formed a new arrain 
their history. Froai this period we are charmed 
no more with illustrious actions, and the last re- 
mains ot dignity suiili in the Roman world. So true 
IS ii, tliat when a people lose their liberly, they at 
oace become fit subjects of every thing base and 
infamous. 



attain to: but when standing troops were intro- 
duced, ti.ey immediately followed. Depravity of 
manners— a dislike to virtue and manly sen.imeni 
—effeminacy, and those grosser vices, loo indeli 
cate to be mentioned in this place, stalked lilie 
demons through their cities. Witness, ye repub- 
lics, that were once great and lilustnous, but are' 
now no more! witness, O Boston! for ye were loo 
well acquainted with the melancholy truth! 

We #111 now confirm the sentiment by a brief 
inspection into some parts of history. 

The Greeks were a republic, ihaf, in a short flighi 
of years, exhibited the most glorious spectacle that 
ever appeared to mankind; and, as one observes, 
the age they lived in, seemed to be the golden pe- 
riod of human niuure.* l^ every branch of war or 
peace, in every species of science they excelled, 
and were at once feared, admired, and venerated 
by the other nations of tha world: yet tliis heroic 
confederacy was originally reduced-from this glo- 
rious superiority, by the arts of one manf under the 
idcaof a giwrd, fiom an inconsiderable number of 
attendants, he increased to that stretch of power as 
proved the fatal stab to the vitals of his country. Tiie 
bank thus broken down, the tide swelled lOo rapidlo 
be stemmed, and virtue, freedom and the laws, all 
fell a sacrlfi.ce. 



Similar was the situation of the Romans. Ai 
though not so universally distiiiguisned ah the 
(^1-ecks, yet from the expulsion of their kings, lu 
the time of Matius, they evinced to what a prodi- 
gious greatness mankind may arrive wlieii actuateci 
by the principles of liberty, vinui aud honor. In- 
fluenced by such motives^ no wonder their actions 
were conformable: and while the most rigid inflexi- 
bility presided at home, the Roman eagle fiew to 
the remotest corner of the globe. 

Can we then suppose, when we view the charac- 
ters which appeared on the stage at ihis period — 
when we consider liow remote ihey were froni!°^ 



We have thus far produced instances of the fatal 
efFec's of armies thus kept up, which have ended 
in the utter subversion of the laws and government 
of two of themost memoiablerepublics in ancient 
story. We will now shift the scene, and while we 
show their dangerous tendency in states of a moie 
modem date, we will exhibit an iliusirious exam- 
ple through what scenes of danger, hardships and 
blood, the deterra ned spirits of honor, and attach- 
ment to freedom, will carry a people. 

Previous to mentioning the situation of the Unit' 
ed Provinces, I must remark how very similar their 
circumstances were to our's. We shall ever find 
it an unalterable maxim of princes, who in time of 
peace kept up a standing force, however they may 
call them the pratectors of law, the end is to subvert 
those laws and render the constitu;ion useless. 
Such was the mode of conduct of Philip the second^ 
of Spain, to the low countries, and such the pro- 
cedure of a similar character, George the third, 
of Britain, influenced by a despicable ministry. 
The former, as sir William Temple observes, ''tliink- 
ing it not agreeing with liis greatness," (an army 
being^now in the bowels of their country) "to con- 
sider their dscontenls, or be limited by their an- 
cient forms of government," proceeds to despise 
tiie one and overturn the other. New courts judi- 
catory were appointed, new offices established, 
diptndiii^ absolutely on the king* 

What was the consequence.?— eould it be sup- 
posed a generous people, would sit dovrn tamely, 
and kiss the rod that lashed them? a diflerentmode 



*llarris Hermes. 
fPisistravus. 



of conduct ensued. The duke of Mva was sent 

1 *S r VVilluttn Temple's observations on the Uait- 
|ed Provinces, Page 21,23. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



with a powerful army, the very forcible plea of ty- 
rants, and the most shocking cruelties were com- 
mitted. Here let humanity spread her veil, nor let 
the tender breast heave witli angfuish at such scenes. 
Bat shocking as they are, they flow as naturally 
from tliis cursed engine of oppression, as beams of 
light from the sun. For as the same sensible wri- 
ter observes, "so great antipathy ever appears be- 
tween citizens and soldiers; wliile one pretends to be 
safe under law, which tlie other pretends shall be 
subject to his sword and his will." 

But terrible as the many executions of their 



a child, while, by order of the officer. Lis own sons 
have been his gaolers. • 

Perhaps there is no nation in any part of the 
world, more liappy than France, in every luxury of 
life. But amid this profusion of plenty, the farmer 
exhibits the most wretched spectacle in nature. 
Supported by the gleanings of the field, the fruits 
of his labor go to the subsistence of the soldiery. 
Thus dispirited and depressed, he contents himself 
with the refuge of his ground, while, after his 
greatest exertions, another will reap the fruits of 
his honest industry. The most obdurate bfeast 



most illustriou, pa- riots appeared to them, while """'* "^'^ ^^ «"<=»' scenes, and execrate the effects 

.1 1 J J 1 J • •. • 1 » uj J u ... of standing armies, 

the land was drenciied in its ricl.est blood — how- ° 



ever affecting tlie sight of confiscations, imprison 
ments, and the numberless crnelties that attended 
them, they were not daunted. That Gon who hat- 
eth oppression, and delighteth in the happiness of 
his creation, inspired them with sentiments that 



Look into the situation of Poland. Under the 
direction of that great man,f famous for liis victo* 
ries against the Turks, they were brave and virtu- 
ous, and proved the bulwark of Christendom.— 
But, under the Saxon line, this spirit not suiting 



carried them through innumerable hardships, »tillj their plan of government, was awed by electoral 
after having expended immense treasures and blood I troops, and totally decayed. The consequences are 



for better than threescore years, they laid the foun- 
dation of a rich, free, and flourishing people: Pro- 
vidence hereby giving an instructive lesson to po.^- 
terity in every age, who are contending for all that 
is dear and sacred, to pursue the glorious object 
undaunted; knowing that, as liberty is a plant trans- 
planted from the gardens of heaven, its divine pa- 
rent will still cherish it, and, in spite of opposition, 
it will flourish, it will live forever. 

Stich, my friends, have been the methods useH 
by enterprising men, in former ages, to carry into 
effect their ambitious designs, and found their 
greatness on the ruins of their c»untry. But in our 
day, these measures have become systematical. 
They are in fact part of the constitution. To take 
a view of the different powers hi Europe, &nd com- 
pare them with the state of ancient republics, un 
der great and wise legislators, who seemed to be 
raised up for the benefit of the age they lived in, 
and the admiration of posterity, we must drop the 
tear of sensibility at the contras . Where is the 
ki igdom that does not groan under the calamities 
of military tyranny.' let us pause a while on the 
most eminent of them. 



In the large empire of Jiussia, the effects are 
glaring. Even the shadow of liberty has vanished. 
Of so great importance is tiie military, that a re- 
cruiting officer can go through their villages, and 
pilch upon the ablest of the inhabitants, as he 
would choose his cattle. And even a father has 
been imprisoned in his own house, for the escape of 



now severely experienced by them; and while in 
this depressed state, they are an object of desire to 
Turks and Russians, their country is a scene of 
bloodshed and misery. 

It is needless to mention England, sr the idle 
farce of an annual act of parliament, for the support 
of standing troops, which is nothing but an insult 
on the sense of that RHtion. The more virtuous 
among them, if the flame of liberty has not entirely 
expired, easily see through the guise, and in the 
death oi Allen and others, wantonly butchered by 
a mercenary soldiery, can too clearly read the fate 
of themselves and posterity. 

The melancholy part of this subject must give 
pain to every humane breast. This is natural. But 
these scenes more directly affect other nations; and 
however we may pity the unhuppy sufferer, there 
is a kind of pleasure we feel that we ourselves are 
not immediately interested. And would to Gon it 
had ever remained so O my country! with what 
heart-felt satisfaction should I rejoice, if oppres- 
sion had never stretched her baleful wings to this 
once happy clime! that that liberty which an illus- 
trious set of men, of whom the world was not wor- 
thy, purchased at so dear a rate, might have de- 
scended unimpaired to latest posterity. But is 
this the case? has this scourge of mankind, stand- 
ing armies, never interrupted our prosperity.'' if so 
why is this desk hung with the sable covering of 
death! why am I surrounded by so many of ir.y fel- 



•Vid. Guthrie's Gramaur. 
fJohn Sobieski. 



34 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



low-citizens, who listen to the tale of woe! yes, my [ the relics of slau^hterei citizens are objects of 
countrvmen, we ourselves are deeply interested; pity, and the sympathizinjj spectator will ever drop 



and this «ame engine of oppreHsion, which has 
thrown miglity republics from their foundations, 
has attempted and still continues to spread the 
same horrid consequences i.i America: and in its 
usual mode of conduct, has been attended with eve- 
species of cruelty, some of them uni.e ird of before; 
bat which your firmness, under God, has hitherto, 
and I pray ever may, surmount. 

The shocking scene of that dreadful night, the 
fatal effects of which we are now still weeping 
over, is beyond description. No one, perhaps, if it 
is tuken in every view, that was not a spectator, can 
conceive it. When I consider the many insults, 
abuses and violences, this unhappy town was ex- 
posed to for months previous to this melancholy 



a tear over them. But there rnay be instannes, 
when the lesser streams of affecion are absorbed 
in a s ill greater sea of woe. Such are the senti- 
ments that must strike every brenst, when we re- 
flect, illustriou'^ WAuncN! on thy death — a death, 
w!uch whole hecatonbs of slaughtered enemies, 
strowed around thy corpse, can never repay.— 
Here, ye minions of power! ye who are dead to the 
calls of honor and public virtue, are willing to wade 
^o s'ation through the blool of your brethren, here 
behold a spx'aclp that must harrow your inmost 
soul. You, my countrymen, with the most pleasing 
sensations, have attentively listened, while, like 
us, he was weeping over the unhappy fateof otliers. 
You have kindled into rage, while he has set b fire 



tragedy. ..nd when the tumult of contrary passions you the dangerous nature and consequences of 



was thus natur,illy excited, to see a brutal soldiery, 
scattering proniiscuous death through a defence- 
less, unarmed multitude, till yonder street v/as 
crimsoned with the blood of its citizens, while a 
tender mother, frantic with grief, pours forth the 
anguish of her heart over a beloved son, now inca- 
pable of any returns of gratitude; all this exhibits 
a scene which the dlsu-essed heart may painfully 
feel, but which the tongue cannot express. Let 
the breast, then, still continue to beat. These, 
my friends, are virtuous, generous feelings, and 
do honor to humanity. May we ever retain them. 

May this institution, sacred to the memory of 

our murdered brethren, be ever carefully pre- 
served. Yen, ye injured shades! we will still weep 
over you, and if any thing can be more soothing, 

•WE WILl BEVfcNGE YOU. 

This glaring specimen of cruelty roused the citi- 
zens, and in convincing colors displayed the effects 
of standing armies in time of peace. But however 
our exenions were then successful, however the 
storm subsi led, it v/as but temporary. While the 
scales of justice were held in palsied hands, and 
the mosi shocking barbarities were the highest me- 
rit, an addition J force only was necessary. Tliat 
arriving, the mask was thrown off, a.ida still great- 
er sceue of carnage and destruction opened in our 
adjacent villages. 

But such proceedings, howevsr alai-ming at that 
period, were soon lost in more dreadful and dis- 
tressing operations. The heights of Ciiiirlesto'.vn 
too awfully convinced us of the melancholy truth, 
and posterity, whllenviih tears of compissmn they 
ponder the transactions of that day, must execrate 
the causes which produced them. la any siluatiut;, 



standing armies, and prophetically pointed out to 
you still greater events How affecting! that he, 
who could lament the fateof oih'^rs, must be him- 
self deplored; and that he who could so feelingly 
,)aint the effects of this horrid measure, must him- 
self fall one of the lirst sacrifices to it. 

But it is not sufficient to drop a transient te»r 
^o tlie memory of departed heroes, or to pay an eu- 
logy to their characters. The happiness of such 
men who, after having expired in the arms of liberty 
and virtue, are now shari ig tlie highest degree of 
felicity, cannot be increased by our praises: no, my 
friends, the best way to express our affections for 
such great and gaod men, is to rouse and revenge 
them. To hurl still fiercer bol's of vengeance on 
an inhuman soldiery, who, instead of affording the 
last honors sacred to the dead, and which a gene- 
rous enemy will ever regard, after grinning 

with hellish pleasure on the mangled corpse, which 
alive could strike terror into their boldest heart, 
lodged it in a promiscuous grave; that since they 
rould not prevent his name and reputation being 
immortal, his remains might be hid forever. O 
B; itain! thou hast, and shall still weep tears of 
blood for this! 

Are not such instances, my countrymen, very 
convincing proofs of the fatal effects of standing 
ar;nies in time of peace. In such a peiiod they 
( rigiiialed, and from the fif.h of March, 1770, 
through cvei-y degree of vi lence and barbarity, to 
the present d .y, it is but one connected Scene. 

After such exiiibitions of cruelty and carnage, 
•vhatcan wr suppose too brutal, too infamous for 
such an ar.my? c.in we wonder to see our houses in 
flames, our altars rased to the ground, or convert- 



PRINCIPLKS AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



pd to u .nuch more horri i use, tiian the Jewish 
tempi:? if possible they have even exceeded; and 
the armies of Britain seem to be held up as a 
standing' evidence, how far the "spirit of tyranny 
and oppression can operate. 

We sltudder when the faithful page of history 
opens to our view the conduct ,of armies, flushed 
wi'h vi'^.tory, sacking towns, burning villages, and 
perpetra'ing misrders, with all the other dreadful 
concoT^itants. Rut if we look into the conduct 
of the British a my 'v\ the Jersies, and so^-ne part 
of the state of JVew York, we shall find instances 
of ill these crimes, and, perhaps, in some places, 
instances beyond t'-.em. To see the third city in 
a neighboring state, wantonly consumed by an 
enemy who, not having spirit or ability to meet 
us i;i ihe field, descend to these little mean me- 
thods of exciting terror— to see the ravages in the 
Jersies, and the garden of imerica thus wantonly 
defaced — does not the blood beat higii! — do we 
not press forward to exterminate such barbarians 
from the face of the earth! but to mention still 
greater scenes of cruelty — does not the ear tingle, 
wlien it hears the shrieks of helpless virgins, dread- 
ful victims to lust and barbarity; while the grey 
hairs and expressive groans of an aared parent, wit- 
ness to his daughter's shame, plead in vain. Can 
any thing swell t'lis complicated scene of woei" it 
can receive addition. These monsters exceed even 
the most barbarous nations. With them the ashes 
of the dead have ever been sacred. But under 
the patronage of a British tyrant and his genera), 
snuffing the tainted gale, they have ransacked the 
silent repositories, and the remains of one that was 
once amiable and cap'.ivating, flung about as food 
for the birds of the air.* O God, where is thy 
vengeance! O virtue, honor, religion humanity, 
where, where are ye fled! 

These, my countrymen, are not the flights of 
fancy, not the dictates of imagination: they aie 
solid, though very aflTecting realities Can we then 
v/ish a re union with such a people? can we ever 
familiarly sliske hands with a nation who, leaping 
every barrier, are thus wantonly sporting with our 
distresses, and bathing tliemselves in the blood of 
our couatrymen? may America never retain such 
mean, dastar^lly sentiments! for my own part, if I 
may be indulged, I would entreut, 1 would conjure 
every one, who as a parevit feeis for tiie welfare of 
his posterity, to imitate the example of the renown- 

■'Delauncy't. farm. 



j e.j C irtti geiii i , * Leal your sons, ) e f.ithers, not 
to the altar of paganism, and under the tutelage of 
jsome unknown deity, but to the sacred altar ot 
I freedom, and while the guardian God of America 
is witness to the solemn obligation, make them 
swKAH that they will never be friends to a power, 
jwho are thus sacrificing their dearest privileges. 
j Ring in their young ears the dreadful tale of mur- 
jders, rapes, and massacres. Paint to them the 
conduct of Britain, as displayed in her arms in dif- 
ferent parts of America, till their young breasts 
glow with ardor, and thus early catching the flame 
of patriotism, they may, through life, pursue un- 
daunted so glorious an object. Pleased with such 
an invocation, the shades of our fathers will re- 
joice over tlieir posterity, and the angels of love 
and purity will look down delighted. 

No one, I thi.jk, can suppose these thoughts pro- 
ceed from rage or passion. They are tlie cool 
dictates of my heart. I love my country; her dis- 
tresses afl'ectme; nor, from this moment, do I ever 
wish a reconciliation with a power, whose prospe- 
rity must be founded on my utter destruction. 

I have now, my countrymen, endeavored to 
exhibit the fatal effects of standing armies in time 
I of peace; not. from abstract reasoning, but as they 
exist in fact, and now prevail in our distressed 
land. Here I would remark, that it is standing 
armies in time of peace, and ihe consequences thence 
resulting, that we are now deprecating. Armies, 
in defence of our country, unjustly invaded, are 
necessary, and in the highest sense justifiable. We, 
my friends, attacked by an arbitrary tyrant, u.ider 
the sanction of a force, the eflTects of which, we 
have attempted to illus.rate, have been obliged to 
make the last solemn appeal. And I cannot but 
feel a pleasing kind of transport, when I see 
.\meric<», undaunted by the many trying scenes that 
have attended her, siiil bafliing the efforts of the 
most formidible power in Europe, and exhibiting' 
an instance unknown in history. To see an army 
of veterans, who had fought and conquered in dif- 
ferent quarters of the globe headed by a gene- 
ral tutored in the field of war, illustrious by former 
victories, and flush'^fl with repi^ated succp«^f*s, 

*A* Hmnibal, then abovit nine ye;»rs old, w..s 
soothing wit'i rhildisii caresses his father, Ilamii- 
car, to take him along with him to Spun, whither, 
after finishing tiie war in Africa, he was now about 
to transport his troops, and was sacirificiiiff for suc- 
cess in that expedition, he was led by his father to 
t!ie altar, and with his hand on the victim, was 
bound by this solemn oath, "thit as soon as he 
should have it in his power, he would declare 
himself an enemy to the Roman people. 

Livey, 6.21. ch. 1 



36 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



threatiiing, widi all the pomp of expression, to 
spread havock, desolation, and ruin around liim; 
to see such a soldiery and such a ge .eral, yielding 
to an hardy race of men, new to the field of war; 
while on the one hand it ex:dts the character of 
the latter, convincingly proves the folly of those 
who, \\\v\er piv-tence of having a body of troops, 
bred to war, and ever ready for action, adopt this 
dangerous system, in subversion of every principle 
of lawful government. Here, if, after having de- 



freedom, let us attend to this most pressing oc- 
casion; an occasion providentially offered for future 
security and happiness If a royal army, though 
weak in its number, can thus insult us unpunished, 
the most slender imagination can easily foresee what 
must be the effects of a still greater force. I wish 
that the present generation, I wish that posterity 
may not feelingly reproach our inactivity. 

Shall the frequent calls of our exalted QKWEHAt, 
who seems to have been raised up by heaven, to 



pictured scenes of so distressing a nature, it may L^ow to what an height humanity may soar; who 
not appear too descending, I could not forbesir gg^g^^ygiy gj^ppj{ji,;„gj,f^^g„j.g j^nd domestic ease, 
smiling at the British general and his troops who, Kyishes to share with you in every danger and dis- 
not willing to reflect on their present humiliating Kress, shall his frequent calls be in vainP remember. 



condition, affect the air of arrogant superiority. 
But Americans huve learnt them that men, fight- 
ing on the principles of freedom and honor, despise 
the examples that have been set them by an ene- 



my countrymen, the eyes of the good and great, in 
every clime, are upon the present contest. Li- 
berty, disgusted at scenes of cruelty and oppres- 
sion, h;is left her ancient altars, and is now hover- 



tions have hitlierto been great and su:cessru'. Let 
not the ashes of Wahres, MoNTOoMKny, and 'he 
illustrious roll of heroes, who died for freedom, 
reproach our inactivity and w;*nt of spirit, in not 
completing this grand superstructure; the pillars 
of which have been cemented with the ricliest 
blood of America. May that same ardor, which 
has rendered America famous, still continue, and 
looking forward to those happy days of liberty and 
peace, which our posterity shall enjoy, let us exult 
at the thought, that future generations, while they 
reap the glorious fruits of our struggles, will rise 
up and call us blessed. 

ORATION DELIVERED AT BOSTOW, MARCH 5, 1779, 

BY WILLIAM TUDOR, ESQ. 



-Sed et ilia propaf<:o 



my; and though, in the field, they can brave every k^g t^ fix her last residence in America. Our exer- 
daoger in defence of those principles, to a van- 
quished enemy they know how to be generous; but 
that this is a generosity not weak and unmeaning, 
but founded on just sentiments, and if wantonly 
presumed upon, will never interfere with that na- 
tional justice, which ever ought, and lately has been 
properly exerted 

But while, with the warmest gratitude to heaven, 
we view our late successes, and are at a loss to ex- 
press our acknowledgment to the illustrious hero, 
who was the instrument, and whose name to remotest 
ages will be ever dear to these New-England stales, 
let us not forget our situation. There is an army, 
and a very powerful one, still existing In the heart 
of America. Methinks the repuuiion of past 
successes should animate every inhabitant of Ame- 
rica to fly to arm«; and by one general exertion 

utterly expel this last, this only remaining power 

of Great Britain on the continent. Ye, to whom 

the sacred, the important system of government 

li committed— ye men of sense and virtue— ye 

patriots, who feel an affection for your country 

anil posterity, let me conjure you to seize the pre- 
sent opportunity, happier than we could ever have 

exnected, and which once omitted may never be 

again in our power. 

I would not pretend to insinuate, that this is the 
cnly point which ought to be under immediate con- 
siderution, by a v.ise people or their delegates. But 
this 1 will venture to affirm, that unless this is the 
governini( sentiment, in every deliberation, every 
other thing is superfluous. Let us then rise su- 
perior to every private local attachment. As we 
j!?e embarked on one broad bottom df universal 



Contenipti'ix superum sevseque avidissima va>dis 

Et violenla fuit. Qv. M. L. I. F. 5, 

Whatever secondary props may ri?e 
Fvom po'icics, to build the public p"ice, 
The basis is, the manners of the land. — Youso. 

Fathers, countrymen, friends — "That man was 
born to delude and be deluded; to believe what- 
ever is taught, and bear whatsoever is imposed," 
are political dogmas which have long afforded 
matter for exultation and security to dignified 
villains, from the sceptered tyrant, to the meanest 
minion of power. But however confirmed they 
may have been by the passive conduct of the 
greatest part of mankind, you, my fellow-citizens, 
thank God, you are an exception to their truth. 
The numerous, the respectable assembly which 
now croud tliis hallowed temple, are an exalted 
exception to maxims as disgraceful as they are 
general. Ever vigilantly attentive to the sacred, 
unalienable rights of man; equally studious in the 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIGN- 



S7 



glorious prniii les of liberty, as iuarpidly de- 
termined to preserve inviolate the inesumubW 
previleges she bestows; you are no-y convened, 
not merely to commemorate this anniversary, bui 
solemnly to renew the resolves, yhich freedom, 
wisdom, virtue, honor inspire: and not barely t- 
resolve, but I tr^st, steadily to pursue the execu 
tion of resolutions which have resulted from 
deliberate investigation and full conviction. 

To so intelligent, so well informed an audifory, 
it must be unnecessary to deduce the origin of civil 
■ociety, which, founded in reciprocal advantage, 
and springing from social virtue, on the ciambined 
necessities and assistance of individuals, built the 
general happiness— a happiness thus instituted, 
nothing but public spirit, and a union of force and 
of council can preserve: I must therefore request 
your indulgence, whilst I rather point out those 
evils w^iich the concurrent experience of ages and 



>i»''suit9, and t .e gratification of voluptuous v, ishes, 
a ready surrifice is made of the general good at 
he shrine of power. Then slumHers th.a virtuous 
jealousy of public men and public ccpasures, which 
was wont to scrutinize not only actions bu mo- 
tives: t!ien nods thmt active zeal, which, with eiiglc 
eye watched, and with nervous arm defended the 
constitution. Every day new inroads are made 
upon public liberty, while encroachment<!, like 
emptations, grow more frequent and more dan. 
gerous in proportion as. the power of resistance 
decre ses. Thus, before a nation is completely 
deprived of freedom, she must be fitted for slavery 
by her vices. 

Generally, but not always, for we have known a 
people ruled by a despot, who, from a private 
station, rose to uncontrolcd dominion, at a time 
when they were sternly virtuous. And this mode 
I of introducing bondage is ever to be apprehended 



i)atio;is prove to be subversive of every g -od pro- \^^ ^^^- c^ose of a successful struggle for liberty. 



posed from civil compact. Little soUcitons of 
rhelirical applause, I shall offer you my sentime>)ts 
as they •'r:te warm from a heart devoted to the 
interests of this my parent country, m language 
that becomes a freeman to use when addressing a 
free assembly. 

Similar causes will forever operate like effects, 
in the political, moral, and pliysical world: those 
vices which rained the iilustT-ious republics of 
Greece, and the mighty com'nonwealth of Rome 
and which are now ruining Great Brit lin, so late 
the first kingdom of Europe, must eventually over- 
turn every state, where their deleterious influence 
is suffered to prevail. Need I add that luxury, 
corruption, and standing armies are those destruc- 
tive efficients? 

Liixury, no sooner finds admittance into a state 
than sh-i bscom's the parent of innumerable evils, 
public and domestic; her contagioua influence is 
soon felt in society, and her baneful effects dis- 
covered by a general dissipation of manners, and a 
declension of private virtue, which begets effeminate 
habits, and by a natural gradation, abase pliability 
of spirit. 

Luxury is ever the foe of independence, for at 
the same time that it creates artificial wants it 
precludes the means of satisfying them. It first 
makes men necessitous, and then dependent. It 
first unfits men for patriotic energies, and soon 
teaches them to consider ^«6/ic virtue as a public 
jest. 

At such a period, corruption finds an easy access 
to men's hearts. To the promotion of interested 



.vh8n a triumphant army, elated with victories, 
and headed by a popular general, may become 
more formidable than the tyrant, that has been 
expeiled. Witness the last century in the English 
histor)! witness the aspiring ChomweIil! 

This aud.acious citizen, entrusted by his country 
with the command of her armies, to chastise the 
man whom previous folly* liad enthroned, and who 
soon presumed to treat his subjects, as all kings 
are wont to do, with contempt and injury, had no 
sooner despatched the foolish, impsrious monarch, 
than he attempted to succeed him: with a litilt: 
man.^gement, he soon found his army as disposed 
to re^//y him, as they had oecn to depose Charles. 
With these mercenary associates at his heels, he 
appeared in the synod of the state, and dared with 
force displace the most glorious band of patriots 
that even led a tyrant from his throne to a scaffold. 
Not content with this enormous outrage upon the 
constitution, this annihilating stroke upon the 
tottering liberties of his country, fcjr a time to 
keep up the form of a popular govern:nent and to 
bring parliament into contempt, he convened au 
house of commons, constitut'jd entirely of his own 
creatures. They met, and in a few months dis- 
covered that they were utterly unequal to the posts 



*lf a man in private life finds iiis oldest son an 
ideot or a rascal, he may dispose of !iis estate among 
his other children: but if the heir apparent (in 
hereditary monarchies) to a crown, an inheritance 
ill which millions ars interested, turns to be a block- 
head or a villain, s'i!! he must betlie kh\^, he':ai:ss 
such is the line of succession established by law.— 
:ience the few princes who have not been either 
the scourge or disgrace of the kingdoms they havt 
ruled. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Rut >''iy lo I keep your attention fixed on remote 
transactions? our own times furnish addltiona! and 
convincinj;; proofs of t'le destructive consequences 
of political corruption, and mercenary ai'mies. 

Sweden, the bravest, hardiest, freest nation of 
the north-- S^vedn, la one hour, was plunged from 
the d's'.ins^uished heights of liberty i'lto abject 
vasssl.»ge. What ties can bind a kingi" scarce had 
GcsTAvus the third ascended the throne of limited 
monarchy; scarce h:id the roofs of the senate house 
ceased to revt-rbente the i'lsidious accents of his 
inaugurai in . soeech,* whilst yet the venerable repre- 

*This speech i!> in<5erted at large, not only be- 
cause it is fraught with excellent advice, but also 
to she.v ho V lit'le reliance ought to be placed on 
coro.'atioii speeches. 

The king of S'veden's speedi to the states on the 
1st of June, 1772. 

"Vou are this day assembled, in order ^o confirm 
in the manner of your ancestors, the ba.id of union 
which ties you to me, md me to you, and both to 
the whole commonwealth; we must therefore re- 
mejnber, with tlie most sensible gratitude, the 
liome by the senate to answer to some charges j benevolence of the Almigiity, who hss ordered 
against his conduct He knew that at such an inter- ! ^'""S^ so, ^h•il this very anrjent kingdom of the 
° jSv/edes and G^ths is sull existinar, after so many 

view his sword would be bis ablest advocate. He j f^i-eign, as a ell as national sliocks, and that I, in 
therefore led his veteran legions, "nothing loth" Hi"' tlirune of my a icestors, c\\\ yet address free 
against his country; passed the Rubicon; fought "'^"^ i"'iependent stnes. 

Lis v/ay to Rome; plunged a dagger in her vitals; . Assured of your hearts, most sincerely propos- 

ling to m^^ril them, and tohx my throne upon vour 
impiously trampled on her dearost rights; and | jove and felicity, the public engagement which'you 
seized on empire crimsoned, execrable parricide' j are going to enter into, would, in my opinio^, be 

^^•^.-^^^A ,„;fk *(..» _.«i,»^f ki„^j ,p r>^„„»„ k ^ 1 needless, if ancieni custom and the law of Swt-den 
crimsoned with the richest blood ot Itome s best ,., , •. r tt i .. i • ^ 

laid not require it or you. U happy the knig \.vho 

citizens! i wants the tie of oaths to secure himself on the 

Too latethe patriot poignard reached the traitor's i tlirnne, a:id who, not assured of the hpa-ts of his 
- ,, , , ^. r I- . J 1- 11 subiecis, is constr.'ined lo reign onlv by the 'orce 

tell — aiRs! the reniihlic had i^illen n, i_ i .. i ^i i p\- u- . i 

or laws, when he cannot by the love ot his subjects! 



they were raised to, they therefore petitioned their 
master to dissolve them. Cromwell granted their 
reqitest, and beriame sole tyrant of three kingdoms. 
Tyrant — fur of what conseqsence is it by what style 
or under what modification despotism operates to 
the pu'jlic v/rong — dictator, king, protector, it is 
no' the appellation we "reprobate, thougli even that 
we s'-ould guard against, but the thing. VVlso but 
mus' oivii that Cromwell, under the name of pro 
teoto", was as absolute a despot, as he could have 
been with any other title.'' 

The first Cssar affords us another instance among 
the thousands which hist >ry liolis up to our view, 
to t°ach us w'lat bold and unorincipled spirits have 
effected by the aid of «r nies. This ambi iou'^ suS- 
jecf, having been for sevenl years engage;! in the 
humane, the soldierly employment, of slaughtering 
his fel!ow-men, and la extendi.ng his conquests 
over counlries which he had not even a pretence 
to invade; this Caesar, wt>o boisted that he liad 
slain a million of men,* was at length ordered 



heart. Cxsar fell — alas! the republic had fallen 
before. Rome changed her governors, but the 
tyrani'.y remained. The same army that had enabled 
Julius to triumph over ilie liberties of his country, 
led tiie cars of Octavius, Anthont and Lepidus, 
through seas of llDman blood, and bad the cursed 
triumvirate divide an enslaved world! 

If Rome could have been saved, Bauxcs and his 
virtuous associates would have saved her; but a 
standing army, and a perpetual dictator, were, and 
ever will, prove too hard for the patriotic few. 
Learn hence, my countrymen, thai, a state may 
sink so low in slavery tkat even virtue itself can- 
not retrieve her. From these examples, prudence 
dic'.ates — resist begiiiniiigs. A free and wise peo- 
ple will never sufFvr any ci'.izen to become to.-) 
pop'ihr — much less too pow-rful. A man may be 
formidable to the constitution even bv his virUies. 



■*l'latarch says tia; Cxsar could boi*st, ili.it l;e 
had slain a million of men, gave a million their li- 
'^t'A'j, and mads a million prisoners. 

Vld. riui. in vit. Cxsar. 



I need not put you in mind of tl.e weiglitiness of 
the engagement you are going to take; the states of 
Sweden know best the extreme of their duty to 
themselves and the commonwealth; may concord 
and harmony ever unite your heans; may foreign 
view sand private gain ever be sacrificed to pubhc 
interest; may this alone be a perpetual bond of 
uniun amongst you; and may the ambitioa of any 
part of you, never r-iise any such disturbances as 
rnay endanger the freedom and independency of 
the w.ole commo'>we-iltM 

Gentlemen of the house of nobles. 

Preserve always the honor and intrepidity of 
your ancestors; be an example to your fellow-ciii- 
zens; and, as you are the first order of the king- 
dom, be also the first in virtue and love of your 
country. 

Guod men of the reverend order of clergy, 

M\y mutUil friendship and peace, obedience to 
the law^,, reverence to God and the king, be.ir 
Witness to me *nd the coun-ry, of your z al in the 
execniion of tlie sacred office, with which you are 
entrusted! 

Qjod men of the respectahle order of burgher's, 

Strive- always with ^our fello^v-svibjecis who shall 
contribute the mosv to the public good; may the 
fruits of the extensive share which belongs to you, 
be general credit and confidence, usefid insUtU" 



PRISCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



^9 



sentalives of tlieir country were fondly anticipi'- 
ing- the blessings that would ;ri>-? from the reign 
of so wise, so gracious a king — The unblushing 
parricide surrcundel, with an armed host, th° 
temnle is which (he seiate was ase nbled, planted 
his cannon against the gi'-^s, and >vith the swords 
of his guards at the throats of the senators, demand- 
ed immediate absolution from his co -onit'on oath, 
by which he had most sa^^redly bound hims -If to pre 
serve i iviolale tlie laws and liber».ii?s of ;he S vedes! 
astonishing that a strippling, whose language 
breathed the glowing sentiments of enttiusiastic 
generosity, so natural to youth, could, with such 
facili'.y, set at defi.»nce all that is held sacred, 
honorable, and obligatory among men! but tlie lust 
of domin <tion, so na^^ural to human nature, will 



'ind in wealth. Not a corner of the earth but had 
witnessed her achievements. Wheresoever she 
directed her armies, victory and conquest attend- 
e''; whilst her irresistible navy, thundering over 
every oc^an, not only subdued, but annihilated the 
fleets of her enemies. 

Triumph .^nt in war, not less distinguished in 
peace. In many of the polite, in most of the use- 
f il arts and sciences, superior to her neis^hbors. 
In commerce unequalled; not a sea but bore, not a 
wind but wafted her countless ships, laden v,iih 
the riches of the earth, and made her crowded 
ports »he marts of the world. Late glorious na- 
tion, how art thou fallen, how lost! from so envied, 
so stupendous an height, by the perverted will of 



. thy infatuated monarch, and the pernicious coun- 

ever prove too hard tar the checks of conscience „. r . . c ■ ■ • . ^ . 

•^ sets ot his nefdnous ministers. Driven to the 

and the dictates of right, when a favorable op 



portunity presents to gratify it. Gustavus, know- 
in;^ t!ia' the arm^' were rea ly to assist his iniquit lus 
designs (as all standing armies are to promote 
d-TSD-jtism, because under such a system of rule, 
soldiers must be necess'try and consequently favor 
ed) the barriers raised by jusiice and his plighted 
faith to Sveden, became slight indeed. Force 
backed inclinaiion, aod Gustavus changed circum- 
scribed authori'y, for unconfined sovereignty.* 

Let us now turn our eyes to that nation whom 
we once did love, and with whom we had yet been I '^''"^^ executive magistrate, and first branch of the 
friends, had not an unparalleled series of folly and '^S'^lature, is invested with the important prer^r- 
cruelty, compelled us to renounce t!ie pleasing S^^'^e of making peace and war, is constituted tlie 



fearful edge of ruin, we now behold thee tottering 
o'er the gulph of annihilation, whilst France and 
her allies urge thee over the irremediable steep! 

When we consider the capital defects in the 
English constitution — the character of her present 
weak and ambitious monarch — the luxury, dissipa- 
tion and venality of her influential men, we shall 
cease to wonder at her declension and present cir- 
cumstances. 

Tn a limited monarchy, where the prince, as su- 



relationship. A short retrospect of whose public 
conduct, subsequent to the last war, will aflbrd 
many and important instructions. 

In 1763 peace was restored aft.T a war of seven 
years, successfully waged in every quarter of the 
globe. At that period what an unrivalled figure 
did Gr-eat Britain stand amongst the nations! great 
beyond all former exiiTinle, in ar^ris, in commerce 



tions, frugal livi ig, aHd moderate gain, which lead 
to sure and cerain wenlth. 

Good men of the -worthy order of peasants. 
May piety, diligence, teipeiance, and old S.Vfd 
ish faith and modes y, be trie strongest conHrnia 
tion of the honor ahvays due to that order w lich 
giv^s su'sistence to aii tlie oihers; an honor which 
the SA'edish peasants have at all times attained. 



sole fountain of honor, and becomes the exclusive 
disposer of every lucrative and h«iorable appoint- 
ment, civil, ecclesiastic, and military, his influence 
becomes too enormous to be compatible with the 
public liberty: but if to such extravagant powers 
(by a fatal error in the constitution, placed in the 
hands of the prince) he should superadd a detesta- 
ble system of corruption to bribe the representa- 
tives of the people (a system v/hic!), during the 
feign of his present Britannic majesty, hath been 
urged to its utmost possible extent) the wors-t 
species of vassalage must ensue. That equipoise 
bet eenthe respective branches of the legislature 
(in which the seeming theoretic excellence of the 
English constituiioii consists) will be totally de- 



Th s is all I a.-k of you, when you observe this, 
you perform in tlie best manner, that duty to xn< , 
and yo\i<- country, which, according to t!:e Swedish 1 
laws, I now call upon you to confir n by oatii." p'^^ of the constitution are retained, its spirit and 



stroyed; the executive will involve the powers of 
the Ifgislative, and whilst the letter and formalj- 



*For an historical accountof this revolution, vid. 
Genilein:ni's Magazine for 177'2, p:ge 397, &c. For 
the Swedish coostitution, vid. the abbot V rtot. 

For a complete system of despoti-ui, see the I 
lex regia of Denmark, constituted by Frederick 3d, succeed, and be finally established, unless a total 
in 16G5, and published by Christian 5th, in 1633. ^revolution is happily effected by timely exertions 



intendment will be totally lost. An ahsohitely arbi- 
Wary, with the forms of a free government (that 
worst and surest of all tyrannies) will gradually 



<D 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



of the people, ber.>re the despot has strengthene'^ 
iiimself with a mercenary army, and forever closed 
their chains. 

But this tyranny is already established in Great 
Britain: for what hopes can Urilons entertain of 
effecting a revolution, whilst the crown, by the 
tnullipHcity of gifts in its power, can maintain an 
infamous majority in each house of parliament to 
legalize, and a standing army to enforce, ils pro- 
jects, however imperious, inhuman or unjust. Ip 
y^iin, a few wise and virtuous men see and lament 
their dishonorable situation— an armyof forty-thou- 
sand soldiers, in time of peace, and a still more 
numerous band of placemen and pensioners, pro- 
perly disposed throughout the kingdom, effectu- 
ally stifle iii their birth every effort of patriolism 
to restore the constitution to its primxval princi* 
pies. 

Such is the boasted constitution, such the prince, 
and such the present condition of the people of 
Britain Unhappy nation, thus constitutienally en- 
slaved — thus legally undone! unworthy descendants 
of illustrious ant estors — thus to suffer your most es- 
sential rights to be bartered away, your government 
not only corrupted, but perverted to purposes di- 
ametrically opposite toils original intention. An 
house of commons, at first constituied to watch 
over and preserve yo«r rights and imnaunities from 
the encroaching steps of ambitious princes, you 
have permitted to become an engine in the hands 
of royalty, the more effectually to abridge or nulli- 
fy those rights. A parliament, constituted the 
stewards of your property, who, instead of guard- 
ing it from the insatiable grasp of royal avidity, 
you patiently see lavishingly indulging the utmost 
extravagance of regal profus'oj); granting enormous 
sums for effecting the most pernicious purposes, 
traitorously leaguing with the servants of the 
crown in loading you with intolerable taxes, and, 
sharers in the spoil, prodigally complying with the 
most unbounded demands of ministerial rapacity, 
while they, at the same time, treacherously unite 
to screen the most infamous defaulters of the pub- 
iic money. Instead of bravely drawing your swords 
in defence of your freedom and national honor, you 
first tamely acquiesced in an insidious and igno- 
minious law,* by which you 'vere basely disarmed; 
like slaves, and then, from necessity, submitted to 
keeping on foot, in time of peace, a standing army. 



\ *Vi I Statutes at large — Particularly 2 Geo. 3i!. 
ch. 29, and 10th Geo. 3d. ch. 19. and Black Com. 
B. 2. ch. 27. — For the game and lorest laws. 



that, in time of war, had been raised professedly 
for the defence of the national territories from fo- 
reign attacks — an army whioh yoa now behold 
without shame and witl»out regret, spreading de- 
vastation and horror over al;ite peaceful and happy 
country; and having at length dismembered the 
empire, are now attempting to reduce us to the 
most infamous and most miserable of all conditions, 
that of being the conquered vassals of your weak, 
vindictive, despotic monarch. 

Degenerate sons of mighty fathers! how poor 
is the consolation for the loss of essential rights, 
that you still retain the empty privilege of p squi- 
nading your king and his ministers, whilst you are 
destitute of that public spirit and solid virtue 
which should purge your co'.rupted government 
and reform your wretched constitution. 

From subjection to a government, thus defective 
and corrupt, and thus vilely administered, what 
freeman would not struggle for an emancipation? 
but if there is an American present, who can yet 
secretly wish for a reunion with this nation, and a 
share in her ideal privileges, let him for a moment 
consider the innumerable indignities which, for 
fifteen years back, have been ofl'ered us by tl)is 
haughty power, added to the savage barbarities 
which they have exercised in every part of America 
where their army have made any progress, and he 
must blush at the spiritless, the ignoble sentiment. 

In 1764 the plan for raising a revenue from this 
country was resolved on by the British ministry, 
and THEIR obsequious parliament were instructed 
to pass an act for that purpose. Not content with 
having for a century directed the entire commerce 
of America, and centered its profits in their own 
island, thereby deriving from the colonies every 
substantial advantage which the situation and 
transmarine distance of the country could afford 
them: not content with appointing the principal 
ofiicers in the different governments, while the 
king had a negative upon every law that was 
enacted: not content with our supporting the whole 
charge of our municipal establishments, although 
their own creatures held the chief posts therein; 
not conten; with laying external duties upon our 
mutilated and sha< kied commerce, they, by this 
statute, attempted to rob us of even the curtailed 
property, the hard-earned peculium which still 
remained to us — to create a revenue for the sup- 
port of a fleet and urmy, in reality to overawe and 
secure our subjection, not (as they insidiously pre- 
tended) to protect our trade, or defend our froti- 



PRINCIPLES AND AgTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



.41 



tiers; the first of which they annoyed, and the latter 
deserted. 

After repealing this innperious edict, iioi because 
it was unjust in principle, but inexpedient in exer- 
cise, they proceeded to declare, by a public act of 
tlie whole legislature, that we had no property but 
wliat was at their disposal, and that Americans, in 
future, were to hold their privileges and lives 
solely on the tenure of the good will and pleasure 
of a British parliament. Acts soon followed cor- 
respondent to this righteous determinai ion, which, 
not quadrating with American ideas of right, jus 
tice and reason, a fleet and army were sent to givf 
them that force which laws receive when pro 
mulgated from the mouths of cannon, or at the 
points of bayonels. 

We then first saw our harbor crowded with 

hostile ships, our streets with soldiers soldiers 

accustomed to consider military prowess as the 
standard of excellence, and vain of the splendid 
pomp attendant on regular armies, they contemp- 
tuously looked down on our peaceful orders of 
citizens. Conceiving themselves more powerful, 
tiiey assumed a superiority which they did not 
ieel; and whom they could not but envy, they af- 
fected to despise. Perhaps, knowing they were 
sent, and believing they were able to subdue us, 
they thought it was not longer necessary to observe 
any measures with slaves- hence that arrogance in 
the carriage of the oflficers---hence that licentious- 
ness and brutality in the common soldiers, which 
at length broke out with insufferable violence, ami 
proceeding to personal insults and outrageous 
assaults on the inhabitants, soon roused them to 
resentment, and produced the catastrophe which 
we now commeniorate. The immediate horrors of 
that distressful nigh'.* have been so often and so 
strikingly painted, that 1 shuU not again wrinpf 
your feeling bosoms with the ad'ecting recital: to 
the faithful pen of history I leavt them to be re- 
presented as the horrid prelude to those more 
extensive tragedies which, under the direction of 
a most obdurate and sanguinary prince, have since 
been acted in every corner of America where his 
armies have been able to penetrate. 

Our citizens who fell on that memorable night, 
falling bequeathed us this salutary lesson, written 
iiideliably with their blood. Co^ifusioji, minders, 



* Hecaten vocal altera, .'•xvam 

Altera Tifiphoncn serpenles, a'que videres 
Fiifernas errare Cane.-;; Liinanuiue rubcntem, 
Ne foret his Testis post magna latere sepntchra 

Jlrjr. 1. I. S. 8. 



a?iJ misery itvust ever be tliC consequence of mercenary 
ttanding armies cantoned iii free cities* 

My countrymen, sufft-r not the slaiighsered 
brethren we now lament to have bled in vain; let 
us forever retain the important lesson, and they 
.vill not have ineffectually fallen. Security shal 
spring from their tombs, and their deatiis preserve 
the lives of citizens yet unborn. Succeeding 
generations shall celebrate the sra of this anni- 
versary as the epoch of American triumph, not as 
■i day of sadness; and future patriots nobly envy 
the death of those, who dying taught their coun- 
tryman experimental wisdom. 

OHATION nF.tlVKUED AT BOSTOH, M ATICH 6, 1780, 

BY MR JONATHAN MASON, J UN. 

" Devotion to ihe public. Glorious fianic! 

"Celestial ardor! in what unknown world:! 

" Hast thou heeii hlessiii^ myriads, since ill Kouie, 

" Old virtuous Rome. »o muny d«aihless names 

" From thee their lustr;; drew.' since taught by tliefe 

"Their poverty put tplemlor to the blush, 

"Paiu grew luxurious, and even death delight. 

Thomson, vol. I. p. 32j6. 
•' Uiiblest by virtue, government and league 
" Beconi's a cirelins junto of the great 

" 'I'o rob by l.tw. —— 

" What are without it senates, save a ta«a 

"Ol' consultation diep and reaiion free, 

" While the deterinin'd voice and heart are sold.' 

" What boasted i'reedoni, save a sounding uaiuei 

"And wliateli-vtion, hut a market viltt 

"Of slaves sell-barter'd?— /(^. p. 3. 

My friends imd fellow-citizens — That the great- 
ness and prosperity of a people depend upon- the 
proportion of public spirit and the love of virtue 
which is found to exist among them, seems to be 
a maxim esl.tblished by the universal consent, and 
I may say, experience of all ages. 

Man is formed with a constitution wonderfully 
adapted for social converse and connection. Scarcely 
ushered into the world, but his wants teach hitn 
his inability, of himself, to provide for them. Wrapt 
in astonishment, with an anxiety inexpressible, the 
solitary existaot looks ai'ound for the aid of some 
friendly neighbor, and should he perchance meet 
the desired object; should he find one, endowed 
with intellec'.ual faculties, beset with tlie same 
wants and weaknesses, and in all respects the very 
image of himself; should he find him with a heart 
open to mutualikind offices, and a hand stretched 
out to bestow a proportion of his labor, with a 
bosom glowing with gratitude, his soul is on the 
wing to express the sense he entertains of the 
generous obligarion. 

A confidence is established between him and his 
benefactor, they swear perpetual friendship, and a 
compact for muui.il protection and assistance be- 

* El AU< uibibus uUiiu£ 

Stetere Causa; cur perireut 
Fi.iiiditus imprimpvetque muris 
Hostile aralrum Exercitns insolens. 

Ifor. Lib. I. Cur. 16. 



4'^ 



PRi.NClPLES AND ACTS OF THK REVOLUTION. 



comes imperceptibly corseiited to. Thus doubly [adherence to the spirit of their constitution, and 
ariTied, together Ihey pursue their morning route to those glorious principles tVom whic'i that spirit 
to satisfy those demands, only which nature reminds originated, we find them attaining real glory — we 



thf-m of, and while the ingenuisy of the one is 
exercised to ensnare, llie strength of the other is, 
perhaps, employed to subdue their vigorous op- 
ponent. 

Their little family soon increases; and as their 



find them crowned with every blesaing that human 
nature hath ever knortm of— we find them in the 
possession of that summit of solid happiness that 
universal depravity will admit of 
Patriotism is essential to the preservation and 



socihI ring becomes gradually enlarged, their well being of every free government. To love 
oh'.igati;>ns to each other are equally circular, one's country* has ever been esteemed honorable; 



Honest industry early teaches them, that a part 
only is sufficient to provi<le for the whole, and that 
3 portion of their time may be spared to cull the 
conveniences as well as appease the wants of nature. 
Property and personal security appear to be among 
the first objects of their attention, and acknow- 
ledged merit receives the unanimous suffrage to 
preside gnhidiiti* over the riglits and privileges of 



and under the influence of this nohle passion, every 
social virtue is cultivated, freedom prevails tlirough 
'he whole, and the public good is the object of 
every one's concern. A constitution, built upon 
such principles, and put in e.^ecutian by men 
possessed with the love of virtue and their fellow- 
men, must always insure happiness to its members. 
The industry of the citizen will receive encourage- 



their infarct society. The advantages derived are ment and magnanimity; heroism and benevolence 



in a moment experienced. Their little policy, 
erected upon the broad basis of equality, they 
kn>>w of no superiority but that which virtue and 
the love of the whole demands; and while, with 
cheerfulness, they entrust to his care a certain part 
of their natural rights, to secure the remainder, 
the agreement is mutual, and the obligation upon 
his part equally solemn and binding to resign them 
back either at the instance and request of their 
sovereign pleasure, or whensoever the end should 
be perverted for which he received them. 

Integrity of heart, benevolence of disposition, the 
love of freedom and public spirit, are conspicuous 
excellencies in this select neighborhood. Lawless 
ambition is without a friend, and the insniuating 
professional pleas of tyrants, ever accompanied by 
the magnificence and splendor of luxury," are 
unheard of among tliem; but simple in their man 
ners and honest in their intentions, their regula- 
tions are but few and those expressive, and with 
out the aid of extreme refinement,! by a universal 

•A mode of living above a man's annual income 
weakens the sule, by reducu.g vopo\erty not only 
the squiadevers tliemselves, but many innocent and 
induitrious persons connecied with them. Luxury 
is above all pernicious in a commercial state. ShuU 
profits satisfy the frugal and industrious, but the 
luxurious dc'spise almost every branch of trade but 
what returns gre..i pr< fits. 

name's hist, of man, p. 11 j, vol. 2. 

Ill the savage slate man is Hldiosi ail body with 
a very small proportion of mind. In the maturity 
of civil society, he is complete both in nuud and 
body. In a slate of degeneracy by luxury and 
voluptuousness, he has neither mind nor body. 
' Jd. 114 

fThere are very few laws which are not good 
while the state retams jts principles. 

Mmtesq. 6. 8. 6. 12. 



will be esteemed the admired qualifications of the 
ige. Every, the least invasion on the public liberty, 
is considered as an infringement on that of the sub- 
ject; and feeling himself roused at the appearance 
of oppression, with a divine enthusiasm, he flies to 
obey the summons of his country, and does she 
but request, with zeal he resigns the life of the 
individual for the preservation of the whole. 

Without some portion of this generous princi- 
ple, anarchy and confusion would immediately 
ensue, the j.'irring interests of individuals, regard- 
ing themselves only, and indifferent to the welfare 
of others, would still further heigiiten the dis- 
tressing scene, and with the assistance of the 
selfish passions, it would end in the ruiu and 
subversion of the state. But where patriotism is 
the leading principle, unanimity is conspicuous in 
public and private councils. The constitution 
receives for its stability the united efforts of every 
individual, and revered for its jusiice, admired for 
its principle, and formidable for its strength, its 
fame reaches to t.'ie skies. 

Should we look into the history of the ancient 
republics, we shall find them a striking example 
of what 1 have asserted, and in no part of their 
progress to greatness, pr >ducing so many illustri- 
ous actions, and advancing so rapidly in the road 
to glory, as when actua'ed by public spirit a d the 
love of their country. The Greeks in particular 



*llie amor pair se, or patnotis , stands at the 
heidof social affections, and so i igi. incur esteem, 
that no actio ,, but what proceed from it, are 
termed grind or heroic. It iriumphb over very 
se'.h-,h n. olive, is u fim support to every virtue, 
and wherever it prevails the morals of the people 
are found to be pure and coiie.:i. 

Ekmentt of Criticism. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



45 



ever held sach sentiments as these in the highest 
veneration, and with such sentiments as these alone 
they established their freedom, and finally con- 
quered the innumerable armies of the east. 

When Xerxes,* the ambitious prince of Persia, 
vainly thinking that nature and the very elements 
were s'ibject to his co'itrol, inflamed with the 
thoughts of conquest, threatning the seas, should 
they resist, with his displeasure, ami the moun- 
tain, should they oppose his progress: whet;, after 
having collected the armies of the then known 
world under his banners, he entered the bowels of 
Greece, leading forth his millions, resolutely bent 
upon the destruction and extirpation of this small 
but free people, what do we perceive to be their 
conduct upon so alarming an occasion? do they 
tamely submit without a struggle? do they abandon 
their property, their liberties, and their country, 
to the fury of these merciless invaders? do they 
meanly suppl «,iie the favor, or intreat the humani- 
ty of this ha'igiity prince? no! sensible of Jhe jus- 
tice of their cause, and that valor is oftentimes 
superior to numbers; undaunted by the appearance 
of this innumerable hos*, and fired with the glo 
rious zeal, they, with one voice, resolve to estab- 
lish their liberties, or perish in the atlempi. 

View them at the moment when the armies of 
their enemies, like an inundation, over spread their 
whole Grecian territory; wlien oppression seemed 
as though collecting its mighty force, and liberty 
lay fettered at the shrine of ambiti;,ni then shone 
forth the heavenly principle, then flamed the spirit 
of the patriot, and laying aside all sentiments of 
jaalousy, as though favored with the prophetic 
wisdom of heaven, with bravery unexampled, they 
charge their fje, and fighting m defence of their 
country, success crowns the virtuous attempt. 
With three hundred Lacedemonians,! one only of 
whom was left to tell the fate of these intrepid 
men to their weeping country, they conquered the 
combined force of the whole eastern world. 

The privileges and immunities of the sta*es of 

•Herod, C. F. C. 55, 99. audltollin An. His. 

fThese brave Lxcedo-monians thought it become 
them who were the choicest soldiers of the chief 
people of Greece, to devote theuiselves to certain 
death, in order to make the Persians sensible how 
diffi-:ult it is lo reduce freemen to slavery, and to 
teach the rest of Greece, by tiieir example, either 
to v,.t:q!iish or to perish. A monument was af^er 
wards erects d o tiie memory of Leonid.is and tliosr 
who fell wi;h him at TUermopylse; upoii which was 
this i'lscripiion: 

Die liojp. s. SpartsE ues te liic viilisse jaceiitp* 
Duni, w.ittu jiicii* ! ijiljm obi-jquiniur.— rfoWifi. 



Holland,* after a contest of fortv years, in w'^^ch 
they withstood the exertions of their powerful 
neighbors, being established by the force of thli 
single principle, which appears to prevail both in 
the senate and the field, might also be adduced in 
support of what I have advanced; but, my felii, /- 
countrymen, v.-e cannot want additional proofs; tne 
living history of our own times, will carry convi'^- 
tion to the latest posterity, that no state, that no 
community, I may say that no family, nay even that 
no individual can possibly flourish and be bappv, 
without some portion of this sacred fire. It was 
this that raised .i'nerica from being the haunt of 
the savage, and the dwelling-pUce of the beast, 
lo her present state of civdization and opulence: 
it was this that hath supported her imder the 
severest trials: it was this that taught her sons to 
fight, to cor.qiier and to die in support of freedom 
And is blessings; and what is it, but this ardent 
love of liberty, that has induced you my, fellow- 
citize^is, to attend on this solemn occasion, again 
to encourage t!ie streams of sensi'/iHty, and to 
lis. en with so mucli attention and candor lo Oi.e 
of the youngest of your feilow-citizens, whose 
youth and inability plead powerfully against him, 
while the anuu.il tribute is paid to the memorv of 
those dep irled citizens, who fell he first sacrifices 
lo arbitrary power. Check not such g?neroiis 
feelings. Tliey are the fiuits of virtue and hu- 
manity, and while the obligations you remain un- 
der to those unliappy men, lead you to si.ed the 
sympathetic tear, to dwell with pleasure upon 
their memories, and execrate the causes of their 
death, remember that you can never repay them. 
Ever bear it in your minds, that so implicit was 
the confidence y^n willingly placed in that coun- 
try, that owed to you her affection, that, notwilh- 
sianding the intioduction of that inhuman weapon 
of tyrants into the very hfart of your peaceful 
villages, you still would fain lely on their deceitful 
assertions, and p^i.it the defor(ned monster to your 
imaginations as the minister of peace and protec- 
tion. Men, born in the bosom of liberty, living in 
the exercise of the social affections in their full 
vigor, having once fixed them upon p^trticular ob- 
jects, they are not hastily eradicated. Un.^c- 
customed to sport with, and wanto-ily sacrifice 
these sensible overflowings of the heart, to run th"^ 
career of passion and blinded lus% lo be fa.oiiliar 
with vice, and sneer at virtue; to surprise innocerce 
by deceitful cunning and assume the shade of 
friendship to conceal the greater enmi'y, you could 
not at oncer ealize the fixed the deliberate inten- 

•Temple's observation. 



44 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



tion of those from whom you expected freedom, 
to load you with slavery and chains, and not till 
insult repeated upon insult; not till oppression 
sialked at noon-day through every avenue in yoni 
cities: nay, not till the blood of your peaceful 
brethren flowed throtigh yonr streets, was the 
invenomed serpent to be discovered in the bushes: 
not till a general trespass had been made upon the 
keenest feelings of human nature, and the widowed 
mother was summoned to entomb the cold remains 
of her aireclionate son; the virtuous bosom to 
resiijn its terder partner, and social cu-cles their 
jiearest friends; could you possibly convince your- 
selves that you and Britain were to be friends no 
more. Tlince happy day! the consequences of 
v/hich have ti^ui^ht the sons of Jmerica, that a pro- 
per exercise ot public spirit and the love of virtue 
bath been able to surprise and bafRe the most 
formidable and most powerful tyranny on earth. 

Patriotism is a virtue which will ever be uni- 
versally admired, even by those incapable of 
pos^,es.i;ig it. Its happy effects are equally visible 
in individuals as in states, and if we bestow a mo- 
ment's reflection upon the heroes of antiquity, who 
).ave been deservedly celebrated by succeeding 
.-eaeratians, both for their abilities and conduct, 
v.e shall find that the true source of their great- 
rc-is was thi? spirit of freedom, and their inviolable 
attachment to the interest of their country. 

AVith an attentive silence we listen to the 
historian while he relates to us the integrity of 
conduct, the invincible courage, the earnest glow 
of soul, and the ardent love of liberty which was 
exhibited in the lives of those illustrious men, and 
so great were their virtues that we are scarce abli^ 
to credit them, but as the dreams of fancy, or the 
fictions of the ingenious. 

It is recorded of the celebrated Timoleon,* ge- 
neral of Corinth, that notwithstanding he was blest 
with a temper singularly humane, and with feel 
jngs that were ever roused at the miseries of his 
fellow-men, he loved his country so passionately, 
that after mabing use ol every argument in his 
power to convince an elder brother of his error, 
f,)r attempting to become the tyrant of it, he 
flevoted him to death; a brother on whom he had 
previously placed his affection, and whose life 
being exposed to the five of an enemy in a severe 
battle, he had before saved at the great risque of 
his own. Kven in old age, after a period of rigid 
retirement for twenty years, we are attracted by 
the dl'iintcrested conduct of this exalted patriot. 



►RoUi 



When the Syracusians, groaning under every 
species of cruelty, whicli lust, avarice and ambition 
could inflict, supplicated their generous neighbors 
for assistance, to alleviate those miseries they 
themselves had been exposed to, Timoleon, urged 
to accept the command ofthe Corinthian auxiliaries, 
tt first hesitated, his age, his manners, his private 
happiness and the endearments of his family for- 
bade it; but sensible that he was but a member of 
tlie community, and stung by the cries of inno. 
cence, hjs inclinations were but of trivial moment 
n competition with his duty. 

View him at the head of his chosen army, assem- 
bled to plead the cause of suffering virtue. In 
possession of arms and of power, if inclined to 
pervert them, are his principles changed with his 
station? are his thoughts bent on conquest or on 
death? or does he entertain a secret wish to seize 
the moment of confidence, and build his greatness 
upon tiie ruin of the distressed, to remove one 
(yrant to reinstate another? no! but fired with a 
generous glow of soul, fired with the manly senti- 
ments of freedom, with an implacable hatred to 
oppression of all kinds, he marches his troops to 
the delirerance of his affiicted people, and with a 
firmness becoming soldiers fighting under tlie 
standard of liberty, after a series of fatigue and 
toil, harassing marches and fierce conflicts, he 
dethrones the tyrant, and is proclaimed the de- 
liverer of Syracuse. — Having restored tranquility 
to this unhappy country, repeopled their cities, 
revived their laws, and dispensed justice to all 
ranks and classes, he resigned bis command, and 
retreated once again to the private walks of life, 
accompanied with the grateful acknowledgments 
of millions, as the patron of their liberty and the 
saviour of their country.— —Happy man! endowed 
with such a noble soul, prone to feel for the mis- 
fortunes, and rejoice in the happiness of his fellow- 
creatures. 

Tlut why need we resort to distant ages to furnish 
us with instances of the effects of patriotism upon 
individuals? will not the present day afford at least 
one illustrious example to our purpose? yes, my 
fellow-countrymen, America, young Ameiiica too, 
can boast her patriots and heroes, men who have 
iaved their country by their virtues, whose cha- 
racters posterity will admire, and with a pleased 
Utention, listen on tiptoe to the story of their 
glorious exertions. Let us pause a moment only 
ipon the select catalogue, and take the first upon 
the list. 

A'ie\r j\iTn in his private station, and here, as 



TRIXCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOX, 



45 



though Providence, i'or his excellencies, had select- 
ed him for her own from the extensive circle of 
Iiumanity, we perceive htm enjoying her richest 
rJispensations. By an affluent fortune, placed be- 
yond the reach of proverty or dependence, blessed 
with the social circle of friends, and happily con- 
nected by yet more endearing ties, peaceful reflec- 
tions are his companions through the day, and the 
soothing slumbers of innocence hover over his 
couch: charity presides steward of his household, 
and the distressed are ever sure to receive frocn 
Ins bosom that sigh wliich never fails lo console, 
and from his cheek the alleviating tear of sympathy. 
Having reached the summit of human felicity, be- 
yond even the picture of his most sanguine ex 
pectations, it is indifferent to him, as an individual, 
whether prince or people rule the state, but nurtur- 
ed in the bosom of freedom, endowed with a great- 
ness of soul, swallowed up with public spirit and 
the love of mankind, does oppression scatter her 
baleful prejudices, does ambition rear its guilty 



spirit of this great people, let us not be as diligent 
to catch their vices Such conduct is inconsistent 
with the sentiments of freemen, and surely we can- 
not forget that he has saved our country. 

Rewards* and punishments are in the hands of 
the public, and it is equally consistent with gene- 
rosity and hun?anity to bestow the one, as inflict 
the other. We cannot be too cautious in the ob- 
jects of our gratitude; let merit, conspicious merit, 
be the standard to which our praises shall resort 
and it v/ilj excite a noble emulation in others, and 
let us rather forbear that respect, which is too 
often found attendant upon the rich, though their 
wealth has been amassed with the ruin of their 
country. 

Bat the praises of us are not the patriot's only 
reward; with an approving conscience sweetninp 
the declivity of life, his invitation is to the skies, 
there to receive a far more precio is rewftrd, for 
the establishment of that principle to wliich, since 



crest, friends,* relations and fortune are like xheV^^ o^ign of mankind, heaven hath p:iid an im< 

mediate attention. 



dust of the balance. The pleas of nature give way 
to those of his country, and urged on by heavenly 
motives, he flies instantly to her relief. See him, 
while grief distracts his bosora at the efi'usion of 
liuman blood, grasp the sword of justice and, 
buckle on the harness of the warrior. See him 



" Where the brave youth with love of gtorr fired, 

'• Who greatly in his coiintrj's cause fXpirAd, 

" Shall know h. conquered. The firm patriot there' 

" Who made the weltare of mankind his care, 

" Though still by faction, vice, and fortune cr.ist "^ 

" Shall find his generous labor was not los(,"t ' 

Such is tlje progress of public spirit and the I^vp 

'lorvirtue, and it is the only pillar upon which can 

i,.A^f >■ ui J r . 1 J 1 •• I safely be erected the happiness of mankind. With- 

indefatigable, deaf to pleasure and despising cor- , ^ , 

'„^,- . r „ ' . .. T. . °^'* '"'^'^^ ^'"y "^ *^^ so<^'al afl'tctions in every 

ruption, cheerfully encountering the severesLitasksl, , . ...... •' 



with fortitude unparalleled, with perseveranc 



cf duty, and the hardiest toils of a military life. 
Modest in prosperity, and shining like a meteor 
in adversity, we behold this patriotic hero, with a 
small army of determined freemen, attacking, 
fighting and conquering an army composed of the 
bravest veteran troops of ^nVatVi. 

And shall we, my countrymen, stop the current 
of gratitude.? and can we forbear testifying our jo> 
upon the success of such singular exertions.' shall 
we seal his death before we thank him for his 
services.' by no means. — Our acknowledgments will 
irresistibly flow from us to this deserved object 
of admiration, and his very actions v.'il! eti'ig the 
soul of the ungrateful wretcti, until he is forced 
to admire their lustre, and confess his inability lo 
equal them. 

Some there are who, Iljman.like, would banisl, 
him for his good conduct; but while we copy the 



society, without some barrier to oppose the s'ormv 
passions of individuals, without some gener;,! at- 
tachment to the public welfare, a door is open to 
ambition and political corruption;^ luxury and 
selfishness become fashionable vices, and the spirit 
of the government is perverted; the public good 
is neglected, the riches of the stale insecure, the 
liberty of the subject slighted, and the attempts 
of the tyrant made successful by the follies of the 
people. 



*C)ie method of preventing crimes is to reward 
virtue. If the rewnr.lsfor 'lie discovering of iiscfiii 
truths have increased our knowledge and multi- 
plied (rood books, is it not probable tliat rewards 
divtributed by tlie beneficent hand of a sovereign, 
would also multiply virtuous actims.' The coin of 
honor is inexhaustible, and is abundantly fr!iitF'il 
m the. hands of a prince who distrihutes it wisely. 

Murq. of Diicoa. 

fCto. 

^rhe Assyrian, the Persian and Crar-^ian, the 
three first universni monarchies, finally sw.W under 
iusury an 1 corruption; and it is well known t!iat 
*Cari S'lnt psrentes, cari liberi, propinqii, uhe ll)mans did not preserve tlieir tilierties for 
amiliares, sed omnes omnium carilates p.atriK ux^j alf a century af;er bein^ debauched by the luj:t;-r 
complexa est, pro q>ia quis bonus dubitet mori.ein n Asia, but' fell a prey to its vi^-c-s; 'an J r/as w'r 
oppelere.' Cots. I length divided by the Goths and "\',tndals. 



46 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



What but the want of patriotism, that hath buried 
in ruins the mighly empires of Greece and Rome, 
that standing armies, the scourge of the innocent, 
prevail throughout all Europe, that the pages of 
history present to our view so melancholy a 
picture of the human species, and that America 
and Britain are not at this day running the road 
to greatness and glory in concert; and what is it 
but the: want of patriotism that coald induce that 
haughty nation, divested of every public virtue, of 
every bosom feeling, of every pretension to hu- 
manity, without apology or pretext, to ushtra stand- 
ing army, composed of vagrants, criminals, and 
mercenaries, into our peaceful country. 

O my countrymen, it is the want of patriotism 
that we are at this time called to weep over the 
wanton massacre of innocent men; that this is not 
the only house of mourning; that the fields of Ame- 
rica have become devoted to war, and scenes of 
slaughter familiar to ))er sons; that our oppressors 
yet persist in their destructive system of tyranny, 
and if tiieir pjwer was equal to their thirst of 
blood, with the spirit of ambition by which they 
are now directed; would lead them to destroy and 
extirpate the whole human race. Bat thanks be 
to heaven, that by the force of those virtues which 
they have discarded, we have nobly resisted the 
attempts of these cruel men, and the miseries tliey 
have so profusely dealt out to us, are returning, 
with additional vengeance, upon their own heads. 
The danger of the issue is now past, and if we but 
retain the same patriotic ardor, with which we first 
defended our rijjhts from the grasp of our enemies, 
they are every day in our power. We have every 
thing to hope; they on the other hand have every 
thing to fear. Youth, vigor, and the invincible 
arm of justice, are ou our side: — The genius of li 
berty also is our advocate, who, thougli persecuted, 
hath never been conquered. 

In our day we are called to see a happy country 
laid waste at the sluine of ambition; to experience 
those scenes of distress which history is filled with: 
but experience rivets its lessons upon the mind, 
and if we resolve with deliberation, and execute 
with vigor, we may yet be a free and flourishing 
people. Kcpine not too mwch at the ravages of 
war, nor murmur at the dispensations of Providence. 
We oftentimes rate our blessings in proportion to 
the difficulty of attaining theiti, and if, without a 
struggle, we had secured our liberties, perhaps 
we should have been less sensible ot their value. 
Chastisements in youth are not without their ad- 
X'aitlajfes; blessings most commonly spring from 



t em in old age. They lead us to reflect seriously 
in the hour of retirement, and to cherish those 
qialifications which are frequently lost in tbeglare 

f prosperity. 

The important prophecy is nearly accomplished. 
The rising glory of this western hemisphere is al< 
ready announced, and she is summoned to her seat 
among the nations We have publicly declared 
ourselves convin«el of the destructive tendency 
of standing armies: we have acknowledged the 
necessity of public spirit anS the love of virtue to 
the happiness of any people, and we pi-ofess to be 
sensible of the great blessings that flow from them. 
Let us not then act unworthy of the reputable 
character we now sustain: like the nation we have 
abandoned, be content with freedom in form and 
'yranny in substance, profess virtue and practice 
vice, and convince an attentive world that in this 
glorious struggle for our lives and properties, the 
only men capable of prizing such exalted privileges, 
were an illustrious set of heroes, who have sealed 
their principles with their blood. Dwell, my fel- 
low-citizens, upon the present situation of your 
country. Ilemember that though our enemies have 
dispensed with the hopes of couqueting, our land 
is not entirely freed of them, and should our resist- 
ance prove unsuccessful by our own inattention and 
inactivity, death will be far preferable to the yoke 
of bondage. 

Let us therefore be still vigilant over our ene- 
mies—instil into our armies the righteous cause 
they protect and support, and let not the soldier 
and citizen be distinct characters among us. By 
our conduct let us convince them,* that it is for 
ihe preservation of themselves and their country 
they are now fighting; that they, equally with us, 
are interested in the event, and abandon them not 
to the insatiable rapacity of the greedy extortioner. 

As a reward for our exertions in the great cause 
of freedom, we are now in the possession of those 
lights and privileges attendant upon the original 
state of nature, with the opportunity of establish- 
ing a government! for ourselves, independent upon 
any nation or people upon earth. We have tke 
experience of ages to copy from, advantages that 



*ll has ever been thought inconsistent with good 
policy and even common sense to commit the de- 
fence of a country to men who have no interest in 
its preservation. IJioil. Lib. 1. p. 67. 

f The true definition of a free state is where the 
legislative adheres striclly to th« laws of nature, 
and calculates every one of its regulations t\,r im- 
proving society and for promolhig industry and 
honesty among the people. 

Uome^i hist. rot. 2. /»■ 132. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



47 



have been denied to any who have gone before us. j progress in pdrticular nations, if we paint the 
Let us then, my fellow-citizens, learn to" value the I wounds she has suffered from corruption and 
blessing. Let integrity of heart, the spirit of despotic force, and from the whole deduce such 
freedom and rigid virtue be seen to actuate everv sentiments as become a brave and free, though in- 
member of the commonwealth. Let not pany rage, jnred people. 



private animosities, or self interested motives, 
succeed that religious attachment to the public 
weal which has bsoiight us successfully thus far; 
for vain are all the boasted charms of liberty if 
her greatest votaries are guided by such base 
passions. The trial of our patriotism is yet be- 
fore us, and we have reason to thank heaven thst 
its princples are so well known and diffused. Ex- 
ercise towards each other the benevolent fetlings 
of frien;!ship, and let that unity of sentiment, which 
has shone in the field, be equally animating in our 
councils. 

Remeaber that prosperity is dangerous: that 
though successful, we are not infallible; that like 
the rest of mankind we are capable of erring. The 
line of oi*r happiness may be traced with esnclness, 
and still there may be a difficulty in pursuing ii. 
Let us not forget that our enemies have other arts 
in store for our destruction; that they are tempting 
us into \hose snares which, after successful strug 
gles, proved the ruin of the empires of the east; 
and let this sacred maxim receive the deepest 
impression upon our minds, that if avarice, if 
extortion, if luxury and political corruption, are 
suffered to become popular among us, eivil discord 
and the ruin of our country will be the speedy con 
sequence of such fatal vices; but while patriotism 
is the leading principle, and our laws are contrived 
with wisdom, and executed with vigor, while in- 
dustry, frugality and temperance, are held in 
•stimation, and we depend upon public spirit and 
the love of virtue for our social happiness, peace 
and affluence will throw their smdes upon the 
brow of the individual, our commonwealth wili 
flourish, our land become the land of liberty, and 
America an nsylum for t'le oppressed. 

• RATION nEUVKHnll AT BOSTOS, MARCH 5, 1781, 

BY THOMAS DAWES, JUN. 

"f atria cara—carlor Libtrtas!" 
Fathers, friends and citizens — Avoiding apology, 
even at a time when uncommon propriety miglU 
justify it, and trusting rather to a continuance of 
the same liberality which has ever noted my coun- 
trymen, 1 attempt the duties of this solemn anniver 
sary. 

And it is conceived that we shall, in some mea 
sure, perform those duties, if we sketch out some 
general traits of liberty^ and mark the lines of her 



Numerous as the descriptions are of primeval 
man, the reflective eye is not yet weary. We still 
fe 1 an interest in that Arcadian state which so 
A'ell imitated the world we are looking fir. And 
'/e shall continue to feel it so long as nature is 
pleasing aad the heart retains a feature of inno- 
cence. Like the gods,^ our first fathers had but 
few desires, and thoseto be satisfied by the works 
of virtue. Their passions were as the gales of their 
own Eden — enough to give a spring to pood actions 
— to keep the waters of life in motion without 
inducing storm and whirl-wind f Conversing with 
divinities, liberty, sent from above, was their 
peculiar inmate; that liberty, whose spirit, mingling 
with the nature of roan at his formation, taught 
him, unlike the other animals, to look upward and 
hope for a throne above the stars.t that liberty who 
taught him to pluck, with confidence, the fruits 
of nature; to pursue the direction of reason upon 
his heart, and, mi'ler that direction, to acquire,' 
secure, and enjoy all possible happiness, not im- 
pe'.ing, but assisting others in the same privilege. § 
When families, and consequently human want* 
were afterward multiplied, it was this sameUbeny 
who, joined with justice, led the patriarchs to/ 
some aged oak. There, in the copious shade, mis- 
understandings were explained, and charity and 
peace embraced each other. — Such was the morn- 
ing of man! 

But misunderstandinfjs are q'larrels In embrio. 
Satisfaction of ona want originated another. De- 
pravity grew enraptuied with strife. The wind 
was up. Passion raged. Brother's blood then 
smTaked from the ground and cried for vengeance. 
Nimrod commenced his prelude to tyranny, and 
Fame was clamorous witli Ihe deeds of death. — 
Liberty heard and trembled — considered herself 
an outcast, and haf, on many times since, travelled 



*It was repr'sseiited of Marcus Aurelius, that Ih 
imita-.ing the gods, his study was to have as few 
•vants as possible. Viil. Spectator A'o. 634. 

fTlie passions of evpry kind, under proper re- 
s' riiiUs, are the gentle breezes which kefp lif« 
from stagnation; but, let loose, they are the storms 
and whirhvluds wiiich tear up all before them. 

Jllrs. Brooke. 

iiPronaq'ie cum sppc^cnt animalia cxtera terram 
Os iiomini subiiiiie dtdit, caelumque tueri 
Jussit. Ovid M t. 

^N\) mill's social liberty is lessened by another's 
etijoying the same ' ^o^/^^j 



4a 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



up and d ^vn Uie world forlorn, fors^ike-i, majesty, 
in rags. Nor will sbe, perhaps, until the millenium 
coiTjes, if America does not now retain her, ever 
command that complete and permanent homage 
vvhir.h is suitable to her nature. The old repub- 
lics may have been the most perfect seats of her 
residence while ihey lasted, and are often mt\slere<! 
up from the tomb of empire to witness the adoration 
which they paid her. But even there she received 
eo frequent violence that the continuance of her 
reign was for tha most part precarious; and when 
even at the summit of her glory, she was only 
elevated that her fall might be more astonishing. 
Having passed all the degrees of fortune, thank 
God she has found her way to these remote shores: 
and, if from effects we may judge, she is well 
pleased with her new abode. O cherish the divine 
inhabitant! O let her not return to the courts 
»bove -with a story that shall fire the heavens 
against us— that she had blessings for us, but that 
■jie were not prepared to receive them— that she 
could find among us no lasting habitation; but that, 
Jtoke the dove after the deluge,, she was scarce 
favored with the top of some friendly mountain 
for a melancholy moment. 

Liberty, my friends, is a palladium to the place 
of her dwelling, a rock and a siire defence. Wher- 
ever she is, every man has something to protect. 
He knows what are his riches, and that while he 
liveth himself shall gather them. He views, with 
conscious joy, his circumst-inces. His social aflec- 
tions shoot out and flourish. Even his prejudices 
are a source of satisfaction, and among them local 
uttachment, a fault which leads to the side of 
patriotism. 

Supported by, and tenacious of these fruits of 
liberty, some little free states, which the geogra- 
pher in his map had othenvays never noticed, have 
long stood uninjured by change, and some of them 
inaccessible by the greatest efforts of power.— 
There is now, in a distant quarter of the globe, a 
living illustration of this remark. Situate upon 
a venerable pile of rocks, in Italy, stands the com- 
monwealth of St. Murine. It was founded by a 
holy man whose name it bears, and who fled to 
this romantic fairy-land to enjoy religion and free 
air unpursued by power and the restless spirit of 
the world. His example was followed by the 
pious, the humane, and the lovers of freedom 
And these, a favourite few, who were before 
scattered up and down through oiher parts of 
Italy; who had lived all their days under arhirrary 
rule, and whom nature had secretly tawght that 



there was somewhere a happier institution for roan 
— these hurried away to the snowy top of St. 
Marino: and having thei'e first tasted those rights 
which come down from Gon, made it their lifers 
labor to support ^nd h.and them down in purity. 
There every man finds his prosperity in submitting 
to t'.ose laws which diffuse equality. There every 
man feels himself happily liable to be c.iUed to 
the senate or the field: every man divides hia day 
between alternate labor and the use of arms — on 
tip-toe, ready to start for the prize, the mark of 

u .iversal emulation the commonweal; officious 

to promote that interest which is at once the pub- 
lic's and his own. So stands a constitution informed 
with the very essence of liberty. It has so stood, 
while other neighboring statesbave been blackened 
and defaced with frequent revolution. And we 
prophesy that 'lill the approach of some unforeseen 
vice — till some degeneracy unknown to the sires 
creep upon the sons, St. Marino must stand admir- 
ed: as, in its present circumstance, no prince or 
potentate, after sitting down and counting the cost, 
will ever attempt the impenetrable union of so 
much prudence and virtue.* 

The name of Venice now occurs to memory a$ 
another modern example of genuine greatness. 
The ascendency gained by that single city over 
the whole Ottoman power — the universal panic that 
struck and pervaded all orders of the Turks when 
routed at Dardanelles, and the reasonable fear of 
approaching dissolution that reached even to the 
throne and blasted the heart and withered the 
nerves of a despot: these, amazing at first, never- 
theless appear, when their springs are laid open, 
the natural issues of a contest between free agents 
and slaves.f 

A more ancient and perhaps still more brilliant 
proof of the proportionate powers of different 
degrees of liberty, may be gathered from the 
annals of the city of Tyre. The Lybian madman^ 
who thought he had conquered ail and wept that 
he had no more to conquer§ — the invincible son of 
Jove, before whom principalities and powers had 
bowed down their heads as a bulrush — behold him, 
with his phalanx, puzzled and confouwded at the 



*Ma ly of the facts here mentioned of St. Marino 
m(.y be seen in Addison's more complete accounts 
of that republic. 

-j-Tiiis alludes only to a particular sra in the 
V'-r.etian history. 

4 And the horned head belied, the Lybian god. 

Pope. 

§Alexander, after all his conquests, complainefl 
that he had no more worlds to subdue. 

Seneca on a happy Ufti. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



49 



^^'alls of Tyre. To over-run Asia cost him less 
labor, entei'prize and valor, than the reduction of 
this one favorite haunt of liberty.* And perhaps 
he had never reduced her but for her own fallinj^' 
olf from her pristine wisdom. Her liberty was 
not in first fall vijjor, but had received a shock 
from corruption introduced with riches. Bribery, 
pride, and oppression followed close behind. She 
was then cast out as prip'iane frorn the mountairt 
of Gon -j- Tyre is beco'ne liice tiie top of a rock 
a place to spread nets upon. 

Let tls consider tlie story of Tyre as a monument 
Winch upon one side shews th'' force of excellence, 
and upon the other the baneful infiuence of vice; 
a memento that every state below the stm has, like 
Acliilles of old, some vuh.erable part. As not a 
nation is exempted; and lest, in a fond prejudice, 
we might exclude our own America, and so induce 
a fatal sec-irity, even America has received a caveat 
from heaven, and in her youtliful purity has been 
tempted by her enemies. With what sort of success 
tempted we need but remember the machinations 
and flight of the most infamous Ariiold, and the 
affecting, though just separation of t!ie unfortunate 
Andre, 

Happy tlie nation tliat, apprised of the whole 
truth, impartially weighs its own alloy, and bars, 

•with tenfold adamant, its gate of danger. But 

to return, 

I had clieris'ied some aversion to names grown 
trite by repetition, and had, on that account, evaded 
the ancie.it repubU:s. But I fi'\d tiie observation 
j'jst, that "half our learning is their epitaph." 1 
conceive that the "moss-grown" columns and 
broken arches of those once-renowned empires are 
full'with instruction as were ilio groves ofi)fl5eum 
or tlie school of Plato. L'^t Greece then be the 
subject of a moment's reflection. . Wlien liberty 
fled from the gloom of Egypt, slie sought out an.d 
settlei! at infant Greece — there disseminated the 
seeds of greatness — tiiere laid the ground-work of 
republican glory. Simplicity of manners, pietv to 
the gojs, generosity and courag were her earliest 
character. "Human nature shot wild and free,'':!: 
Penetrated with a spirit of industry, her sons 
scircely k'.iew of relaxation: even their .«ports were 
heroic. He.iee that elevated, independent soul, 
that contempt of danger, lliat laudable bias to 

*Por an illustration of this see ancient universal 
history, vol. ii. pvige 75 and m; also — that ]j(\ri of 
Newton on the prophecies which relates to Tyre, 
vol. i. 

fK<2.»!:ie', xxxiit. 16 

iFvom Dr. IJlair's di-sertatiip upon the vrorks 
of Oisian. 

• — r. 



'heir country and its manners. Upon the banks of 
Eurota flourished her principal slate. Frugality 
of living and an avarice of time were of the riches 
of Laceflxnon. Her maxims were drav.n from 
nature, and one was "that nothing which bore the 
name of Greek was born for slavery." Fiom this 
idea flowed an assistance to her Sister states. From 
a like idea in her sister states that friendship was 
returned in gnteful measure. This, had it con- 
tinued, would have formed the link of empire, the 
charm that would iiave united and made Greece 
invulnerable. While it lasted, the joint efforts of 
her states rendered her a na*ne and a praise througii 
the whole earth. And here, was it not for the 
sake of a lesson to mv country, I would not only 
drop my eulogium of Greece, but draw an impervious 
veil over her rem'tining history. Her tenfold lustre 
might at this day havf blazed to heaven, had the 
union* of her states been held more sacred. But 
jtl;ut union of her states, that cement of her exist- 
ence once impared hear the consequence! the 

fury of civil-war blows her accursed clarion. The 
banners /«/.? of conquering freedom now atlorn the 
triumphs of oppression. Those states which lately 
stood in mighty concert, invincible, now breathe 
mutual jealousy and fall piece meal a prey to the 
common enemy. Attic wisdom, Theban hardihood. 
Spartan valor, would not combine to save her. 
T'lat very army, which Greece had bred and 
nourished to reduce the oriental pride, is turned 
vulture upon her own vitals— a damnable parricide, 
the faction of a tyrant. Behold the great and Goi). 
like Greece, with all her battleme.its and towers 
about her, borne heal loig from her giddy height 
— the shame, the pity of the vorld. 



*Ac^ciu-acy has been otfeiul'd that this ex:Mnpie 
jis employed for the American states— which regemr 
f>le e.ich other in const iiution and tire united in 
their last resort; whereas the Grecian wer^ unlike 
among the.Kiselves and profesne;lly separate. But 
atten.ion to the history of Greece wiii discover in 
the causes of her fdl a les«ion shUiciently apposite 
<n oiir_ purpose. I'he anoininous translator of 
Tourreil writes as follows: "when Persia, so often 
vanquished by the Grecians, despaired of subduing 
tliem, her lasfsliift was to divide them; to which 
their prosperity opened her a means. Spirits va- 
tnrally quick and to(i licentious, blown up v/ilh 
tlieir frequent victories, couid not contain theni- 
"^elves or govern their Rood fortune; thev ab«ndoiied 
themselves to jealousies an 1 aii.bn'ion.—Tliese 
divisions ended, at last, in a genr-rd sl.iverv."— 

Tiiomson most be.vitifully speaks the truth up- 
on the same occasion — 

When Greece with Gi-epce 
Emliroil'tl with foul cuiitAiitiuii, (ought iiu iiKu'e 
l"ur common glory atitt fbr commoi. weal: 
But, l.ilse to freedom, sought to quel! the free- 
Broke the tirm band ol peace, and sacfed love. 
That li lit the whole irre»Vagable for«c; 
Auil aj Rround the partial trophv blnsh'd. 
Pieiiared the wsy for »ota! ovtrtfrow 



50 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Huvii^g li'.tfmpted some general sketches of 11 
betty, fiviu tiie dawn of social life lo the fill of na 
lioiial glory, 1 would be somewhat more parlicuLir 
upyn those qaalllies to which her triumphs are 
chitfly indebted. 

lii the vile economy of depraved man, there ap- 
pe.irs an inclination to bestow upon one part power 
and afiiuencp, and to impose upon the other 
debility and woe When that inclination is gratified, 
the majority being' slaves, the remains of freedom 
are siiared among the great; like tl^e triumphal 
bridge at the Archipeh.go, so strangely dignified, 
that, by a decree of the senate, none of the vulgar 
were sufTered to enjoy it. Wlien that inclination 
is coontei-b danced by the luws; when the true 
interests of both those parts iire reconcilfid; when 
society is considered as "a public combination for 

private pro', ec! ion,"* and the governed find 

their happiness in their submission there is the 

essence of all poW'^i ful liberty. Not to wire-draw 
a sentiment a'ready graven upon the hearts of this 
audience, it is such a liberty, as t'ul every man 



the same men should throw off a whig principlJ 
so fundamental, and thus come to clothe them-- 
selves with the detested garments of the tories, 
and if all tliat has been here discoursed on should 
h^p;jen, then will the constitution of this country 
e titterly subverted."* It would exceed the 
limits of the present occsion to expitiate upon all 
Mie instances wherein the liberties of Britain have 
in fa-it sufft-red according to the views of D^venant, 
Suffice it to say that a standing army has been, 
long since, ■virtiudly engrafted a limb upon her 
constitution, has frequently over-awed her parlia- 
ments, someiimes her elections.^ and has carried 
distraction and massacrei; into different parts of 
her empire. 

That stmding mercenary troops must sooner or 
later entail servitude ai»d misery upon their em« 
ployers, is an eternal truth that appears from th.e 
nature of things. On the one hand behold an 
inspired yeomanry, all sinew and soul, having 
stepped out and defended their ancient altars, their 
wives and children, returning in peace to till those 
fields which their ov/n arms have rescued. Such 



whohas once tasted it, becomes a temporary soldier 

• . • 1 1 1 , • , tare the troops of every free people. § Such were 

as soon as r. is invaded and resents any Violence ^ ■' i i v 



ofiered it, a.s an attack upon his lift — hence it is 
that, in free states, us such, there is no such thing 
as a perpetual standing army. For the whole body 
of the people, evcr ready, fleck to the general 
standard upon emergency, and so preclude the use 
of that iiifernd engine. I say infernal engine, fw 
the tongue ■■Llwrs, and is ut a loss to express," the 
hi leousand frigh ful consequences that flow wliere- 
ever the powers of hell liave procured its i- troduc- 
tion. Turkey and Algiers are the delight of its 
vengeance. Denmark, once over-swarmed witli 
the brave inhabitants of the north, has suffered 
depopulation, poverty, and the heaviest bondage 
fr m the qu:irleri:ig troops amongst their peasants 
in time of pe ce: if it can be called peace, when 
robbery, confi <gration and murdt^r are let loose 
upon the sons of men. Indeed, it is said that no 
naiion ever keft up an army in time of peace that 
did not lose its liberties. I believe it. Athens 
Corinth, Syracuse, and Greece in general were all 
averiucned by that tremendous power: and the 
same power has been long operating with other 
causes to humble the crest of Briain. Let us 
hear a passage from Davenant! "If (snys lie, speak- 
ing of standing armies) if they who believed this 
e;igle in liie air frighted all motions towards li- 
bcrty; if they who heretofore tiiought armies in 



the troops who, led on by the patriot Warren, gave 
the first home blow to our oppressors. Such were 
the troflps who, fired by Gates in the northern 
woods, almost decided the fate of nations. Such 
were the troops wiio, under the great and amiable 
Lincoln, sustained a siege in circumstances that 
rank him and them with the captains and soldiers 
of antiqni.y. Such, we trust, are the troops who, 
inferior in number, though headed indeed by the 
gallant and judicions Morgan, lately vanquished a 
chosen veteran band long dedicated to Mars and 
disciplined in blood. And sucli, we doubt not, are 
the troops who beat the British legions from the 
Jersi?s. and have ever s'nce preserved their coun- 



*F'.r the whole p ssaj^e, which was ton lengthy 
for our purpose, vid. the w. rks of T>r. Davpnant, 
corrected by Whi.wortl), vol. ii. p. 333. — Edition 
1771. 

•j-The election of the Scotch Peers in the year 
1735, and the misconduct of Biackfrby and otliers, 
ut thp election of the VZ-^-stmiLslef members in the 
year 1741, are inslances well known. — Vid. Burgh'tj 
politic disq. 2J vol. p. 444 and 47.1. 

T I'iie aft'ii^- of capt. Porteus at Edinburgh (vid. 
London Magigine for 1737, in a variety of p..ges) 
and of cupt. Preston, at Boston, are of themselves 
sulJif.ient examples. 

"§ I'hat the yeomanry are the bulwark of a fret. 
people" — w.is, if memory serves, in a celebrated 
ex'empore speech of the lionorable Samuel Adams, 
m^ide in l!ie yea- 1773. Tlie steadiness of tlut 



, great republican to his political creed, evinces tiiat 

ti-no ot peace, and our free;.om inconsislen;; it I sentnneuts grounded upon just data will not easily 

bend to a parii d interest, or accommodate to the 
changes of popular opinion. 



*Eart of Abingdon. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



51 



try, under the co'dnct of that superior man who 
combines in qiality the unshaken constancy of 
Cato, the tri'imphant delay of Fabius, and itpon 
proper occasions, the enterprising spirit of Hannibtl. 

Mav the name of Washixoton continue steeled, 
as it ever has been, to the dark sUnderous arrow 
that fiifts in secret. As it ever hat been.' for who 
liave offered to eclipse his glory, but have after- 
ward sunk away d minished, and "sliorn of their 
own beaois." 

Justise to other characters forbids our stopping 
to gaze at this constellation of heroes, and would 
fain draw forth an eulogium uoon all who have 
gathered true laurels from the fields of Ameiica. 

" Thousands— the tribute of our praise 

" Demaiil; bin wlu can cuoat t'l - stars orh?9VPn? 

" Who speak their influeuce oa lliis lower world."* 

AVhither has our gra'itude borne us? let us be- 
hold a contrast — the ar fiy of an absolu e prince— a 
profession distinct from the citizen and in a dif- 
ferent interest — a haughty phalanx, wliose object 
of warfare is piy, and w!io, the battle over, and if 
peichanee tliey conquer, return to slaughter the 
sons of peace. This is a hard saying. But does 
not all history press forward to assert its justice.? 
do not the prjelorian b»nds of tottering Rome now 
crowd upon the affrighted memory? do not the 
embodied guards from Petersburg and Constantino- 
ple stalk horrid the tools of revolution and murder? 
to come nearer home for an example, do v/e not 
see the darkened spring of 1770, like the moon in 
a thick atmosphere, rising in blood and ushered 
in by the figure of Britain plunging her poignard 
in the yoang bosoTTi of A nerica? O'l, our bleed- 
ing country! was it for this our hoary sires sought 
thee through all the elements -j- and having found 
thee sheltering away from the western wave, dis- 
consolate, cheered t!iy sad face, and decked thee 
out like the garden of Goo? time was when we 
could all affirm to this gloomy question— when we 
were ready to cry out that our fa'hers had done a 
vain thing. — I mean upon that unnatural night wliich 
we now commemorate; when the fi e of Brutus was 
on many a heart — wiien tha strain of Gracchus was 
on maiy a tongue. "\Vretch that I am, whither 
shall I retreat? whither shall I turn me? to the 
Capitol? the cipitol swims in my brother's blood. 
To my family? there must Iseea wretclied, amourn- 
f\i\ and afflicted motlier?"+ — Misery loves to brood 
over its own woes: and so peculiar were the woes 
of tliat night, so expressive the pictures of despair. 



•TliotTiSon. 

f elcmenta per omnia qnxrv.nt. 

4Guthrie'a Cicero de Oi-attuc. 



Juv. 



so vari lus the face of death,* that not all the grand 
tragedies jid)ich have been since acted, can crowd 
from our minds that aera of the human passions, 
tliat pref (ce to the general conflict that now r>>ges. 
May we never forget to offer a sacrifice to the 
man<»s of our brethren who bl&d so early at the 
fo'^t of liberty. Hitherto we have nobly avenged 
their fall: but as ages cannot expunge the debt, 
their melancholy ghosts still rise at a stated sea- 
son, and will forever wander in the night of this 
noted anniversary. Let us then be frequent pil- 
grims at their tombs — there let us profit of all our 
feelings; and, while the senses are "struck deep 
with woe," give wing to the imagination. Hark! 
even now in the hollow wind I hear the voice of 
the departed. ye, toho listen to -wisdom and aspire 
to immortii/it;/, as ye have avenged our blood, thrice 
blessed' as y still war against the mighty hunters of 
theearth, your names are recorded in heaven.' 

SiKsh are tlie suggestions of fancy: and having 
given them their due scope; havi,,g described the 
memorable fifth of March as a season of disaster, 
it would be an impiety not to consider it in its 
other relation. For the rising honors sf these states 
are distant issues, as it were, from the intricatef 
though all-wise Divinity which presided upon that 
night. Strike that night out of time, and we 
quench the first ardor of a resentnient which has 
been ever since increasing, and now accelerates 
the fall of tyranny. The provocations of that night 
must be numbered among the master-springs which 
gave the first motion to a vast machinery, a noble 
and comprehensive system of national indepen- 
dence. " The independence of America," says the 
writer, under the signature of Common Sense, 
"should have been considered as dating its xra 
from the first musquet that was fired against her." 
Be it so! but Massachusetts may certainly date many 

of its blessings from the Boston massacre a dark 

hour in itself, but from which a marvellous light 
has arisen. From that night revolution became 
inevitable, and the occasion commenced of the 
present most beautiful form of government. We 
often read of the or ginal contract, and of mankind 
in the early ages, passing from a state of nature to 
immediate civilization. But Tvhat eye could pene- 
trate t!<rougli gothic night and barbarous fable to 
that remote period. Such an eye, pcrhaos was 
present, when the Deity conceived the universe 
and fixed liis compass upon tlie great decj) ^ 

'••Phirima mortis imago." 

f"The ways of heaven are dark and intricate." 

Ada'isan's Cato. 
4Xot that we can believe, with some theoretical 



5-Z 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



And yet the people of Massachusetts have reduc- 
ed to practice the wos.dei-ful tlieory. A numerous 
people have convened in a state of nature, and, like 
our ideas of the patriarchs, have deputed a few 
fathers of the land to draw up for them a glorious 
covenant. It has been drawn. The people have 
signed it with rapture, and have, thereby, bartered, 
among themselves, an easy degree of obedience 
for the highest possible civil happiness. To render 
that covenant eternal, patriotism and political 
virtue must forever blaze— must blaze at the pre- 
sent day with superlative lustre; being watched, 
from dijferent motives, by the eyes of all mankind. 
Nor must that patriotism be contracted to a single 
commonweilth, A combination of the states is 
requisite to support them individually. "Unite or 
die" is our indispensable motto. Every step from 
it is a step nearer to the region of death. This 
idea was never more occasional than at the present 
crisis— a crisi-s pregnant v/ith fate and ready to 
burst with calamity. I allude to that langor 
which, like a low hung cloud, overshadoi»s a great 
pan of the thirteen states. That the young, enter- 
prising America, who stepped out in the cause of 
human kind, and no other arm daring, lopped the 
branches of wide desipolic empire — that the same 
America should now suffer a few insolent bands to 
ravage her borders with impunity— that her now 
tardy hand should suspend tlie finishing stroke of 
resentment, and leave to her generous allies a labor 
wliich her own vigor ought to effect; this must 
disturb those, illustrious, who fell in her infant 
exertions; this must stab the peace of the dead, 
however it may afl'ect the Iiearts of the living. Oh 
could I bear a part among the means of awakening 
viriue-»-oh could I call strength to these feeble 
lungs and borrow that note whicli shook the throne 
of Julius! vain wish! if the silent suggestions of 
truth — if the secret whispers of reason are not 
sufficient — the efforts of human eloquence might 
he futile, her loudest bolt might roll unheeded/ 

This is not intended to inspire gloom; but only 
to persuade to those exertions which are neces- 
sary to life and independence. Let justice then 
be done to our country— let justice be do;se to our 
great leader; and, the only means under heaven 

waiters, that individuals met togetlier in a large 
plain, entered into an original contract, &c. 

But though society had not its formal beginning 
from any convention of individuals, Ike. — 

And ihis is wliat we mean by the original con- 
liact of society; which, though per!>a{)S, in no 
instance it has been formally expressed, at the first 
institution of a state, yet, 8tc. — 
1st Bluckstoyie's Com. p. 47, vid. the tuhole passage. \ 



of our salvation, let his army be replenislied. That 

grand duty over, we will once more adopt an 

enthusiasm sublime in itself, but still more so as 

coming from the lips of a first patriot — the chief 

magistrate of this commonwealtii. "I have, said 

he, a most animating confidence that the present 

noble struggle for liberty will terminate gloriously 

for America." Aspiring to such a confidence, 

I see the expressive leaves of fate tlirown wide; 
Of future times I see the mighty tide. 
And borne triumpliaiit on its buoyaiit wave, 
A god-like iiumljcr of the great and brave, 
'llie bright, wide ranks of martyrs— here they rise- 
Heroes and patriots move before my eyes: 
These crowu'd with olive, those with laurel come, 
Like the first fathers of immortal Rome, 
yiy time! oh lash thy fiery steeds away — 
Roll rapid wheels and bring the smiling day,* 
AVIieii these blest states, another promis'd land. 
Chosen out and foster'd by the Almighty hand, 

Supreme shall rise their crowded shores shall be 

The fix'd abodes of empire and of liberty. 

OnATION DELITEHED AT BOSTOW, MARCH 5, 1782, 

BY GEORGE RICHARDS MINOT. 

Quid tantum insano juvat indulgere dolori? 

Bou hse sine uumhm divum. 

Virg. ^n. 2tL 776. 

Kveniunt. ' 

Inde genus din'um sumus, experiensque laborum; 
Et documeota damus, qua sinus origine nati. 

Ovid Mctam. lib. 1. 414. 

Fathers, friends, andfdhiv citizens — When I con- 
sider the important occasion from v/hich this in- 
niversary derives its origin, and the respectable 
characters that have exerted themselves to per- 
petuate its history, I confess there is an unusual 
security in my feelings; since no mistaken effort 
of mine can injure an institution, founded on so 
memorable an event, and supported by names so 
justly claiming the applause of posterity. 

While I rely, then, upon that honesty of inten- 
tion, which is itself the best apology for its errors, 
permit me to employ the present hour, which your 
united voices have annually made sac red to the com- 
memoration of our country's wrongs, in recapitulat- 
ing the most injurious of her sufferings, among 
which that on the tragical //cA of March is by no 
means the least, and in recounting the blessings 
which have followed from measures as really dis- 
graceful to those who adopted them, as they were 
intentionally destructive to those against whom 
they were levelled. 

A nation falling from those great principles of 
justice and virtue which had made her respecta- 
ble; subverting the boasted improvements of her 
arts to the savage purposes of revenge; with 
venality and corruption entrenched on her cabinet, 
affords a spectacle too serious for the amusement 



*Sun gallop down the western skies. 
Gang soon to bed and quickly rise; 
O lash your steeds, post time away, 
And haste about the bleezing day. 

Jillan llaimay. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



53 



of the beholder. He turns for relief to the annals 
of those people whose masculine virtues have 
obstinately, will he not say wisely, resisted the 
refinement of a civilized world. But from the 
misfortunes of such a nation, much is to be learn- 
€d. As she is hurried onwards by the vortex of 
that immeasurable gulph, in whieh empires sink 
to rise no more, let her serve us as a signal to avoid 
the first impulse of its resistless tide. 

To trace Great Britain through the Whole pro- 
gress of her anabitjon in this countr)', would be to 
step back to a very early period: for, long before 
she avowed her system of colonial slavery in the 
stamp-act, the liberties of our ancestors had 
endured the most alarming innovation from her 
throne. Without cause, and without notice, she 
had invalidated their charters; laid impositions up- 
on their trade; attempted a most dangerous influ- 
ence over their internal government, by endeavor- 
ing to make it independent of the people;— and all 
this with the same confidence, as thougk her policy 
and foresight, and not her persecutions, had settled 
them on this side the Atlantic. 

But the full display of her despotic policy was 
reserved to add accumulated disgrace to the in- 
glorious reign of the third-George. Then, intoxicat- 
ed with America, she slumbered upon the tottering 
pillars of her own constitution; the hand of slavery 
rocked her as she lay on the giddy height; falsehood 
gilded her visions and bound her senses with the 
enchantment of success; wliile her blind ambition 
alone remained awake, to mLsdirect the ordinary 
assistance of fortune, and to make her fall equally 
certain and complete. 

The genius of Britain once interred, the first 
spectre which shot from its tomb was the stamp - 
act. This promulgation of a scheme so repugnant 
to the fundamental principles of the late English con- 
stitution, announced the fall, but did not obliterate 
the memory of that much respected system, in this 
country. .America saw that the act bore not a sin- 
gle feature of its reputed parent, and having de- 
tected its illegitimacy, effectually resisted its ope- 
ration. But, as though conviction must ever be 
productive of obstinacy, Britain desisted not to 
rend in pieces the charters of her colonies, whiclt 
served to remind ker of the violenceshe committed 
on her own. Her administration affecting to realize 
the fables* of its minions, whose very fears were 



*For some of these faiiciful misrepresentations, 
see a vindication of the town of Boston, from muny 
false and malicious aspersions, contained in certain 
letters written by governor Bernard and others, 
published by order of the town, 170'J. 



as subservient to its purposes, as their hopes were 
dependent on its venality, and making pretence of 
trespasses, which, if real, the laws were open to 
punish, unmasked its true designs, by quartering 
an armed force in this metropolis in a time of peace. 

"Where was the citizen whose indignation did not 
flash at this undisguised attack on his liberties? 
the soldiers pride too ^rew sanguinary at t!ie idea 
of contempt from the people he himself had been 
taught to despise; and, as though lieaven designed 
to effect its greatest purposes by the sacrifice of 
what men conceive to be the dearest objects of 
its guardianship, the lives and rights of citizens 
were delivered over to the scourge of military 
rancour. 

•Venerable patrons of freedom, wherever your 
country may lie! boast not that the reason and 
speculative truths of this our common cause, armed 
an extensive world in support of its justice. Turn 
to the tragedy we commemorate, as imprinted by 
the bloody hand of the tyrant, and view the highest 
outrage his power could commit, or the forbear- 
ance of humanity sustain. T/iere .lecatombs of 
slaughtered citizens were offered at the shrine of 
cursed ambition. — What can we add to their 
memories thro;:gh whose wounds their country 
bled; whose names are handed round the globe 
with the great occasion on which they fell; and 
whose tombs shall everstandabasisto the stateliest 
pillar in the temple of freedom? heaven has avenged 
their fall by realizing the prophecy of the indignant 
American, as he vented his anguish over their 
rankling blood. «'These are indeed my eou'itry's 
wounds,! ^^^ o^'- said be, the deep and tremendous 
restitutions are at liand; I .see ihem with a prophetic 
eye this moment before me. Horrors shall be 
repaid with accumulation of horror. The wounds 
in Jlmerica shall be succeeded by deep-mouthed 
gashes in the heart of liriiain.' the chain of solemn 
eonsenuences is now advanci.ig. Yet, yet my 
friends, a little while, and tlie poor, forlorn one, 
who has fought and fallen at t!ie gale of her proper 
habitation, for f-eedom, for the common privileges 
of life, for all the sweet and biudmg principles in 
humanity, for fatlisr, sen, and bro.iier, for the 
cradled infant, the wailing widow, and the weeping 
maid; yet, yet a little wliile and siie shall find an 
avenger. Indignant nations shall arm in her de- 
fence. Tiirones and principalities sliall make hsr 
cause their own, and tlie fountains of blood tliat 
liave run from her exliaiisied veins shall be ansA-er- 



*See Abbe Kayr.al's hist. Anjerican revolution, 
p. 65. 



jAnonymous. 



54 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ed by a yet fuller measure of the horrible effusion j must ever enliven her gratitude; exalt the honor of 
—blood for blood; and desolation for desolation; j France, and we trust too, promote the interests of 
G my injured country! my massacred America^ 



Melancholy scene! the fatal, but we trust tlie 
last effect in our country of a standing army quarter 
ed in populous cities in a time of peace. 



Britain having thus violated the greatest law 
nations or individuals can be held by, to use the 
language of the ancients, threw a veil over the 
altars of her gods whom she was too haughty to 
appease. Would to heaven, for her sake, we too 
had a veil to hide from the eye of justice, the 
ashes of our desolated towns, and the tracts which 
her ravages have imprinted through every quarter 
of our once peaceful land. 

If* "every act of authority of one person over ano- 
ther, fjr which there is not an absolute necessity, 
19 tyrannical," and if tyranny jus'-ifies resistance, 
to have remained inactive, under these injuries, had 
been a kind of political stoicism, cq'ially inconsist- 
ent with the laws of nature and of society. On 
such principles arose the memorable declaration 
of July, 1776. — A declaration which at once gave 
life and freedom to a nation; dissolved a monopoly 
unnatural as unjust; and extended the embraces of 
our country to the universe. — A declaration which 
heaven has since ratified by the successful event 
of her arms. For, when we consider the number 
of her victories; the disadvantages under n-hich 
they were obtained; with the chain of important 
consequences which depended tipon the very mo- 
ment of their decision, who but must acknowledge, 
after allowing to our military acTO"s every thing 
heroism can claim, that there appeared peculiar 
r^arksof more than human assistance? the surrender 
of entire armies to a power which they affected to 
look upon rather as an object of their chains than 
of their swords, was a degree of glory which no 
enemy that ever passed the Romin yoke aff )rded 
to that republic, ll.ipless Britain! ftv even those 
whom you injure must pity you, how has fortune 
added acrimony to her fickleness, in choosing fjr a 
scene of your disgrace, that climate where, in a 
late war, she so loudly vaunted the invincibility of 
your arras! 

America once unfettered, nobly relied upon the 
uprightness of Iier cause and the bravery of her 
sons. But, as thousjh t!ie virtues of one crown 
were to apologize fjr the merciless cruelty of ano- 
ther, a monarch, equally wise in council as brilliant 
and powerful in arms, met her in an alliance which 



both. 

Among the advantages which have arisen from 
these great events to the people of .Missachusetts, 
thatof secaring their lives, their liberties, and pro- 
perty, the great object of all civil government, by 
a constitution of their own framing, is not to be 
accounted the least. Dismembered from a govern- 
ment, which had long stood by the exactest balance 
of its powers, even against the corruption of its 
ministers, they found themselves accustomed to 
principles, which age had stamped with authority, 
and patriots sealed with their blood. The cause 
of their separation had taught them the avenues 
through which despotism insinuates itself into the 
commanity, and pointed out the means of exclud- 
ing it. Under these circumstances they produced 
a system which, we trust, experience will evince 
to be an improvement* upon the best mankind have 
hitherto admired. The quick retnrn of all delegat- 
ed power to the p.eople, from wliom it is made to 
spring, and the clieck wliich each part of the go- 
vernment has upon the excesses of the other, seem 
to warrant hs in placing on it all the confidence hu- 
man laws can deserve.^ But, 

Let us not trust laws: an uncorrupted people can 
exist without them; a corrupted p ;ople cannot long 
exist with them, or any other human assistance. 
They are remedies which at best always disclose 
and confess our evils. The body politic, once 
distempered, they may indeed be used as a crutch 
to support it a while, but they c:in never heal it. 
Rome, when her bravery conquered the neighbo"-, 
ing nations, and tmited them to her own empire, 
was free from all danger within, because her armies, 
being urged on by a love for their country, would 
as readily suppress an internal as an external ene- 
my. In those times she made no scruple to throw 
out her kings who had abused their power. Bat 
when her subjects fought not for the advantage of 
the commonwealth; when they thronged to the 
Asiatic wars for the spoils they produced, and pre- 
ferred prostituting the rights of citizenship upon 
.iny barbarian that demanded them, to meeting 
him in the field for their support, then Borne grew 
too modest to accept from the hands of a dictator 
those rights, which she ought to have impaled him 
for daring to invade. No alterati m in her laws 
merely, could have effected this. Had she remained 
virLuous, she might as well iiave expelled her 
lictators as her kinrrs. But w!iat lavs can save a 



'Becaria on crimes and punishments, p. 10. 



*Is it not so in the equality of representation and 
mode of election? 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION* 



55 



people who, for the very purpose of enslaving them- 1 are we in the fi-eqiipnt change of our soldiery.* 
selves, choose to consider them rather as councils This seems to be the best antidote against such an 



which they may accept or refuse, than as precepts 
which they are bound to obey?* with such a people 
they must ever want a sanction and be contemned. 
— fVirtue and long life seem to be as intimately 
allied in the political as in the moral world: she is 
the guard which providence has set at the gate of 
freedom. 

True it is, when the nature and principles of a 
govex'ninent are pure, we have a right to suppose 
it at the farthest possible distance from falling. 
iBut when we consider that those countries^ in 
whicli the wisest institutions of republican govern- 
ments have been established, now exhibit the 
strongest instances of apostacy, we cannot but see 
the necessity of vigilance. Commerce, which makes 
perhaps, the greatest distinction between the old 
world and the modern, having raised new objects 
for our curiosity, habitual indulgence hath at length 
made them necessary to our infirmities. Ttius 
etFeminated, can we hope to exceed the rigor of ^*^« ^^ their inhabitants, must ever support th 
their principles, who even forbade the mentioning | ""e^sare which their common injuries originated. 



evil. It prevents that lethargy which would be a 
symptom of death in the citizen at home; and checks 
that immoderation in the soldier which is apt to 
mislead his virtues in the field. By this exchange 
of their qualities they mutually warrant happiness 
to each other, and freedom to their cotmtry. 

America once guarded against herself, what has 
she to fear.' her n;itural situation may well inspire 
her with confidence. Her rocks and her mountains 
are the chosen temples of liberty. Tlie extent of 
her climate, and tiie variety of its produce, throw 
the means of her greatness into her own hands, 
and insure her the traffic of the world. Navies 
shall launch fom her forests, and her bosom be 
found stored with tlie most precious treasures of 
natu-e. May the industry of her neople be a still 
surer pledge of her wealth.— The union of her 
states too is founded upon the most durable prin- 
ciples: the similarity of the munuers, religion, and 



of a foreign custom, and whose sumptuary laws are 
held up in our age as objects of astonishment? Such 
nations have mouldered aw.iy, an uncontrovertuble 
proof, that the best constructed human govern- 
ments, like the human body, tend to corruption; 
but as with that too, there are not wanting remedies 
to procrastinate their final decay. 

Among the causes of their fall there are none 
more common or less natural than that of their own 
strength. Continual wars making a miiitary force I 
necessary, the habit of conquest once acquired 
and other objects being wanting, history is not 
without^ instances of its turning itself inwards, and 
knawing as it were, upon its own bowels. H.ippy 

*A conscience more scrupulous, than ii. is proba- 
ble Sylla ever had, would be apt to irragine this 
general disposition of the people wiped av.-iy the 
guilt of enslaving ihem from any har.d tliat effected 
it. It in any case, Ms in this that v/e may apply llie 
maxim volenti non fit injuria. 

fVirtue, in a republic, is a most simple thing, it 
is a love for t!ie republic; it is a sensation, and no! 
a consequence of acquired knowledge : a sens:iti.n 
that may be felt by the meanest as well as by the 
highest person in the state. 

Sldrit of lazes, book 5th, chap. 2d. 

tThe politic <Greeks who lived under a popul.i- 
govenmnent, who knew no other support bntvirtu'=-. 
The modern inhabitants of that cou :try -u-e entirely 
taken up with mamifactures, cominerc', finances, 
i-iches, and luxury. 

Spirit of laws, book 3il chap. 3d. 

§For a complete collection of these, I he^' letvf 
to refer to the od book of the political ditquiaiiiona. 



Her government, while It is restrained from vlolat- 
ing the rights of the subject, is not disarmed against 
the public foe. 

Could Junius Brutus, and liis colleagues, have 
beheld her republic erecting itself on this diijoint- 
ed neck of tyranny, how would they have wreathed 
a hiarel for lier temples as eternal as their own 
memories! America.' fairest copy of sucli great 
originals! be virtuous, and thy reign shuU be as 
happy as durable, and as durable as the pillars of 
the world you liave enfranchised. 

ORATION- DSLIVEHKD AT noSTON, MARCfl 5 I'^go 

BYDR THOMAS WELSH. 

Non tali auxillo, nee dpfVns»i-IIiiis istis 

Te.t.pus tg.i: Virgil ^UmiU, Lib. 2. Lin. 521. 

Friends frulfJlowciiizeiis— Invited to this pi ^ce 
by your choice, and recollecting your well known 
indulgence, I feel myself already possessed of your 
candor, w'.iite I "impress upon yoiir nilnds, tlie 
rulao'is tendency of standing ar^nies being placed 
in free and populous chies in a time of peace." 

A field here presents, annually tr.-iversed by t'.ose 
wlio, by their sa,raci'y have discovered, and bv 

♦The design of society being lo protect the weak 
against the more powerful, vvhatever tends to 
taking a-.v.ij tlie dislinctio;, between thetn, and to 
putting all its members upon tjie same level, must 
be consonant to its first principles. This was an 
object with the old republics; Rome fjbliged hef 
oitizTs to serve in the field ten years, between the 
ace of' sixteen years and forty -sevei). — J'u/. liejlec- 
ttons on :,':.• rise and full rf ihi: Rom. Emp. c. 10 last 



PIirNClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



their voices declared, in strains of manly elo- 
quence, the source from whence those fatal streams 
originate, which, like the destroying pestilence, 
have depopulated kingdoms and laid waste the 
fairest empires. 

In prosecution of the sulyect, I presume I shall 
not offend a respectable part of my audience, I mean 
the gentlemen of ihs Americnn patriot army* — an 
army whose glory and virtues have been loag since 
recorded in the temple of fame— her trumpet has 
sounded tiieir praises to distant nations— her wing 
shall bear them to latest ages. 

When the daring spirit of ambition, or the bound- 
less lust of domination, has prompted men to invade 
the-j- natural peaceful state of society, it is among 
'lie first emotions of the heart, to repel the bold 
invader. Men, assembled from sucl» motives, hav- 
ing expelled the enemy from their borders, re- 
assuming the pruning hook and the spade, for the 
sword and the spear, have, in all ages, bean called 
the saviours of their country. 

A militia is the most natural defence of a free 
state, from invasion and tyranny: they who compose 
the militia, are the proprietors of the soil; and who 
are so likely to defend it, as thr y ■■'ho have receiv- 
ed it from their ancestors — acquired it by their 
l;)bor— or obtained it by their valor? every free 
man has within his breast the great essentials of 
a soldier, and having made tlie use of arms familiar, 
33 ever ready for the field. And where is the 
tyrant who has not reason to dre'ad an ar.my of free- 
in en? 

In the battle of N"iseby,i: in tlie days of Crom- 
well, t!ie number of forces was equal on both sides; 
and all circumstances equal. In the parliament's 
army only nine o!Ti:ers had ever seen actual service 
and most of the soldiers were London apprentices, 
drawn out of the city two mjnths befor^j. In the 
king's army there were about a thousand officers 

*I should not have neglected so favorable an 
opening to h-vve shewn njy poor respects to the 
cliaracter of the commander in chief of the Ameri- 
can army, but from a consciousness of inability to 
add to a name, more durable thiiu m'arble, ■-vhlch 
will outlive the assaults of envy and the ravages 
of time. 

"{■The natural state of nations with respect to each 
other, is certainly that of socie'.v and peace. Such 
is the natural and primitive sttte of one man with 
respect to another; and whaiever altcr.ttion man- 
kind may have made in re.^-ard to their original 
state, they cannot, without vicihitlng their duly, 
break in upon that state of peace and society, in 
which nature has placed tliem, and which, by her 
laws, she has strongly recommended to their ob- 
serv:<nce. Purlamarjui, PartAi. Chap. 1. .Sec. 4. 

iVid. political disquisitions. 



vlio had served abroad, yet the veterans were 
routed by the apprentices. 

Rome advanced on the zenith of glory and great- 
ness, and conquered all nations in the times of the 
republic, while her arrny was an unpaid militia. 

The Grecians carried on their wars against 
Persia by means of their militia; and at last beat the 
numerous mercenary armies, and subdued the vas^ 
empire of Persia. 

The deeds of valor performed by my own coun- 
trymen, and in our day, are numerous and recent, 
and point out, as witli a sun-beam, that the militia, 
is to a free country a lasting security. 

You will now permit me to consider the condition 
and consequences of a standing army. 

Men who enlist themselves for life soon lose the; 
feelings of citl-^ens. To command and be com- 
manded, excites an idea of servitude and depend- 
ence, which degr.'jdes the mind, and in a social vieWj, 
destroys the character of a free agent.* 

They who follow the profession of arms conceive 
themselves exempted from the useHd occupations 
of life, and thence contract a habit of dissipatio:y; 
soldiers inured to exercise and labor in their duty, 
at leisure to roam, will not be wliolly inactive in a 
city, where the means of grati&cation abound; 
pursuing tlie objects of pleasure, with the same 
zeal with which they engaged in the toils and 
enterprises of the field, whole armies have too late, 
found themselves destroyed by the dissolving power 
of luxury. 

We have a remarkable instance of this, my fel- 
low-citizens, in the army of Hannibal, which, having 
withstood the greatest hardships, and which the 
most dreadful dangers had never been abl^. to dis- 
courage, in winter quarters, at Capua, was entirely 
conquered by plenty and pleasures. f 

The effects of luxury, tliough productive of the 
greatest misfortunes to an army stationed in a city, 
are by no means confined to that class of men. 



*Moore, in his view of society and manners \\\ 
Europe, observes — "As to the common soldiers, 
the leading idea of tiie discipline is, to reduce ihem 
in many respecis, to the nature of machines; that 
they may have no volition of tlieir own, but bs 
acUiated solely by that of their officers; that they 
may have such a superlative dread of lUelr oHicQrs, 
as anrdhllaies all fear of the enemy; th>it i hey may 
move forward when ordered, without deeper rea- 
soning or more concern than the firelocks they 
cai'ry along with them." 

fVld. Livy's Roman history for an account of th.° 
battles, suffering-, and p.irnottinci edlMeir.afch and 
destruction of the renowned Carthagenian gena-al 
and his arm- . 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



5f 



The great body of the people, srnole by the charms 
and blandishments of a life of ease and pleasure, 
f«ll easy victims to its fascinations. Tlie city, 
reared by the forming hand of industry, so<jq feels 
the symptoms of dissolution— the busy merchant 
now no more extends his commerce; the mechanic 
throws aside his chissel; the voice of riot succeeds 
to Uie sound of tiie hummer, and the midnight revel 
to the vigils of labor. 

When a large respectable standing army has 
been stationed in a city, commanded by officers of 
known patriotism, who have taught those under 
their orders to interchange the kind and friei.dly 
offices of life; citizens, conceiving themselves 
secured from domestic broils and the danger of 
invasion from abroad, imperceptibly relax in then- 
attention to tniUt-iry exercises, and xvt^y thus be 
exposed as a tewspting bait to an aspiring despot; 
besides, a people who have made themselves re- 
spectable by their personal attention to their own 
defence, neglecting their militia, may be insulted 
by those neighbors wTio had formerly been ac- 
customed to revere their power. 

When communities have so far mlstakeR their 
interest as to commit the defence of every thing 
Valuable in life to a standing army, the love of ease 
will scarcely permit ihera to reasbume the unpleas- 
ing task of defending themselves. 

At the conclusion of a long and bloody war, the 
liberties of a people are in real danger from the 
admission of troops into a free city. When an ar- 
my has suffered every hardship to which the life 
of a soldier is peculiarly incident, and has returned 
crowned with the well-earned laurels of tlie field, 
t'.iey justly espect to be received into the open 
army, and with the applauses of those for whom 
they have fought, and in whose cause they have 
bled; in a situation like this, whole communities, 
in transport of gratitude, have weakly sacrificed at 
the shrine of a deliverer, every thing fbr which 
their armies have fought, or their heroes bled. 

j^ations, the most renowned among the ancienli 
for their wisdom and their policy, have viewed the 
army with a-j eye of attentive jealousy; the Romans, 
characterised for personal bravery * trembled for 

*ln the battles fought in our age, every single 
soldier has very little security and confidence 
except in the multitude; but among the llomans, 
every individual, more robust and of greater ex 
peiience ift war, as well as more inured to the 
fatigues of it, than the enemy, relied upon himself 
only. lie was naturaUy endued wit'.i courage, or 
in other words, v/ith th,a virtue which a sensibility 
of our own strength inspires. Monte'r/uisii. 
8. 



their counlry, at the si^' t of oat- hundred and fifty 
lictors, or peace o.F.cc-rs, as aguardof the deceniv'vi 
—Such au army was tlwr-g-.Tous, tiiey sa' '. to li- 
berty. These politic peir^.- knev, the prevaiiing, 
propensity in all mankind to power. The '■ i~ ry 
of later times has abundantly justified the wisdom 
of their jealousies. All pirts of Curope which 
have been enslaved, have been enslaved hy armies. 
No nation can be said to enjoy .lucrr'ii lib.-ty 
wliich admits them in a time of peace. When a 
government has a body of standing troops *t .. r:-.- 
mand, it is easy to form pretensions for tlie di*. 
tribution of them, so as to effect their own pur- 
poses; when a favorite point is to be carriec, a 
tliousand soldiers may convey irresistible argument, 
and compel men to act agamst their feelings, in- 
terest, and country. 

Such were the arguments employed by Philip 
ilie second, of Spain^ to persuade the inhabitants 
of the Netherlands to relinquish their libcrtle.s, 
their property, and their religion; the progress of 
these dreadful measures produced scenes of mas- 
sacre and devastation, the recital of which must 
excite exquisite horror in the most savage breasi. 

One of the commanders of the army under the 
duke of Alva, demanding a pass through the city 
of Rotterdam,* was at first refused, but assuring 
the magistrates that he meant only to lead his 
troops through the town, and not to lodge them in 
it, they consented to suffer the companies to pass 
through one by one: no sooner had the first co,m- 
par.y entered the city, tlian the officer, without re- 
gard to his engagements, ordered them to keep the 
gates open until the other companies should arrive: 
one of the citizens, endeavoring to shut the gate, 
was killed by his own band; his troops, eager to 
follow his example, drew their swordsj and, giving 
a-loose to their fury, spread themselves over the 
town, and butchered more than three hundred of 
the inhabitants. 

This was among the first events of that war 
which rendered the Netherlands a sceiie of horror 
and devastation for more than thirty years; but 
which, whilst it proved the soiree, on muny oc- 
casions, of extreme distress to the people, called 
forth an exertion of virtue, spirit, and intrepidity, 
which seldom occurs in the annals of history. — 
Never was there a more unequal contest, than be- 
tween the inliabitants of the Low-Countries and 
the Spinisli monarch; and never w.^s the issue of 

* The whole alikir is related at length in Wat- 
son's hist, ofthe Low-Countries, to which there;^Jer 
is referred. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS V^' THE liEVOLUTiOK. 



any dispute more contrary to what the parties had isimiiiir considerations, even wise politicians h^ive 
reason to expect. defended the propriety of the establishment; but' 

let their motives be ever so pure the ambitious and 



Under similar circumstances, my fellow-citi- 



the aspiring have views exlensive and ruinous; thev 



zens, a fitandins^ armv was introduced and stationed ,„ I , •..,.,. 

' fa . ) have felt the charms and experienced the utility of 

in this city; which produced the scene we nov ] , . . ■.'■•,- 

^' ' It'is engine, and are not wanting m their exertion.? 



commerr.orate, and wiiich I know you cannot al! 
remember; but let the stranger hear and let the 
listening youth be X.o\A.—that on the evening of the 
fifth of Mar chy seventeen hundred and seventy, under 
the orders of a mercenary officer, murder, teilh her 
polluted titeapons, stood trampling in the blood of our 
slaughtered cezintrymen; imagination cannot well 
conceive wh;it mingling passions then convulsed 
the soul and agonized the heart!— those pangs were 
sharp indeed, which ushered into life a nation/ — 
like Hercules* she rose brawny from the cradle, the 
snakes of Britain yet hung hissing round her horri- 
ble, and fell!— at her infant voice they hasted — at 
the dread of her rising arm they fled away. 

America, separated from the nations of Europe 
by the mighty ocean, and from Britain by the 
mightier hand of heaven, is acknowledged an inde- 
pendent nation; she has now to maintain her dignity 
and importance among the kingdoms of the earth. 
May she never be seduced from her true interest, 
by subtle intrigue, mistaken policy, or misguided 
ambition! but, considering her own condition, may 
she follow the maxims of wisdom, which afe better 
than the -weapons of -war.' 

Tt h.as become fashionable in Europe, to keep a 
large standing army in times of peace. The peo- 
ple of Great Britain have professed their aversion 
to the establishment, yet have suffered it to gain 
ground, upon the idea of preserving the balance of 
pcwer. This custom is so deeply rooted and so 
firmly established, that nothing short of annihila- 
tion of the governments where they have been so 
long tolerated can abolish the institution. 

From the situation and vicinity of the nations of ., , . . - ,. , 

„. usually considered as another circumstance which 

Europe witn respect to each otlier, the different ^.^^^j^rs alliances natural; and although the con- 



to support its existence. 

Our fortunate alliances in Europe have secured 
us from any danger of inv.isioa from thence; this 
security is derived from considerations of the best 
pslicy and true interest of the allied powers. 

The new and glorious treaty concluded, since the 
last anniversary, with the states of Holland, whose 
maTiiters, laios, religion, and bloody contest for free- 
dom, so nearly resemble our own,* affords a happy 

*If there was ever among nations a natural 
alliance, one may be formed between the two re- 
publics. The first planters of the four northern 
states found in this country an asylum from per- 
secution, and resided here from the year one thoti* 
sand six hundred, and eight, to the year one thou- 
sand six huiidi ed and twenty, twelve years preced- 
ing their migration. They ever entertained and 
have transmiited to posterity, a grateful remein- 
brance of that protection and hospitality, and 
especially of that religious liberty they found here, 
having sought it in vain in E igl&nd. 

•'The first inhabitants of two other states, New- 
York and New-Jersey, were immediate emigrants 
from this nation, andh<ivetr»nsmitted their religion, 
language, customs, mariners and character: and 
A.meric;i i'l general, until her connexions with the 
hfuse of Bourbon, has ever considered this nation 
as her first friend in Europe, whose history, and 
the great character it exhibits, in the various arts 
of peace, as well as achievements of war by sea 
and land, have been p:irlicularly studied, admired, 
and imitated in every state. 

"A similitude of religion, althoagh it is not 
deemed so essential in this as iii former ages, to 
the alliance of nations, is still as it ever will be 
thought, a desirable circumstance. Now it may 
be said with truth, that there are no two nations, 
whose worship, doctrine and discipline, are more 
alike than those of the two republics. In this 
particular, therefore, as far as it is of weight, an 
alliance would be perfectly natural 

'A similarity in the forms of government, is 



extent of territory rendering it more difficult to 
repel an invasion from some countries than others, 
for the celerity of defence and the more complete 
security of extensive countries; from these and 



*liercules is represented, when very young, 
engaged in the most courageous and dangerous 
enterprizes — such as encountering lions, squeezing 
them to death against his own breast, or tearing 
their jaws astmd-r; sometimes, wh?n an infant, applauded by mankind, and justified by the decision 



siituiions of the two republics are not perfectly 
alike, there is yet analogy enough between them 
to make a connexion easy in this respect. 

*' I'he originals of the two republics are so much 
alike, that the history nf one seems but a transcript 
from that of the otuer: so that every Dutchman, 
instructed in the subject, must pronounce the Arne- 
nciin revolution just and neccssar}', or pass a cen- 
sure upon the gi-eateat actions of his immortal an- 
cestors: actions whicli have been approved and 



grasping serpents with a little smile upon Ids 
cheek, as if he was pleased with their fine colors 
and their motions, und killing them by his .strong 
gripe with so much ease, that he scarce deigns to 
ic^k upon tiiem. 



ofheuven. 

"if therefore an analogy of religion, government, 
original manners, and the most extensive and last- 
ing commercial interests, can form a grouiid and 
an invitation to political connesions, the subscribey 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



59 



presage of lasting security. We may add, the 
sitaalion of oar country, with respect to other 
domiRions, is so secured by nature, that no one can 
feign pretensions sufficiently plausible to convince 
the people of America, of the propriety of support- 
ing a standing army in a time of peace; whilit 
memory retains the exploits of our brave citizens 
in the field, who have joined the standard of free- 
dam, and successFnUy defended her injured altars 
and her devoted rites. The community will be 
assured that, upon the basis of a -Melt-regulated 
■/r.iHtia, an army m^y be raised upon all future oc- 
casions sufficient to oppose the most formidable 
invaders. 

Here, were it pertinent, I would express a con- 
fiilence, that when the army shall be disbanded, 
justice, with impartial scale, will distrii/ute due 
rewards to those who have jeoparded their lives in 
the high places of the field. 

Every American is conscious of the efPects pro- 
duced by the knowledge of the people in the use 
of arms, and from that experience need not be 
ex'.iorted to an attention to their militia. 

When we consider our own prosperous condition, 
and view the state of that nation, of which we were 
o;)ce a part, we even weep over our enemy, when 
we reBect that she was once great; that her navies 
rode formidable upon the ocean; that her com 
merce was extended to every harbor of the globe; 
liiat her name was revered wherever it was known; 
that the wealth of nations was deposited in her 
island; and that America was her friend, but by 
means of her standing armies, an immeiise con- 
tinent is separated from her kingdom,* and that 
once-mighty empire, ready to fall aji untimel} 
victim, to her own mad polic}'. 

Near eight full years have now rolled away, since 
America has been cast off from the bosom and 



flatters himself, that in all these pariiculars, thf 
union is so obviously natural, t'lat there has seldom 
been a more distinct desipnaiion of VroviJence to 
any two distant nations to uniie themselves toge- 
ther." ° 

Extracts from the memorial to their hig]i mifliti- 
nesses, the states general of the United Pr.jvlaces 
of tlie Low-Countries, by that great states;na!i aiid 
patriot, his excellency Jms Adams, esq minister 
plenipotentiary at the Hague, dated Leyden. April 
19,1781. J ' i 

*A doubt may be entertained of the truth of this 
as-erlion; but we can hardly believe that it woulj 
have entered into the head"of a miiiister or p^ipiia- 
me^it, to collect a miliiia in Great Brluin to enforce 
tlieir :;cts in America; so that in oiu- view, hwl the 
army been disbanded at the end of tlie !asi war, 
America and Hriuin at this m:>;-Tie.it would have 
been parts of the Buffie kins^dom. 



embraces of her pretended parent, and has set up 
her own name among the empires. The assertions 
of so young a country, were at first beheld with 
dubious expectation; and the world were ready to 
stamp the name of rashness or enterprize accord- 
ing to the event. 

But a manly and fortunate beginning, soon ensur- 
•I the most generous assistance. The renowned 

and the ancient Gauls came early to the combat 

vise in council— mighty in battle! then with new 
fury raged the storm of war! the seas were crimson- 
ed with the richest blood of nations! America's 
chosen legions waded to freedom through rivers, 
died with the mingled blood of her enemies and 
!»er citizens; through fields of carnage, and the 
gates of death! 

At length independence is ours— the halcyon day 
ippears! lo from the east I see the harbinger, and 
from the train, 'tis peace herself; and as attendants, 
all the gentle arts of life: commerce displays her 
snow. white navies fraught with the wealth of king- 
loms; plenty from her co]nms horn, pours forth 
'ipr ric!iest gifts. Heaven commands! the east and 
tlie west give up, and the north keeps not bo.ck! all 
latioRS meet! and beat their swords into plou"-h- 
shares and their spears into pruning-hooks, and 
resolve to learn war no mora.— Henceforth shall 
the American wilderness blossom as the rose, and 
every man shall sit under his vine and under his 
fig-tree, and none shall m ike him afraid, 

AN ORATIQY, 

DeIIVKTIKD at the KINg'sCIIAI-EL in BOSTOJT, APBTt 
8, 1776, »N THE KE-IXTEUMKIVT OP THE IIEJIAIXS 
OF THE LATE M05T WORSHIPFUE GKAW D-MASTER 

JOSEPH WARREN, ESQUIRE, presidest op 

THE lATE CONGRESS OF THIS COLOXT, AND MAJOR 
GENEHAS of THE MASSACHUSETTS FORCl'.^, WHO WAS 
SLAIN IN THE BATTLE OF BUNKER's-HILL, JuNE 17 

1775, 

BY PEREZ .MORTON, M. M. 

Iilastriousre!icks/—Wha.t tidings from the ('•pave? 
why hast thou left tlia peaceful mansions of the 
tomb, to visit again this troubled esrtli! art thou 
the welcome messenger of peace! art ihou risen 
again to exhibit thy glorious woun is, and through 
them proclaim salvation to thy country! i.rnrt thou 
come to demand that last debt of hu:nani\y, ta 
which your rank and merit have so justly entitled 
you— but which has been so long ungenerously 
withheld! and art tliou angry at tlie burbaroug 
usage? be appeased, sweet ghost! for t'.io!;gh thy 
body lias long laid undistinguished among ti,e 
vulgar dead, scarce privileged with eartli enough 



no 



PRINCirLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



to ,iij i' /i-j I l!!*^ birils of prey; though not a 

iiemlly righ vas utf'^red o'er thy grave; and 

• .o..,',h the exccriti-n of an impious foe, were all 

.■ i>i'tc!'il kne'ils! yet, mutcliless patnot! thy 

■ i^n.'^ry hap beer* embaitned in the affections of 

■ ". ;;T':1 -.o!H-trvmer<; wito, in their breasts, 

aisel efi-ia: mciments to thy bravery! 



B-dt iet us leave Vw beloved remains, and con- 
tc;7iplate fo." a mome.it, tho.s'; virtues of the man, 
the o:iercJse of which have so deservedly endeared 
iii,n to the !"onest among the great, and the good 
::"nongtiie humble, ' 

In the privatf v/alks of life, he was a pattern for 
"na^kind. — T^ie tears of her, to wiiom the world 
J'. .na,-:)tpd '.r so much virtue, are silent heralds 
c,; iiisi JlUal piety; while liis tender offspring, in 
I;:.;):nf^ avA I'uir father''' r,.T-e, proclaim his parental 
affectiim: and at?. ADAMS can witness with how 
much zeal he loved, where he had formed the 
sacred connexion o'' & friend: — their kindred souls 
were ai> closely ' .yined, tha' both felt one joy, both 
one AfHic'Jon. In conversation he liad the happy 
talent of r.ddressing his subject both to the un- 
d-crst<in.iii jj sind the oissio'is; from theonehe forced 
convietion, from the other he stole assent. 

He %VM3 blcssf.i with a complacency of disposi- 
tion ar.d cquanlinity of temper, which peculiarly 
endeared hiotaliis friends, and which, added to the 
deportmcTt of tr.." geatleman, commanded rever- 
ence and esteenaeven from his enemies. 

Such <yas the tender sensibility of his soul, that 
he need but see di3tre<!E to feel it, and contribute 
to its reV if. He was deaf to the calls of interest 
even in th.^ course of his profession: and wherever 
he beheld an •ndig'^nt object, which claimed his 
hea'inj'r skill, he administered it, without even the 
hope ofany other reward than that which resulted 
from the reflection of having so far promoted the 
happiness of his fellow-men, 

Ir the spc/a; departments of life, practifsin.T;' upon 
the strength of that doctrine, he used so earnestly 
to inculcate himself, that nothing so much conduced 
to enlighten mankind, and advance the great end of 
society at large, as the frequent interchange of 
sentiments, ia friendly meeting; we find him con- 
stantly engaged in this elig'ijle labor; but on none 
did iie pkqe so high a value, as on that most honora- 
ble of all detached societies, the fheb aivd accepted 
3rAsoxs: iatothis fraternity he was e.irly initiated; 
and after having given repeated proofs of a rapid 
proficiency in the arts, and after evidencing by his 
life, the professions of liis lips— finally, as the 



reward of his m^rit, he was commissioned the mast 
worshipful GiiA.iin-ytAsry.n of all the ancient Masons, 

through J\'orih America. And you, brethren, are 

living testimonies, with how much honor to him- 
self, and benefit to the craft universal, he dis- 
charged the duties of his elevated trus»; with 
what sweetened accents he courted your atten- 
tion, while, with wisdom, strength, and beauty, he 
instructed his lodges in the secret arts of Freema- 
sonry,- what perfect order and decorum he preserv- 
ed in the government of them; and, in all his con- 
duct, what a bright example he set us, to live 7i>ith- 
in compass, and actupnn the square. 

With what pleasure did hie silence the wants of 
poor and pennyless brethren yea, the necessitous 
every where, though ignorant of the mysteries of 
the craft, from his benefactions, felt the happy ef- 
fects of that institution which is founded on faith, 
hope and charity. And the world may cease to 
wonder, that he so readily offered up his life, on 
the altar of his country, when tliey are told that 
the main pillar of mwsonrj/ is the lote or mankind. 

The fates, as though they would reveal, in the 
person of our oravd-xasteu, those mysteries 
which have so long lain hid from the world, have 
suffered him, like the great master-builder in the 
temple of old, to fall by the hands of Ruffians, and 
be again raised in honor and authority: we searched 
in the field for the murdered son of a widow, and 
we found him, by the turf and the tieig, buried on 
the brow of a hill, though not in a decent grave. — 
And though we must again commit his body to the 
tomb, ye*^ our breasts shall be the burying spot of 
his masonic virtues, and there — 

" An adamantine monnment we'll rear, 

" With this inscriptiuii," Masonry "lies hece."— 

In public life, the sole object of his ambition was, 
to acquire the conscience of virtuous enterprizes; 
cunof patri.c was the .spring of his actions, and men.s 
conscia recti was his guide. — And on this security 
he v/as, on every occasion, ready to sacrifice his 
health, his interest, and his ease, to the sacred 
calls of his country. When the liberties of Ame- 
rica were attacked, he appeared an early champion 
in the contest: and though his knowledge and 
abilities would have insured riches and preferment 
(could he have stooped to prestltution) yet he 
nobly withstood the fascinating charm, tossed 
fortune back her plume, and pursued the inflexible 
purpose of Iiis soul, in guiltless competence. 

He souglit not the airy honors of a name, else 
many of those publications which, in the early 
period of our controversy, served to open the minds 
of the people, h,ad not appeared anonynnous. h\ 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



61 



of eminent danger, his fellow citizens contempt of danger, flew to the field of battle. 



every time 

flew to him for advice; like the orator of Athens, 
he gave it and dispelled their fears:— twice did 
they call him to the rostrum to commemorate the 
massacre of their brethren; and from that instance, 
in persuasive language he taught them, not only 
the dangerous tendency, but the actual mischief, 
of stationing a military force in a free city, in a 
time of peace.— They learnt the profitable lesson, 
and penned it among their grievances. 

But his abilities were too great, his deliberations 
too much wanted, to be confined to the limits of a 
single city, and at a time when our liberties were 
most critically in danger from the secret machina- 
tions and open assaults of our enemies, this town, 
to their lasting honor, elected him to take a part 
in the councils of the state. — And with what faith- 
fulness lie discharged the important delegation, 
the neglect of his private concerns, and his un- 
wearied attendance on that betrustment, will suf- 
ficiently testify: and the records of that virtuous 
assembly will remain the testimonials of h'n ac- 
complishments as a statesman, and his integrity and 
services as a patriot, through all posterity. 

The congress of our colony could not observe so 
much virtue and greatness without honoring it with 
the highest mark of their fiivor; and by the free 
suffrages of that uncorrupted body of freemen, he 
was soon called to preside in the senate — v/here, 
by his daily counsels and exertions, lie was con- 
stantly promoting the great cause o^ general liberty 

But when he found the tools of oppression were 
obstinately bent on violence; when he found the 
vengeance of the British court must be glutted 
with blood; he determined, that what he could not 
effect by his eloquence or his pen, he would 
bring to purpose by his sword. And on the memo- 
rable 19th of April, he appeared in the field under 
the united characters of tJie general, the soldier, 
and the physician. Here he was seen animating 
his countrymen to battle, and fighting by their 
side, and there he was found administering healing 



where, after a stern, and almost victorious resis- 
tance, ah! too soon for his country! he sealed his 
principles with his blood then — 

" Free'lom wept, that merit could not save," 
But Il^arren's manes "must enrich the gravci" 

Enriched indeed! and the heights of Charlestoivn 
shall be more memorable for thy fall, than the 
Plains of Abraham are for that of the hero of Bri- 
tain. For while he died contending for a single 
country, you fell in the cause of virtue and man- 
kind. 

The greatness of his soul shone even in the mo- 
ment of death; for, if fame speaks true, in his last 
agonies he met the insults of his barbarous foe 
with his wonted magnanimity, and with the true 
spirit of a soldier, frowned at their impotence. 

In fine, to complete the great character — like 
HARRINGTONT he wrote— like CICERO he spoke 
—like HAMPDEN" he lived— and like WOLFE he 
died. 

And can v;e, my countrymen, with indifference 
behold so much valor laid prostrate by the hand 
of British tyranny! and can we ever grasp that 
hand in affection again? are we not yet conrinced 
"that he who hunts the woods for prey, the naked 
and untutored indian, is less a savage than the king 
of Britain!" have we not proofs, wrote in blood, 
that the corrupted nation, from whence we sprang, 
(though there may be some traces of their ancient 
virtue left) are stubbornly fixed on our destruc- 
tion! and shall we still court a dependence on such 
a state? still contend for a connexion with tliose 
who have forfeited not only every kindred claim, 
but even their title to humanity! forbid it the spirit 
of the brave Montgomeht! forbid it the spirit of 
immortal Warrex! forbid it the spirits of all our 
valiant countrymen! w!io fouglit, bled, and died 
for far different purposes, and who would have 
thought the purchase dear indeed! to have paid 
their lives for the paltry boon of displacing one 
set of villains in pover, to make way for another. 
No. They contended for the establishment of 



comforts to the wounded. And when he had re- peace, liberty, and safety to their country: and we 

pelled the unprovoked assaults of the enemy, and are unworthy to be called their countrymen, if we 

had driven them back into their strong-holds, like stop at any acquisition short of this. 

the virtuous chief of Rome, he returned to the ^- - ., . , • • ^, 

I Tsow IS the happy season, to seize again those 

senate, and presided ?again at the councils of the .,..-. ' . . .-.i > 

•^ * ° rights, which, as men, we are by nature entitlea 

fathers. i . • u t . .. u j 

to, and which, by contract, we never nave and 

When the vanquis'ied foe had ra-llied their dis-lnever could have surrendered :— but which have 

ordered army, and by the acquisition of fresli been repeatedly and violently attacked by the A-jw^, 

strength, again presumed to fight against freemen, \lord? and commons of Britain. Ought v/e not then 

our patriot, ever anxious to be where he could do I to disclaim fiirever, the forfeited affinity; and by a 

the most good, again put off the senator, and, in (timely amputation of that rotten linab of the em- 



62 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



pire, prevent th' moi-tificauoa of tiis whole? otight 
we not to listen to the voice of our slaughtered 
brethren, who are no.Y proclaiming aloud to their 

country — 

Go tell the king, and tell him from our spirits, 
That you anrt Britons can be friends no more; 
Tell liim, to you all tyrants are tlie same; 
Or if in bonds, the never conquerM sou! 
C;'n feel a pang, more keen tlian slavery s sell, 
'Xis where the chains that crush you into dust, 
Are forg'd by hands, from which you hop d tor freedom. 
Yes, wre ought, and will— we will assert the 
blood of our murdered hero against thy hostile 
oppressions, O shameless Britain! and when "Ihy 
cloud-capped towers, thy gorgeous palaces" shall, 
,by the teeth of pride and folly, be levelled with 
the dust— and when thy glory shall have faded like 
the western sunbeam— the name and the virtues of 
WARREN shall remain immortal. 



Judge Jay's Charge. 

The cHAncr. deliveueh by Joh>( Jay, Eca chief jus- 
tice OF THE STATE OF NkW YoUK, TO THE GKAND 
JunY OF THE SCPUEMF COOSIT, HEUt AT KINGSTON, 
IN UtSTEa COUNTY, SiPT. 9, 1777 



Wh ever compares our present with our former 
constitution, will find abundant reason to rejoice 
in the exchange, and readily admit, that all the 
calamities, incident to this war, will be amply com- 
pensated by the many blessings flowing from this 
i;lnrious revolution. A revolution which, in the 
whole course of its rise and progress, is distin- 
guished by so many marks of the Divine favor and 
interposition, that no doubt can remain of its being 
finally accomplished. 

It was begun, and has been supported, in a man- 
ner so singular, and I may say, miraculous, that 
\v4ien future ages shall read its history, they will 
be templed to consider great part of it as fabu- 
lous. What, among other things, can appear more 
unworthy of credit, than that in an enlightened 
age, in a civilized and Christian country, in a na- 
tion so celebrated for humanity, as well as love of 
liberty and justice, as the English once justly were, 
a prince should arise, wlio, by the influence of cor- 
ruption alone, should be able to seduce them into 



Mverlisemnl. Tlye folloiuing charge ivas given at ,. ,. , , ,, .,.. f... 

a time ^vhen the asseuibhj and seuaie ivere co«re;;.|a combmation, to reduce three mihtons of his most 
in:r^ and the -vhole system of government, establish- \Qyr^\ and affectionate subjects, to absolute slavery, 
ed'by the covstitution, about being pirt inmotion- ^^^^^ pretence of aright, appertaining to Gon 
The grand ijiqtiest was comp'sed of the most re- o . i i 6 



specikble characters in the co'.ity, and no less than 
iwenty-tiuo of them attendee' ind vjere srjurn. 
Gentlemen— It affords me very sensible plea- 
.sure to congratulate you on the dawn of that free, 
mild and equal government, which now begins to 
rise and break from amidst those clouds of anar- 
chy, confusion and licentiousness, which the arbi 



alone, of binding them in all cases whatever, not 
even excepting cases of conscience and religion? 
What can appear more improbable, although true, 
than that this prince, and this people, should ob- 
stinately steal their hearts, and shut their ears, 
against the most humble petitions and affectionate 
remonstrances; and unjustly determine, by violence 



trary and violent domination of the king of Greatjand force, to execute designs which were repro- 
Eritain had spread, in greater or lesa degrees, [bated by every principle of humanity, equity, gra- 
throughout this and the other Araei'ican states. { titude and policy — designs whicii would have been 



And it gives me particular satisfaction to remark, 
that the first fruits of yiur excellent constitution 
appear in a part of this state, whose inhabitants 
have distinguished themselves, by having unani- 
Hiously endeavored to deserve them. 

This is one of those signal instances, in which 
Divine Providence has made the tyranny of princes 
instrumental in breaking the chains of their sub- 
jects; and rendered the most inhuman designs, 
productive of the best consequences, to those 
against whom they v/ere intended. 

The infatuated sovereign of Britain, forgetful 
that kings were the servants, not the proprietors, 
and oug'.vt to be the fathers, not the incendiaries 
of their people, hath, by destroying ourformer con- 
iStitutions, enabled us to erect more eligible sys- 
tems of government on their ruins; and, by unwar- 
rantable attempts, to bind us, in all case.itvhatever. 
Las reduced us to the happy necessity of being/ree 
from his control in any. 



execrable, if intended against savages and enemies, 
and yet formed against men descended from the 
same common ancestors with themselves; men, 
who had liberally contributed to their support, and 
cheerfully fought their battles, even in remote 
and baleful climates? Will it not appear extraor- 
dinary, that thirteen colonies, the object of their 
wicked designs, divided by variety of governments 
and manners, should immediately become one peo- 
ple, and though without funds, v;ithout magazines, 
wiihout disciplined troops, in the face of their 
enemies, unanii-nously determine to be free; and, 
undaunted by the power of Britain, refer their 
cause to the justice of the Almighty, and resolve 
to repel force by force.' Thereby presenting to the 
world an illustrious example of magnanimity and 
virtue scarcely to be paralleled. Will it not be mat- 
ter of doubt and wonder, that, notwithstanding 
these difficKlties, they should raise armies, estab- 
lish funds, carry on commerce, grow rich by the 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



63 



spoils of their enemies, and bid defiance to the legislative, executive and judicial powers of go 



armies of Bntain, the mercenaries of Germany asid 
the savages of the wilder, ess? — But, however in- 
credible these things may in future appear, we 
know them to be true, and we should always re- 
membpr, that the many remarkable and unexpect- 
ed tneans and events, by which our wants have been 
supplied, and our eneimies repelled or restrained, 
are such strong and striking proofs of the intcrposi- 



vernmentj as to promise permanence to the consti- 
tulion, and give energy and impartiality to the 
distribution of justice. So that, while you possess 
wisdom to discern and virtue to appoint men of 
worth and abililies to fill the offices of the state, 
you will be happy at home and respectable abroad 
—Your life, your liberties, your property, will be 
at the disposal only of your Creator and your- 



tion of heaven, that our having been hitherto deli- selves. You will know no power but such as yoa 
vered from the threatened bondage of Britain, ^'il^ create; no authority unless derived from your 
ought, like the emancipation of the Jews from h?'"^"'! "f> 'aws, but such as acquire all their cbiiga- 
Egyptian servitude, to be forever ascribed to its U'^^n from your consent. 



true cause, and insieaJ of swelling our breasts with 
arrogant ideas of our prowess and importance, 
kindle in them a flame of gratitude and piety, 
which may consume all remains of vice and irreli- 
gion. 

Blessed be God! the time will now never arrive 
when the prince of a country, in another quarter of 
the globe, will command your obedience and hold 
you in vassalage. His consent has ceased to be 
necessary to enable you to enact laws essential to 
to your welfare; nor will you, in future, be sub 
ject to the imperious sway of rulers, instructed to 
sacrifice your happiness, whenever it might be in 



Adequate security is also given to the rights of 
conscience ar.d private judgment. They are, by 
nature, subject to no control but that of the Deity 
and in that free situation they are now left. Every 
man is permitted to con.sider, to adore and to wor- 
sliip his Creator in the manner most agreeable to 
his conscience. No opinions are dictated; no rules 
of faith prescribed; no preference given to one sect 
to the prejudice of others.— The constitution, how- 
ever, has wisely declared, that the "liberty of con. 
science, thereby granted, shall not be so construed 
as to excuse acts of licentiousness, or justify prac- 
tices inconsistent with the peace or safety of this 



consistent with the ambitious views of their royal! **^^^'" ^'^ ^ ^^'°^"''' ^'^^ convention, by w!iom that 
master. i constitution was formed, were of opinion, that tlie 

■ , . • . „ r . 1 ,, , k'^spel of Chhist, like the ark of Goj), would not 

The Americans are the first people whom he.-i-iru »i i 

, . 'rjvu ■ ^''^'' ^"°"S'' "ns'-^PPorted by the arm of fl>>sb; and 
ven has favored with an opportunity of deliberating u,_^„ ,„„..,., , . i • , .,- , 

...... . "aPPy would It be for mankind, if that opinion pre- 

vailed more generally. 



upon, and choosing ihe forms of government under 
which they siiould live; — all other constitutions 
have derived their e.'cisience from violence or acci- 
dental circumstances, and are therefore probably 
more distant from their perfection, which, thougit 
beyond our reach, may nevertheless be approached 
under the guidance of reason and experience. 

How far the people of this state have improved 
this opportunity, we are at no loss to determine. — 
Their constitution has given general satisfaction at 
home, and been not only approved, but applauded 
abroad. It would be a pleasing task to take a mi 
nute view of it, to investigate its principles, and 
remark tlie conneclioo and use of its several partt. 
—but that woiild be a work of too great length to 
be proper on this occasion. I must therefore con- 
fine myself to general observations; and among 



Bat let it be remembered, that whatever marks 
of wisdom, experience and patriotism there may be 
in your constitution, yet, like the beautiful sym- 
metry, the just proportions, and elegant forms of 
our first parent, before their maker breathed into 
them the breath of life, it is yet to be animated, 
and till then, may indeed excite admiration, but 
will be of no use-From the people it musi re- 
ceive its spirit, and by them he quickened. Let 
virtue, honor, the love of liberty and of science be, 
aiid remain, the soul of tliis constitution, and it 
will become the source cf great and extensive hap- 
piness to this and future g«;neraiiDi;s. Vice, igno- 
rance, and want of vigilance, wlil be the only ene- 
lilies able to destroy it. Against these provide, 
an.!, of these, be forever jealous. Every member 



those which naturally arise from a consideration ofLcihe state, ought diligently to read and study 
this subject, none are more obvious, than that the ti,e constitution of his country, and teach the risin.. 
highest respect has been paid to those great and I generation to be free. By knowii.g their rights 
equal rights of human nature, which should for- ihey will sooner perceive when they are violated' 
eve:r remain inviolate in every soclety-and that j and be the better prepared to defend and assert 
such care has been taken in th? dispusiiion of tiif! iiiun. 



u 



PRINCIPLES AND AGTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



This, gentlemen, is the first court held under 
the authority of our constitution, and I hope its 
proceedings will be such, as to merit the appro- 
bation of the friends, and avoid giving cause of 
censure to the enemies of the present establish- 
ment. 

It is proper to observe, that no person in this 
state, however exalted or low his rank, however 
dignified or humble his station, but has a right to 
the prstection of, and is amenable to the laws of 
tlie land; and that if those laws be wisely made 
and duly executed, innocence will be defended, 
oppression punished, and vice restrained. Hence 
it becomes the common duty, and indeed the com 
mon interest, of every subject of the state, and 
particularly of those concerned in the distribution 
of justice, to unite in repressing the licentious, in 
supporting the laws, and thereby diffusing the bles- 
biugs of peace, security, order and good govern- 
ment, through all degrees and ranks of men among 
us. 

I presume it will be unnecessary to remind you, 
that neither fear, favor, resentment, or other perso- 
nal and partial considerations, should influence 
your conduct. Calm, deliberate reason, candor, 
moderation, a dispassionate, and yet a determined 
resolution to do your duty, will, I am persuaded, 
be the principles by which yoa will be directed. 

You will be pleased to observe, that all oflences 
committed in this county against the peace of the 
people of this state, from treason to trespass, are 
proper objects of your attention and enquiry. 

You will pay particular attention to the practice 
of counterfeiting the bills of credit, emitted by the 
general congress, or other of the Ameeicin states, 
and of knowingly passing such counterfeits. Prac- 
tices no less criminal in themselves, than injurious 



■mho, fearless of danger, undaunted by opposition, 
uninfluenced by the hope of retoard, im the worst of 
times, has stood among the foremost, an early, 
active, zealous, disinterested champion, in the causa 
of American liberty and i?idependence— -the follow 
iug oration, originally dragon up (it his request, is 
respectfully inscribed by his humble servant the 
author. 

Friends and fello^v-citizens — Impressed with the 
deepest sense of my insufficiency, I rise to address 
you with peculiar diffidence. When I consider 
the knowledge and eloquence necessary to dis- 
play the glorious prospects which independence 
opens to this continent, I am stung with a degree 
of self-reproach for undertaking the impDrtaat 
task. But your known attachment to the cause 
of America encourages me to hope, that you will 
receive with indulgence, a well intended exertion 
to promote her welfare; and emboldens me to cast 
myself on that candor, which looks with kindness 
on the feeblest efforts of an honest mind. 

We are now celebrating the anniversary of our 
emancipation from British tyranny; an event that 
will constitute an illustrious aera in the history of 
the world, and which promises an extension of all 
those blessings to our country, for which we would 
choose to live, or dare to die. 

Our present form of government is every way 
preferable to the royal one we have lately renounc- 
ed. It is much more favorable to purity of morals, 
and better calculated to promote all our important 
interests. Honesty, plain-dealing, and simple man- 
ners, were never made the patterns of courtly be- 
havior. Artificial manners always prevail in kingly 
governments; and royal courts are reservoirs, from 
whence insincerity, hypocrisy, dissimulation, pride, 
luxury, and extravagance, deluge and overwhelm 



i« the interest of that great sause, on the success the body of the people. On the other hand, re- 
of which the happiness of Ajieiuca so essentially publics are favorable to truth, sincerity, frugality, 
depends. [ industry, and simplicity of manners. Equality, the 

life and soul of commonwealth, cuts off all pre- 
tensions to preferment, but those which arise from 
extraordinary merit: Whereas, in royal govern- 
ments, he that can best please his superiors, by the 
low arts of fawning and adulation, is most likely to 
obtain favor. 

It was the interest of Great Britain to encourage 
our dissipation and extravagance, for the two-fold 
^ur^o&toi incraasiug the sale of her mam fatt ares, and 
o? perpetuating our subordination. In vain we sought 
to check the growth of luxury, by sumptuary laws;. 
every wholesome restraint of this kind was sure 
to meet with the royal negative. Wi;ile the whcls 



Dr. Ramsay^s Oration. 

An onATiow on' the advastages of AMEUicAfr imje- 

PENDENCE, SPOKEN BKFOKE A PUB1,IC ASSEMBLY Oy 

THE INHABITANTS OF CHAULESTOWN, IN SOUTU- 

CAnOLINA, ON TUB SECOND ANNIVEIISAUI OF THAT 
OLOfilODS ^RA, 

BY DAVID RAMS\Y, AI. B. 

Magnus ab integro seeulsriim na5fi(ur onlo.' 
JaJD reclit et Viigo, reileuiit S;ituii>ia regna: 
Jam uova i>i'ogeiiies, ctcludinuuitdt' altu. 

Huic ego iiec nietas renira, nee tempoia pono: 
Imperiucii sine iiiie dedi. i'irgilt 

To the honorable GHIUSTOPHER GADSDEX, esq. 

Lieutenant governor of the state of South- Carolina; 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



65 



force of example was ennployed to induce us to 
copy the dissipated manners of the country from 
which we sprung. If, therefore, we had continued 
dependent, our frugality, industry^ and simplicity 
of manners, would have been lost in an imitation 
of British extravagance, idleness, and false refine- 
ments. 

How much more happy is our present situation, 
when necessity, co-operating with the love of our 
country, compels us to adopt both public and 
private economy? Many are now industriously 
clothing themselves and their families in sober 
homespun, who, had we remained dependent, 
would have been spending their time in idleness, 
and strutting in the costly robes of British gaiety. 

The arts and sciences, which languished under 
the low prospects of subjection, will now raise 
their drooping heads, and spread far and wide, till 
they have readied the remotest parts of this 
untutored continent. It is the happiness of our 
present constitution, that all offices lie open to 
men of merit, of whatever rank or condition; and 
that even the reins of state may be held by the 
son of the poorest man, if possessed of abilities 
equal to the important station. AVe are no more 
to look up for the blessings of government to 
hungry courtiers, or the needy dependents of Bri*- 
tish nobility; but must educate our own children 
for these exalted purposes. Wiien subjects, we 
had scarce any other share in government, but to 
obey the arbitrary mandates of a British parlia- 
ment: But honor, with her dazzling pomp, interest, 
Vith her golden lure, and patriotism, with her 
heartfelt satisfaction, jointly call upon us now to 
qualify ourselves and posterity for the bench, the 
army, the navy, the learned professions, and all 
the departments of civil government. The inde- 
pendence of our country holds forth such generous 
Encouragement to youth, as cannot fail of making 
many of them despise the syren calls of luxury and 
mirth, and pursue heaven-born wisdom with un- 
wearied application. A few years will now pro- 
duce a much greater number of men of learning 
and abilities, than we could have expected for 
ages in our boyish state of minority, guided by the 
leading strings of a parei.t country. 

Hov/ trifling the objects of deliberation that 
came before our former legislative assemblies, 
compared with the great and important matters, 
on which they must now decide! They might 
then, -loUh the leave of the king, his governors and 
councils, unake laws about yoking hogs, branding 
cattle, or making rirr,- but they are now called up 



on to determine on peace and war, treaties and 
negociations with foreign states, and other sub- 
jects interesting to the peace, liberty, sovereignty, 
and independence of a wide extended empire. No 
wonder that so little attention has been paid to 
learning; for ignorance was better than knowledge, 
while our abject and humiliating condition fo 
effectually tended to crush the exertions of the 
human mind, and to extinguish a generous ardor 
for literary pre-emienoe. 

The times in which we live, and the govern- 
ments we have lately adopted, all conspire to fan 
the sparks of genius in every breast, and kindle 
them into flame. Wlien, like children, we were 
under the guardianship of a foreign power, our 
limited attention was naturally engrossed by 
agricultiwe, or directed to the low pursuit of 
wealth. In this state, the powers of the soul, 
benumbed with ease and indolence, sunk us into 
sloth and effeminacy. Hardships, dangers, and 
proper opportunities give scope to active virtues, 
and rouse the mind to such vigorous exertions, 
as command the admiration of _an applauding 
[world. Rome, when she filled the earth with the 
[terror of her arms, sometimes called her generals 
from the plough; In like manner, the great want 
of proper persons to fill high stations, has drawn 
from obscurity many illustrious characters, which 
will dazzle the world with the splendor of their 
names. The necessities of our country require 
the utmost exertions of all our powers; from which 
vigorous, united efforts, much more improvement 
of tlie human mind is to he expected, than if we had 
remained in a torpid state of depeadence. 

Eloquence is the child of a free state. In this 
form of government, as public measures are de- 
termined by a majority of votes, arguments en- 
forced by the arts of persuasion, must evermore 
be crowned with success: The rising patriot 
therefore, who wishes the happiness of his coun- 
try, will cultivate the art of public speaking. In 
royal governments, where the will of one or a few 
has the direction of public measures, the orator 
may harangue, but most probably will reap pro- 
secution and imprisonment, as the fruit of his 
labor: Whereas, in our present happy system, the 
poorest school boy may prosecute his studies with 
increasing ardor, from the prospect, that in a few 
years he may, by his improved abilities, direct the 
determinations of public bodies, on subjects of the 
most stupendous consequence. 

Thus might I go through the wtole circle of the 
arts and sciences, apd shew that while we rcmaiHf 



(ib 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ed British subjects, cramped and restrained by the ; 
limited views of dependence, each one of them 
would dwindle and decay., compared with the per- 
fection and glory in which they will bloom and 
flourish, under the enlivening sunshine of freedom 
and independence. 

I appeal to the experience of all, whether they 
do not feel an elevation of soul, growing out of the 
emancipation of their country, while they recol- 
lect that they are no longer subject to lawless will, 
but possess the powers of self-government, and are 
called upon to bear an active part in supporting 
Bud perpetuating the sovereignty of the United 
Stales; 'and in organizing tliem in such a manner, 
as will produce the greatest portion of political 
happiness to the present and future generations. 
In this elevation of soul, consists true genius; which 
is cramped by kingly government, and can only 
flourish in free states. 

The attention of thousands is now called forth 
from their ordinary employments to subjects con- 
nected with the sovereignty and happiness of a 
great continent. As no one can tell to what extent 
the human mind may be cultivated, so no one can 
foresee what great events may be brought into 
existence, by the exertions of so many minds ex- 
panded by close attention to subjects of such vast 
importance. 

Tlie royal society was founded immediately after 
the termination of the civil wars in England. In 
like manner, may we not hope, as soon as this 
contest is ended, that the exalted spirits of our 
politicians and warriors will engage in the enlarge. 
meat of public happiness, by cultivating the arts 
of peace, and promoting useful knowledge, with an 
ardor equal to that which first roused them to 
bleed in the cause of liberty and their country? 
Their genius, sharpened by their present glorious 
exertions, will naturally seek for a continuance of 
suitable employment. Having, with well tried 
sworda and prudent counsels, secured liberty and 
independence for themselves and posterity, their 
great souls will stoop to nothing^less than con- 
certing wise schemes of civil polity and happiness 
instructing the world in useful arts — and extend- 
ing the empire of science. I foresee societies 
formed of our heroes and statesmen, released from 
their present cares; some of which will teach man- 
kind to plough, sow, plant, build, and improve the 
rough faceof nature; while others critically examine 
the various productions of the animal, vegetable 
and mineral kingdoms, and teach their country- 
men to "look through nature up to nature's Qod," 



Little has been hitherto done towards complet- 
ing the natural history of America, or for the im- 
provement of agriculture, and the peaceful arts of 
civil life; but who will be surprised at this, who 
considers that during the long past night of 150 
years, our minds were depressed, and our activity 
benumbed by the low prospects of subjection? 
P'uture diligence will convince the candid world, 
that past inattention was the effect of our dependent 
form of government. 

Every circumstance concurs to make it probable, 
that the arts and sciences will be cultivated, ex- 
tended, and improved, in independent America. 
They require a fresh soil, and always flourish most 
in new countries. A large volume of the book of 
nature, yet unread, is open before us, and invites 
our attentive perusal. Many useful plants, un- 
known to the most industrious botanist, waste their 
virtues in our desert air. Various parts of our 
country, hitherto untrod by the foot of any chymist, 
abound with different minerals. We stand on the 
shoulders of our predecessors, with respect to the 
arts that depend on experiment and observation. 
The face of our country, intersected by rivers, or 
covered by woods and swamps, gives ample scope 
for the improvement of mechanics, mathematics, 
and natural philosophy. Our free governments are 
the proper nurseries of rhetoric, criticism, and the 
arts which are founded on the philosophy of the 
human mind. In monarchies, an extreme degree 
of politeness disguises the simplicity of nature, and 
"sets the looks at variance with the thoughts;" ia 
republics, mankind appear as they really are, with- 
out any false coloring: In these governments, there- 
fore, attentive observers have an opportunity of 
knowing all the avenues to the heart, and of 
thoroughly understanding human nature. The great 
inferiority of the moderns to the ancients in fine 
writing, is to be referred to this veil cast over 
mankind by the artificial refinements of modern 
monarchies. From the operation of similar causes, 
it is hoped, that the free governments of America 
will produce poets, orators, critics and historians, 
equal to the most celebrated of the ancient com- 
monwealths of Greece and Italy. 

Large empires are less favorable to true philoso- 
phy, than small, independent states. The authority 
of a great author is apt, in the former case, to 
extinguish a free enquiry, and to give currency to 
falsehood unexamined. The doctrines of Confucius 
were believe'd all over China, and the philosophy 
of Descartes, in France: But neighboring nations, 
examining them without partiality oi" prepossession, 
exploded them both. For the same reason, oiiT 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



^7 



separate states, jealous of the literary reputation 
of eacli other, and uninfluenced by any partial bias, 
will critically pry into the merit of every new 
opinion and system, and naught but truth will stand 
the test, and finally prevail. 

In monarchies, favor is ^he source of preferment; 
but, in our new forms of government, no one can 
command the suffrages of the people, unless by his 
superior merit and capacity. 

The -weight of each state, in the continental scale, 
V. ill ever be proportioned to the abilities of its re- 
firesejitatives in congress: Hence, an emulation 
will take place, each contending with the other, 
ivhich shall produce the most accomplished states- 
men. From the joint influence of all these com- 
bined causes, it may strongly be presumed, that 
literature will flourish in America; and that our 
independence will be an illustrious epoch, remark- 
able for th,e spreading and improvement of science. 

A zeal for promoting learning, unknown in the 
days of our subjection, has already begun to over- 
spread these United States. In the last session of 
our assembly, three societies were incorporated 
for the laudable purpose of erecting seminaries of 
education. Nor is the noble spirit confined to us 
alone: Even now, amidst the tumults of war, literary 
institutions are fjrming all over the continent, 
v/hlch must light up such ablaze of knowledge, as 
cannot fail to burn, and catch, and spread, until it 
has finally illuminated, with the rays of science, 
the most distant retreats of ignorance and barbarity. 

Our change of government smiles upon our com- 
merce with an aspect peculiarly benign and favora- 
ble. In a few j'ears, we may expect to see the 
colors of France, Spain, Holland, Prussia, Portugal, 
and those of every other maritime power, waving 
on our coasts; whilst Americans unfurl the thirteen 
stripes in the remotest harbors of the world. Our 
diflTerent climates and soils produce a great variety 
of useful commodities. The sea washes our coast 
along an extensive tract of two thousand miles; 
and no country abounds in a greater plenty of the 
materials for shipbuilding, or has a better pros- 
pect of a respectable navy. Our stately oaks, the 
greater part of which would probably have withered 
in their native spots, had we remained subjects, 
will now be converted into ships of war, to ride 
triumphant on the ocean, aad to carry American 
thunder around the world. Whole forests will be 
transformed into vessels of commerce, enricl»ing 
this independent continent with the produce of 
every clime and every soil. The wealth of Europe, 
Asia, and Africa, will flow in upon America: Ojr 
trade will no longer be conlinea by the selfish 



regulations of an avaricious step-dame, but follow 
wherever interest leads the way. Our great ob- 
ject, as a trading people, should be to procure the 
best prices for our commodities, and foreign 
articles at the most reasonable rates: But ail this 
was cruelly reversed by acts of the British parlia- 
ment regulating our trade in a subserviency to 
their own emolument; our interest being entirely 
out of the question. It requires but a moment's 
recollection to convince us, tliat as we now have a 
free trade with alt the world, we shall obtain a 
more generous price for our produce, and foreign 
goods on easier terms, than we ever could, while 
we were suhj^ct to a British monopoly.* The 



*That British merchants gave us alow price for 
our commodiiies, appears from this single con- 
sideration—they made money by exporting them 
from England If they found it profitable to export 
tobacco, rice, indigo, he. from Britain, it must be 
in consequence of their allowing the American 
colonists less for those articles, than they would 
have brought in Europe-m markets. In this man- 
ner, much of oiu- produce was sold to tlie consum- 
ers, loaded with double fieight, insursnce, and 
commissions, over and a'>ove the additional ex- 
pense of unloading and reloading in Great Britain. 
The industrious American planter received no more 
for his pro'luce ihan tlif pittance the British mer- 
chant, after reserving his owm profit, was pleased 
to allow on the sale thereof, brought to market 
charged witii this umiecessai-y expeime. The 
distance from America to tliose places of Europe 
which consumed our staples, is generally less than 
to the British ports. From all whicii pi-L'mises it 
appears undeniably evident, that American com- 
modities, carried dir^cily to the countries wiiere 
they are consumed, wili produce much more clear 
profit to the planter, than when they arrived there 
by the circuitous way of Great Britain. 

The same reasoning holds good with respect to 
many articles imported from England, which were 
not of its own growth or manufacture; for they 
would come much cheaper from the countries 
where they were made, than they ever could, while 
we were obliged to receive them through the 
hands of British merchanis, loaded with double 
freight, insurance, commissions, and sometiir.es 
with duii?s if interest had not silenced tlie voice 
of justice. Great Britain, while she obliged us to 
buy at her maike;, would have con.«ldered herself 
as bound to supply our wants as cheap as they 
could be sMppii.-d else.vhere: But instead of Ihi/ 
s!ie not only fixed exorbitant prices on articles of 
her own productiun, but refused us the liberty of 
buying from foreigners those articles which her 
own markets did not afford, and had also begun 
the fatal policy of super ad ling additional duties. 
What a scene of oppression does this ooen to us' 
A great part of the price for which otir co-omodities 
sold in Europe was lodged in British cofters; and 
we were obliged to buy manufactures of her pro- 
d'.iction, at prices of her own fixing, and were 
restrained from buying even tho^e articles whicix 
she could not raise, where they could be trot 
cheapes-.: Besides, as we durst not buy from ary 
olhers, they had it in their power to fix any wU 
vanceon the first cost that their avarice prescibed 
und our necessities would permit. ' 



63 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



boasted act of navigatioR was not intended for our 
advantage, nor for the advantage of the whole em- 
pire; but was a glaring monument of the all grasping 
nature of unlimited power. To enumerate all tlie 
ungencro'ts restrictions imposed by the British go- 
vcrament on American commerce, would be an 
outrage on patience. Tiiiis only will unfold the 
whole of this mystery of iniquity. A few years 
experience will s!»ew such an amazing difference 
between the fettered trade of the Uritish colonies, 
and the extensive commerce of the free, inde- 
pendent states of America, as will cause us to 
stand amazed, that vi'e so long and so patiently 
submitted to so many and sucii cruel restrictions. 
h\ one word, so long as we remained dependent, 
the commerce of this great continent would have 
been sacri'dcsd to the interest of a sel'.ish European 
ishmd. 

Carolina had particular reason to wish for the 
free trade of independence.* The whole island of 
Great Uritain did not annually consume more than 
.5300 barrels of her staple commodity, rice, and 
yet it was an enumerated article. The charge on 
u-iloading, reloading, andshifting every cask, owing 
to this enumeration, was immense, though it served 
no other purp->se, but to procure jobs for British 
coopers and whai'fingers. So little regard was had 
tj our interest, while dependent, that this enumera- 
tion was obtained by the instigation of a captain 
€ole: Several vessels coming from England be- 
fore him, and purchasing rice for Portugal, pre- 
vented the aforesaid captain of a loading; he re- 
turned, and in resentment said, carrying rice to 
Portugal was a prejudice to the trade of England: 
And on this single instance, so ill founded and sup- 
ported, rice became an enumerated article.^- How 
could our trade flourish, or our produce bring its 
full value, while restricted by a legislature so 
regardless of our interest, that a petty captain, to 
secure himself a cargo, could prevent our staple 
from being sent directly to a foreign market.'' 

Union with Great Britain confined us to the 
consumption of her manufactures, and restrained 



'The tobacco colonies were also great losers by 
the Britisii mono;) >ly of trade. The duties on their 
staple, amounted to more than half the first cost. 
Tobacco, exported from Britain, sold in European 
markets for more than dduble the sum the Ameri- 
can planter received for it. — If it should become 
a custom in the United Slates, to celebrate the 
anniversary of independence with an annual oration, 
it is Imped that some citizen of A'^irginia or Mary- 
land, will plr;x:e the sclfisli restrictions on the ex- 
portation of this valuable commodilv, in a proper 
light. 

H^cc on Trade, page 21" 



us from supplying our wants by the improvement 
of those articles which the bounty of Heaven had 
bestowsd on our country. So numerous were the 
inhabitants of some provinces, that they could not 
all find employment in cultivating the earth; and 
yet a single hat, manufactured in one colony, and 
exported for sale to another, forfeited both vessel 
and cargo. The same penalties were inflicted for 
transporting wool from one to another. Acts of par- 
liament have been made to prohibit the erection of 
slitting mills in America. Thus did British tyranny 
exert her power, to make us a needy and dependent 
people, obliged to go to her market, and to buy at 
her prices; and all this at a time when, by her 
exclusive trade, she fixed her own prices on our 
commodities. 

How widely different is our present situation? 
The glorious fourth of .July, MDCCLXXVI, re- 
pealed all these cruel restrictions, and holds forth 
generous pric^, and public premiums, for our 
encouragement in the erection of all kinds of manu. 
factures. 

We are the first people in the world who have 
had it in their power to choose their own form of 
government. Constitutions were forced on all 
other nations, by the will of their conquerors; or, 
they were formed by accident, caprice, or the over- 
bearing influence of prevailing parties or particular 
persons: But, happily for us, the bands of British 
government werfc dissolved at a time when no rank 
above that of freemen existed among us, and when 
we were in a capacity to choose for ourselves 
among the various forms of government, and to 
I adopt that which best suited our country and peo- 
pie. Our deliberations, on this occasion, were not 
directed by the over-grown authority of a conquer* 
ing general, or the ambition of an aspiring nobility, 
but by the pole-star of public good, inducing us 
to prefer those forms that would most effectually 
secure the greatest portion of political happiness 
to the greatest number of people. We had the 
example of all ages for our instruction, and many 
among us were well acquainted with the causes of 
prosperity and misery in other governments. 

In times of public tranquility, the mighty have 
been too apt to encroach on the rights of the many: 
But it is the great happiness of America, that her 
independent constitutions were agreed upon by 
common consent, at a time when her leading men 
needed the utmost support of the multitude, and 
therefore could have no other object in view, but 
the formation of such constitutions as would best 
suit the people at large, and unite them most 
heartily in repelling common dangers. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



65 



As the strengtn of a people consists m their num- ' 
bers, our separate states, sensible of their weak- 
ness, were actually excited by self-interest to form 
such free governments, as would encourage the 
greatest influx of inhabitanis. In this manner, an 
emulation has virtually taken place in all the 
thirteen states, each contending with thft others, 
who should form the freest constitution. Thus 
independence has been the fruitful parent of go- 
vernments formed on equal principles, more favora- 
ble to the liberty and happiness of the governed, 
than any that have yet been recorded in the annals 
of history. 

While we were dependent on Britain, our free- 
dom was out of the question; for -what is a free 
state, but one that is {governed by its own will? 
What shadow of liberty then could we possess, 
when the single NO of a king, 3000 miles distant, 
was sufficient to repeal any of our laws, however 
useful and salutary; aijd when we were to be bound 
in all cases whatsoever by men, in whose election 
we had no vote, who had an interest opposed to 
ours, and over whom we 'had no control? The 
wit of man could not possibly devise any mode 
that would unite the freedom of America with 
Britain's claim of unlimited suppemacy. We were 
therefore reduced to the alternative of liberty and 
independence, or slavery and union. We wisely 
chose to cut the Gordian knot, -which tied old 
Britain to the new, and to assume our independent 
station among the empires of the world. Britain, 
had she honestly intended it, was incapable of 
governing us for the great purposes of govern- 
ment. Our great distance, and other local cir- 
cumstances, nude it impossible for her to be 
sufficiently acquainted with our situation and 
wants; But, admitting it v/as in her power, we hsd 
no reason to expect that she would hold the reins 
of government for any other end but her own ad- 
vantage. Human nature is too selfish, too am- 
bitious, for us to expect, that one country will 
govern another, for any but interested purposes. 
To obtain the salutary ends of government, we 
must blend the interests of the people and their 
rulers; or else, the former will infallibly be sacri 
ficed to the latter. Hence, the absurdity of our 
expecting security, liberty and safety, while we 
were subjects of a. state a thousand leagues distant. 

Connection with Britain involved us in all her 
quarrels; and such is. the fluctuating state of her 
politics, that we could not long expect a political 
calm. In vain did the Atlantic ocean interpose; 
for, by our unnatural union, we were necessarily 



drag^geJ into eve.-y war, which her pride or ambi- 
tion might occasion. Besides, as she considered 
the colonies as her property, what was to hindev 
her from ceding any or all of them to the different 
European states. Thus, while we had no indc- 
pendent government of our own, we might have 
been the sport of various contending poM'ers, and 
tossed about, like a foot-ball, from one to the other. 

Our independence will naturally tend to fill our 
country with inhabitants. Where life, liberty, and 
property, are well secured, and where land is easily 
and cheaply obtained, the natural increase of peo- 
ple will much exceed all European calculations, 
Addlothis, the inhabitants of the old world, becom. 
ing acquainted with our excellent forms of govern- 
ment, will emigrate by thousands. In their native 
lands, the hard-earned fruits of uninterrupted labor 
are scarcely equal to a scanty supply of theirnatural 
wants, and this pittance is held on a very precarious 
tenure: while our soil may be cheaply purchased, 
and will abundantly repay the toil of the husband- 
man, whose property no rapacious landlord dare 
invade. Happy America! whose txtent of territory, 
westward, is sufficient to accommodate with land 
thousands and millions of the virtuous peasants, 
who now groan beneath tyranny and oppression in 
three quarters of the globe. Who would remain 
in Europe, a dependent on the will of an imperious 
landlord, when a ftv,' years industry can make him 
an independent American freeholder? 

Such will be the fruits of our glorious revolu- 
tion, that in a little time gay fields, adorned with 
the yellow robes of ripening harves*, will smile iii 
the remotest depths of our western frontiers, where 
impassable forests now frown over the uncultivated 
earth. The face of our interior country will be 
changed from a barren wilderness into the hospita- 
ble abodes of peace and plenty. Cities too will 
rise majestic to the view, on those very spots 
which are now Ijowled over by savage beasts and 
more savage men. 

The population of this country lias been hereto- 
fore very rapid; but it is worthy of observation, 
that this has varied, more or less, in proportion to 
the degrees of liberty that were granted to the 
diflerent provinces, by their respective charters. 
Pennsylvania and New England, though inferior in 
soil, being blest originally with the most free forms 
of government, have outstripped others in the rela- 
tive increase of their inhabitants. Hence I infer, 
tliat as we are all now completely free and inde- 
pendent, we shai! populate much faster than we 
ever have done, or ever would, wiule we were 



ro 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



controled by the jealous policy of an insignificant 
island. 

We possess thousands and millions of acres, 
vhich we may sell out to new settlers, on terms 
very easy to them, and yet sufficient to defray the 
whole expense of the present war. When the quit- 
vents, formerly paid to the king, shall be appro- 
priated to the benefit of the independent states, 
they will fill our treasuries to so great a degi-ee, 
that foreign nations, knowing that we abound in 
the sinews of war, will be afraid to provoke us. 
In a few years, when our finances are properly 
arranged, the stoppage of those sums which were 
formerly drained from us, to support the pride 
and extravagance of the British king, will be an 
ample provision, without taxes, for defraying the 
expense of our independent governments. 

It is difficult to compute the number of advan 
lages arising from our present glorious struggle; 
harder still, perhaps impossible, precisely to as- 
certain their extent. It has attracted the atten- 
tion of all Europe to the nature of civil liberty, 
and the rights of the people. Our constitutions, 
pregnant with the seeds of liberty and happiness, 
have been translated into a variety of languages, 
and spread far and wide. Who can tell what great 
events, now concealed in the worab of time, may 
be brought into existence by the nations of the 
old world emulaO.ng our successful efforts in the 
cause of liberty? The thrones of tyranny and des- 
potism will totter, when their subjects shall learn 
and know, by our example, that the happiness of 
of the people is the end and object of all govern- 
ment. The wondering world has beheld the smiles 
of Heaven on the numerous sons of America, re- 
solving to die or be free: Perhaps this noble ex- 
ample, like a wide spreading conflagration, may 
catch from breast to breast, and extend from na 
tion to niition, till tyranny and oppression are ut- 
terly extirpated from the face of the earth.* 



* Britain will eventually lose less by our inde- 
pendence, than is commonly supposed. The king 
and ministers may be cured of their lust of domi- 
nation, and will be deprived of influence and the 
means of corruplion. While she had a monopoly 
of our trade, it enccirnged idleness and extrava 
gance in her manufacturers; because they were 
sure of a market for their goads, though dear and 
ill made: But, as independence will bestow our 
commerce on those who most deserve it, this will 
be tlie means of introducing frugality and indus 
try among her laboring poor. Our population will 
be so much the noore rapid for our free govern 
ments, that, in my humble opinion, that part of our 
trade which will fall to the share of Great Britain,] 
if she has the wisdom to conclude a speedy peace, 
will be more to her advantage than a monopoly of ^ 
the whole of it, if we had remained subjects. ' 



The tyrants and landlor h of the old world, who 
hold a great part of their fellow men in bondage, 
because of their dependence for land, will be oblig- 
ed to relax rf their arbitrary treatment, when they 
find that America is an asylum for freemen from 
all quarters of the globe. They will be cautious 
of adding to the oppressions of their poor subjects 
and tenants, lest they should force them to aban- 
don their country, for the enjoyment of the sweets 
of American liberty. In this view of the matter, I 
am confident that the cause of America is the cause 
of human nature, and that it will extend its influ- 
ence to thousands who will never see it, and pro- 
cure them a mitigation of the cruelties and oppres- 
sions imposed by their arbitrary task-masters. 

If such be the glorious consequences of inde- 
pendence, who can be so lost to eve-y generous 
sentiment, as to wish to return under royal domi- 
nation? Who would not rather count it an honor 
to stand among the foremost, in doing and suffer- 
ing in a cause so intimately connected with the 
happiness of human nature? Away with all the 
peevish complaints of the hardness of the time^, 
and the weight of the taxes. The prize for which 
we contend, would be cheaply purchased with 
double the expense of blood, treasure, and difS- 
culty, it will ever cost us. 

Our independent constitutions, formed on the 
justest principles, promise fair to give the most 
perfect protection to life, liberty and property, 
equally to the poor and the rich. As at the con- 
flagration of Corinth, the various melted metals 
running together, formed anew one, called Corin- 
thian brass, which was superior to any of its corn- 
ponent parts; in like manner, perhaps it is the will 
of Heaven, that a new empire should be here form- 
ed, of the different nations of the old world, which 
will rise superior to all that have gone before it, 
and extend human happiness to its utmost possible 
limits. None can tell to what perfection the arts 
of government may be brought. May we not there- 
fore expect great things from the patriots of this 
generation, jointly co-operating to make the new 
born republic of America as complete as possible? 
Is it not to be hoped, that human nature will here 
receive her most finished touches? That the arts 
and sciences will be extended and improved? That 
religion, learning, and liberty, will be diflused 
over this continent? and in short, that the Ameri- 
can editions of the human mind will be more per- 
fect than any that have yet appeared? Great things 
liave been achieved in the infancy of states; and 
the ardor of a new people, rising to empire and 



PklNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



7i 



renown, with prospects that tend to elevate the hu- 
man soul, encourages these flattering expectations. 
Should any puny politician object, that all these 
prospects are visionary, till we are certain of inde- 
pendence, I reply, that we have been in possession 
of it for two years, and are daily more able to sup- 
port it, and our enemies less able to overset it. 
When we first dared tft contend with Britain, we 
were a loose, disjointed people, under no other 
government but that of a well regulated mob. If 
in these circumstances, we were able to defend 
ourselves, what may we not expect, when we can 
draw forth our whole strength in a regular, consti- 
tutional manner? If the maiden courage of our 
new levies, has successfully withstood the well 
trained bands of our enemies, can we distrust, 
when three campaigns have made them equal in 
discipline, with those whom they are to contend? 
Such is the situation of Britain, that were we only 
able to keep up the appearance of an army, she 
could noi afford to protract the war: But instead of 
this, our troops are more numerous, better discip 
lined, cloathed and armed, than they ever were 
The most timid may dismiss all their doubts, since 
Louis the XVI. of France, that illustrious protec 
tor of the rights of human nature, with a magnanl 
mity worthy of himself, has guaranteed to us our 
independency. If Britain could not subdue Ame- 
rica, when she stood single and alone, how abortive 
must all her attempts prove, when we are aided 
by the power of the greatest European monarch? 
The special interposition of Providence in our 
behalf, makes it impious to disbelieve the final es- 
tablishment of our heaven-protected independence. 
Can any one seriously review the beginning, pro- 
gress, and present state of the war, and not see in- 
disputable evidence of an over-ruling influence on 
the minds of men, preparing the way for the accom- 
plishment of this great event? 

As all the tops of corn, in a waving field, are in 



by what has heretofore happened, considered the 
expectation thereof as romantic: But He, who slt- 
teth at the helm of the universe, and who boweth 
the hearts of a whole nation as the heart of one 
man, for the accomplishment of his own purposes, 
has effected that, whicli to human wisdom and 
foresight seemed impossible. A review of the 
history of America, from its first discovery to the 
present day, forces upon us a belief, that greater 
blessings are reserved for this continent, than she 
evercould have possessed whilst lying low at the 
foot of an European island. 

It has never yet been fairly tried how far the 
equal principles of republican government would 
secure the happiness of the governed. The an- 
cients, unacquainted with the present mode of taking 
the sense of the people by representatives, were too 
apt, in their public meetings, to run into disorder 
and confusion. Tl^e distinction of patricians and pie- 
6Jans,laid the foundation of perpetual discord in the 
Roman commonwealth. If the free states of Greece 
had been under the control of a common superintend- 
ing power, similar to our -continental congress,* 
they could have peaceably decided their disputes, 
and probably would have preserved their free- 
dom and importance to the present day. Happily 
for us, warned by experience, we have guarded 
against all tliese evils. No artificial distinction of 
ranks has been suffered to take place among us. 
We can peaceably convene a state in one small as- 
sembly of deputies, representing the vv^hole in an 



* Their council of Ampbictyones in some things, 
resembled our congress; but their powers were 
too limited. This sui^gests a hint, that a conside- 
ration of the United States, on principles that 
vest the congress witli ample powers, is most 
likely to perpetuate our republican governments 
and internal tranquility. The union of indepen- 
dent commonwealths, under one common head, is 
an application of the social compact to stales, and 
requires powers proportionably enlarged. Trea- 
son in our governments, puts on a new aspect, and 



.... y ^- ^ . r . 1 • 11 may be committed by a state as well as an indivi- 

dined m one direction by a gust of wind, m like L J,. ^„,i ^j^erefore ought to be clearly defined, 
manner, the governor of the world has given one, Lnd carefull guarded against. 
and the same universal bent of inclination to the| To give permanency to our confederation on re- 
publican principles, the following regulations seem 



whole body of our people. Is it a work of man, 



that thirteen states, frequently quarrelling about 
boundaries, clashing in interests, differing in poli- 



limit or divide large s'ates, and to erect new oues- 

To dispose of the money arising from quit-rents 

and Vacant lands, at least till all the expenses of 

ey, manners, customs, forms of government, and i ^5,^ ^^^^^^^.^3^,,^^. ^.^ establish a general intercourse 



expedieni: Tliat congress should huveapower to 



religion, scattered over an extensive continent, 
under the influence of a variety of local prejudices, 
jealousies, and aversions, should all harmoniously 
agree, as if one mighty mind inspired the whole? 

Our enemies seemed confident of the impossi- 
bility of our union; our friends doubted it; and all 
indifferent peraoas, who judged ef things present. 



between the states, by assigning to each, one or 
more manufactories, with which it should furnish 
the resi; so as to create a reciprocal dependence 
of each, upon the whole: To erect a great conti- 
nental university, where gentlemen from all the 
states may fjrm an acquaiUance, receive the finish- 
ing touches of education, and be inspired with 
continental liberality of mind, superior to local 
prejtidices, and favorable to a confederated union. 



72 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



equal proportion. All disputes between t!ie dif- 
ferent states, and all continental concerns, are to 
be managed by a congress of representatives from 
each. What a security for liberty, for union, for 
every species of political happiness! Small states 
are weak, and incapable of defence, large ones are 
unwieldly, greatly abridge natural liberty, and 
their general lav/s, from a variety of clashing inte- 
rests, must frequently bear hard on many individu- 
als: But our confederation will give us the strength 
and proteciion of a power equal to that of the 
greatest; at the same time that, in all our internal 
concerns, we have the freedom of small indepen- 
dent commonwealths. We are in possession of 
constitutions that contain in them the excellencies 
of all forms of government, free from the inconve- 
niences of each; and in one word, we bid fair to be 
the happiest and freest people in the world for 
ages yet to come. 

When I anticipate in imagination the future glory 
of ,my country, and the illustrious figure it will 
soon make one the theatre of the world, my heart 
distends with generous pride for being an Ameri- 
can. What a substratum for empire! compared 
with which, the foundation of the Macedonian, the 
Roman, and the British, sink into insignificance. 
Some of our large states have territory superior to 
the island of Great Britain; whilst the whole, toge- 
ther, are little inferior to Europe itself. Our in- 
dependence will people this extent of country with 
freemen, and will stimulate the innumerable inha- 
bitants thereof, by every motive, to perfectHhe acts 
of government, and to extend human happiness. 

I congratulate you on our glorious prospects. 
Having for three long years weathered the storms 
of adversity, we are at length arrived in view of the 
calm haven of peace and security. We have laid the 
foundations of a new empire, which promises to 
enlarge itself to vast dimensions, and to give hap- 
piness to a great continent. It is now our turn to 
figure on the face of the earth, and in the annals of 
llie world. The arts and sciences are planted 
among us, and, fostered by the auspicious influ- 
ence of equal governments, are growing up to ma- 
turity; while truth and freedom flourish by their 
sides. Liberty, both civil and religious, in her 
noon-tide blaze, shines forth with unclouded lustre 
on all ranks and denominations of men. 

Ever since the flood, true religion, literature, 
arts, empire and riches, have taken a slow and 
gradual course from east to west, and are now 
about fixing their long and favorite abode in this 
new western world. Our sun of political happi- 
ness is already risen, and hath lifted its head over 



the mountains, illuminating our hemisphere wit'* 
liberty, light, and polished life. Our indepen- 
dencev/ill redeem one quarter of the globe from 
tyranny and oppression!, and consecrate it the cho- 
sen seat of truth, justice, freedom, learning and 
religion. We are laying the foundation of happi- 
ness for countless millions. Generations yet un- 
born will bless us for the blood-bought inheritance, 
we are are about to bequeath them. Oh happy 
times! Oh glorious days! Oh kind, indulgent, boun- 
tiful Providence, that we live in this highly favor- 
ed period, and have the honor of helping forward 
these great events, and of suffering in a cause of 
such infinite importance! 



Judge Drayton's Charge. 

At an adjournment of the court of general ses- 
sions OF THE PEACE, OYKll AND TEIllttlNKIl, ASSIZE 

AND OENERAL BAOL DELIVERY, held at Charleston 
for the district of Charleston, on Tuesday the 
23d day of Jpril, IZ/S— Before the hon. Wil- 
tiAM Henry Drayton, esq, chief justice, and 
his ass0ciates, justices of the colony of South- 
Carolina. 

On mo'iion of Mr. Attorney General, ordered, 
That the charge of his honor, the chief justice, 
delivered to the grand jury, be published toge- 
ther with their presentments. 

By order of the court, 

JOHN COLCOCK, C. C. S. 
May 2(1. 

THE CHARGE TO THE GRAND JURY. 

Gentlemen of the grand jury — When, by evil ma=< 
chinations tending to nothing less than absolute ty- 
ranny, trials by jury have been discontinued, and 
juries, in discharge of their duty, have assembled, 
and as soon as met, as silently and arbitrarily dis- 
missed witliout being impannelled, whereby, in con- 
tempt of magna charts, justice has been delayed 
and denied; it cannot but afford to every good citi- 
zen, the most sincere satisfaction, once more tei 
see juries, as they now are, legally impannelled, to 
the end, that the laws may be duly administered — 
I do most heartily congratulate you upon so im- 
portant an event. 

In this court, where silence has but too long 
presided, with a direct purpose to loosen the bands 
of government, that this country might be involv- 
ed in anarchy and confusion, you are now met to 
regulate your verdicts, under a new constitution of 
government, independent of royal authority: A 
constitution which arose according to the great 
law of nature and of nations, and which was es- 
tablished in the late congress, on the 25th of 
March last — A day that will be ever memorable 
in this country — a month, remarkable in our histo- 
ry, for having given birth to the original constita. 
tion of our government in the year 1669; forbeii^ 



PRir^CJPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Ihesraof the American calamitiesby the stamp act, 
in the year 1765; for being the date of the repeal 
of that act in the following year; and for the con- 
clusion of the famous siege of Boston, when the 
American arms compelled general Howe, a gene- 
ral of the first reputation in the British service, 
with the largest, best disciplined, and best pro- 
vided army in that service, supported by a formid- 
able fleet, so precipitately to abandon the most 
impregnable fortifications in America, as that he 
left behind him a great part of the bedding, mili- 
tary stores, and cannon of the army. And for so 
many important events, is the month of March re- 
markable in our annals — But I proceed to lay be- 
fore you, the principal causes teading to the late 
revolution of our government — the law upon the 



1721, RKCOGNizFT) the B.-itish rronarch: The virtues 
of the second Ceorge are still revered amonj us — 
HE was the father of his proplc: And it wns with 
extacy we saw liis grandson, Geovge the T!iird, 
moimt the throne possessed of the hearts of his 
subjects. 

But alas! almost with the oommencempnt of his 
reign, his subjects felt causes to complain of go- 
vernment. The r.'ign advanced — the griev.inces 
became more numerous and intoILerabie — the com- 
plaints more general and loud — the wliole empire 
resounded with the cries of injured subjects! At 
length, grievances being unredressed and ever en- 
creasing; all patience being borne down; all hope 
destroyed; all confidence in royal government 
blasted! — Behold! the empire is rent from pole to 



point— and the benefits resulting from that happy j poie!_perhaps to continue asunder forever 

and necessary establishment. — The importance of _, , „ 

The catalogue of our oppressions, cnntmental 
the transaction deserves such a state — the occa- , , , . ^^ , 

. ,, . and local, is enormous. Of s\ich oppressions, I 

sion demands, — and our future welfare requires 



it: To do this may take up some little time; but 
the subject is of tlie highest moment, and worthy 
of your particular attention: I will therefore con- 



will mention only some of the most weighty. 

Under color of law, the king and parliament of 
Great Britain have made the most arbitrary at- 



iine my discourse to that great point; and, after tempts to enslave America: 

diargingyou to attend to the due observance of I^.v claiming a right to binu tbe cotoNiES "ly 

the jwry law, and the pitrol and negro acts, for- ■'-^^- cases wnATSOKTEn;" 

bearing to mention the other common duties of a I ^y W^'"'^ <luties at their mere will and pleasure 



grand jury, I will expound to you the cosstitu- 
Tjo* OF Toun country. 

The house of Brunswick vi/as yet scarcely set- 
tled in the British throne, to which it had been 
called by a free people, when, in the year 1719, 
our ancestors in this country, finding that the go 
vernmentof the lords proprietors operated to their iP''"P^''*y' without legal accusation or trial; 
ruin, exercised the rights transmitted to tliem by ^y depriving whole colonies of the bounty of 



upon all the colonies; 

By suspendinc; the legislature of New York; 

By rendering t!ie American cliarters of no v.di- 
dity, having annulled the mos' material parts of the 
charter of the Massachusetts-Bay; 

By divesting mMltitiides of the colonists of their 



their forefathers of England; and casting oft' the 
proprietary authority, called upon the house of 
Brunswick to rule over them— a liouse elevated 
to royal dominion, for no other purpose than to 
preserve to a people their unalienable rights. Tlie 
king accepted the invitation, and thereby indispu- 
tably admitted the legality of Mai revolution. And 
jn so doing, by his own act, he %'ested in those 
our forefathers, and us their posterity, a clear rigi)t 
to efiectrt7;o^//er revolution, if ever the government of 
the house of Brunswick should operate to the ruin 
of the people.— So the excellent Jloman emperor, 
Trajan, delivered a sword to Saburanus, his cap- 
tain of the Praetorian guard, with this admired 
sentence. "Receive this sword, and use it to de- 
fend me if I govern well, but a^-uinst me, if I be 
have ill." " j 

With joyful acclamations otir ancestors, by act 



Providence on tlieir own proper coasts, in order to 
coerce them by famine; 

By restricting the trade and commerce of Ame- 
rica; 

By sending to, and continuing in America, in 
time of peace, an armed force without and against 
the consent of the people; 

By granting impunity to a soldiery instigated to 
murder the Americans; 

By declaring, that the people of Massachusetts. 
Bay f.re liable for offences, or pretended offences, 
done in that colony, to bp sent to, and tried for the 
same in EtnGLANn; or in any colony whkuk th'-;;) 
caniicl have the benefit of a jnvy of the rlc^T!(lpe,■ 
By esvMishing in Quebec, the Roman Catholic 
religion, and an arbitrary governmen'; instead of 
the Protestant religion and a free government. 
And thus America saw it demonstrated, that no 



of a^^em^tily, passed on the ISili day of A-.igust, faith ought to be put in a royal proclamalio. ; for 



PilixNClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



I must observe to you that, in the year 1763, byjtinie, measures miijht betaken for preventing the 
such a proclamation, people were invited to settle furtlier destruction of the lives of his majesty's 
in Canada, ana were assured of a legishitive re- subjects:" — But, it was in vain!— The petition on 
presentation, the benefit of the common law of the part of millions, praying that the effusion of 
Er(^land, and a free government. It is a misfor- 1 blood might be staykd, was not thought worthy of 
tune to the piiblic, that tliis is not the only in- an answer! The nefarious v/ar continued. The 
stance of the inefTicacy of a royal proclamalion: ruins of Charlestown, Falmouth and Norfolk, towns 
However, having given you one instance of a failure not constructed for offence or defence, mark the 
of royal faith in t')c northern extremity of this /iM7no/ie progress of the royal arms: So the ruins of 



abused continent, let it suffice, that I direct your 
attention to the southern extremity; respecting 
which, the same parlicuhus were, in the s<.me 
manner promised, hut tlie deceived inhabitants of 
St. Augustine are left by iheir grand jury, in vain 
to complain and lament to the world, and yet 
scarcely permitted to exercise even that privilege 
distinguishitvr tlse miserable, that royal faith is not 
kept with their. 



Carthage, Corinth, and Numantium, proclaimed to 
the world that justice was expelled the Roman 
senate!— On the other hand, the fortitude with 
which America has endured these civil and mili- 
tary outrages; the union of her people, as astonish- 
ing as unprecedented, when we consider their va- 
rious manners and religious tenets; their distance 
from each other; their various and clashing local 
interests, their self denial; and their miraculous 



T!>e proceedings which Ihave enumerated, either \ ^^^^^^^ in the prosecution of the war: I say, thesdj 



immediately or in their evident con?equences, 
deeply affected all the colonies: rnin stared them 
in the face. They imited their counsels, and laid 
tlielr just complaints before the throne, praying 
a redress of grievances. But, to their astonish- 
ment, their dutiful petition for pea-^e and safety, 
was answered only by an actual commeneenoent of 
war and military destruction! 



In the mean time, the British troops that had 



things all demonstrate that the Lord of Hosts is oni 
our side! So it is apparent, that the Almighty Con-j 
structor of the universe, having formed this conti-/ 
nent of materials to compose a state pre-eminent 
in the world, is now making use of the tyranny 
the British rulers, as an instru-ment to fashion an| 
arrange those materials for the end for which, 
his wisdom, he had formed them. 



In this enlightened age, humanity must be par- 
ticularly shocked at a recital of such violences; 
been Deaceablv received by the devoted inhabitants ,. » u . ,• j *u . ^u t> ••• u . 

DLcii iJCdi,caL,._, , I ^j^ J j^. jg scarce to be beheved, that the British ty- 



of Boston, «s the troops of their sovereigri bound to 
protect them.' fortified that town, to imprison the 
inhabitants, and to hold tliat capital against the 
people to whom it belonged! And the British 
rulers having determined to appeal from reason 
and justice, to violence and arms, a select body 
of those troops, being in the night suddenly and 
privately marched fropn Boston— at Lexington, on 
the 19th day of April, 1775, they by surprise 
drew t'.ie s-.vord of civil war, .ind plunged it into 
the breasts of the Americans! Against this horrid 
injustice tbe Almighty gave instant judgment: A 
handf 11 of country miiitia, badly armed, sudden- 
ly collected, and vmconnectedly, and irregularly 
brou"-ht up to repel the attack, discomfited the 
regv.lar hands of the tyranny; they retreated, and 
night saved tliem from total slaughter. 

T!i;!S forced to take up .arms in our own defence, 
Amer'.f a yel again most dutifully petitioned the 
Ving, tlcAt he would "be pleased to direct some 
mode, by whicli the united applications of his fnitli- 
ful colonists to the throne, in presence of llieir 
common councils, might be improved into a happy 
and permanent reconciliation; and that in the niean- 



ranny could entertain an idea of proceeding against 
.\merica by a train of more dishonorable machi- 
nations. But, nothing less than absolute proof lua 
convinced us that, in carrying on the conspiracy^ 
against the rights of humanity, the tyranny is ca- 
pable of attempting to perpetrate whatever is in- 
famous. 

For the little purpose of disarming the impri- 
soned inhabitants of Boston, the king's general, 
G«ge, in the face of day, violated the public faith, 
by himsef plighted; and in concert with other go- 
vernors, and with John Stuart, he made every at- 
tempt to instigate the savage nations to ivar upon the 
southern colonies, indiscriminately to massacre man,' 
woman and child: The governors in general have 
demonstrated, that truth is not in them; they have 
enveigled negroes from, and have armed them 
against their masters; they have armed brother 
against brotlier — son agiinst father! Oh! Al- 
mighty Director of the universe! What confidence 
can be put in a government ruling by such engines, 
andupon such principles of unnatural destruction! 
— A government that, upon the 21st day of Decem- 
ber last, made a law, ex post facto, to jiistify what / 



y 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



75 



:/ 



had been done, nol only without law, but in its na- 
ture unjust! — a law to make prize of all vessels 
tradings in, to, or from the united colonies — a law 
to make slaves of the crews of such vessels, and to 
compel them to bear arms against their conscience, 
their fathers, their bleeding country! — The world, 
so old as it is, heretofore had never heard of so 
attrocioas a procedure: It has no parallel in the re- 
gisters of tyranny. — But to proceed — 

The king's judges in tkis country refused to ad 
minister justice; and the late governor, lord Wil- 



mental laws, and having withdrawn himse'.f out oJ" 
'his kingdom; has abdicated the government, and 
that the throne is thereby vacant." 

That famous resolution deprived James of his 
crown; and became the foundation on which the 
throne of the present kingef Great Britain is built 
—it also supports the edifice of government which 
we have erected. 

In that resolve, there are but three facts stated 
to have been done by James: I will point them 
out, and examine whether those facts will apply 



liam Campbell, acting as the king's representative [ ^o the present king of Great Britain, with regard to 
for him, and on his behalf, having endeavored to | ^^e operations of government, by him or his repre. 

sentative, immediately or by consequence affecting 

this colony. 



subvert the constitution of this country, by break 
ing the original contract between king and people, 
attacking the people by force of arms; having vio- 
lated the fundamental laws; having carried off the 
great seal, and having withdrawn himself out of 
this colony, he abdicated the government. 

Oppressed by such a variety of enormoHs inja- 
ries, continental and local, civil and military, and 
by divers other arbitrary and illegal courses; all 
done and perpetrated by the assent, command, or 
sufference of the king of Great Britain; the repre- 
sentatives of South Carolina, in congress assem- 
bled, found themselves under an unavoidable ne- 
cessity of establishing a form of government, witli 
powers legislative, executive and judicial, for the 
good of the people; the origin and great end of 
all just government.- — .For this only end, the 
house of Brunswick was called to rule over us. — 
Oh! agonizing reflection! that house ruled us with 
swords, fire and bayonets! The British govern- 
ment operated only to our destruction. Nature 
cried aloud, self preservation is the great law — we 
have but obeyed. 

If I turn my thoughts to recollect in history, a 
change of government upon more cogent reasons, 
I say I know of no cliange upon principles so pro- 
voking — compelling— justifisble. And in these re- 
spects, even the famous revolution in England, 
in the year 1688, is much inferior. — However we 
need no better authority than that illustrious pre- 
cedent; and I will therefore compare the causes of, 
and the law upon the two events. 

On the 7th of February, 1688, the lords and 
commons of England, in convention, completed 
the following resolution. 

"Resolved, That king James the second, having 
endeavored to subvert the constitution of the king- 
dom, by breaking the original contract between 



The first fact is, the having endeavored to sub- ; 
vert the constiiulion of the kingdom by breaking '/ 
the original contract. 

The violation of the fundamental laws is the se. 
cond fact; and in support of these two charges, the 
lords spiritual and temporal and commons, assem- 
bled at Westminster, on the 12th day of February, 
1688, declared that James was guilty. 

"By assuming, and exercising a power of dis- 
pensing with, and suspending of laws, and the exe- 
cutionof laws, without consent of p^uliament; 

"By committing and prosecuting divers worthy 
prelates, for humbly petitioning to be excused 
from concurring to the said assumed power: 

"By issuing and causing to be executed a com- 
mission, under the great seal, for erecting a court, 
called the court of commissioners for ecclesiasti- 
cal causes: 

"By levying money for, and to the use of the 
crown, by pretense of prerogative, for other time, 
and in other manner, than the same was granted 
by parliament: 

"By raising and keeping a standing army within 
this kingdom in time of peace, without consent 
of parliament; and quartering soldiers contrary to 
law; 

"By causing several good subjects, being pro- 
testants, to be disarmed, at the same time when 
papists were both armed and employed contrary 
to law; 

"By violating the freedom of election of mem- 
bers to serve in parliament; 

"By prosecutions in the court of king's bench, 
for matters and causes cognizable only in parlia- 
ment; and by divers other arbitrary and illegal 
courses." 



king and people; and, by the advice of Jesuiis and | T))is declaration, thus containing two points of 
other wicked persons, having violated the funda- 1 criminality-breach of the original contract, and 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



viotulion <.>f fuiidumental laws — I am to distinguish 
one from the other. 

In the first place then, it is laid down in the best 
law autliorities, that protection and subjection 
are reciprocal; and that these reciprocal duties 
form the original contract between king and peo- 
ple. It therefore f^Aiows, that the original con- 
tract was broken by Jannes' conduct as above stat- 
ed, which amounled to anot aflfbrding due protec- 
tion to his p?ople. And, it is a^; clear, that he 
violated the fundmental laws, by the suspending 
of laws, and the execution of laws; by levying 
money; by violating the freedom of election of mem- 
bers to serve in purliament; by keeping a standing 
army in time of peace; and by quartering soldiers 
contrary to law, and Vv-ilhout consent of parliament; 
which is as much as to say, that he did those things 
without consent of /Ae legislative assembly chosen by 
f/ifPEiisoNAt ELixTioN of i/iut people, over whom 
such doings were exercised. 

These points, reasonings, and conclusions, being 
seltlcd in, deduced from, and establislied upon 
parliamentary proceedings, and the best law au- 
thorities, must ever remain unshaken. I am now 
to undertake the disagreeable task of examining, 
vliethcr they will app'y to the violences which 
have lighled up, and now feed the flames of civil 
war in America. 

James the second suspended the operations of 
laws— George the third caused the charter of the 
Massachusetts liiy to be in effect annihilated; he 
suspended the operation of the law which formed 
a legislature in New York, vesting ii with adequate 
powers; and thereby he caused .he very ability of 
making laws in that colony to be suspended. 

king Ja-nes levied money without the consent 
of the representatives of the people called upon to 
pay it— king Gejrge has levyed money upon Ame- 
rica, not only without, but expressly against the 
consent of therepresentatives of the people in Ame- 
rica. 

King .Tames violated the freedom of election of 
members to serve in parliament— king George, by 
Lis representative, lord William Campbell, acting 
for him and on his behalf, broke through a funda- 
mental law of this co'.intry, for tlie certain holding 
of general assemblies; and thereby, as far as in 
him lay, not only violated but annihilated the very 
ability of holding a general assembly. 

King James in time of peace kept a standing 
army in England, without consent of the repre- 
ssntativcp of the people among whom that army 



was kept — king George hath in time of peace in- 
vaded this continent with a large standing army 
without the consent, and he hath kept it within 
this continent, expressly against the consent of the 
representatives of the people among whom that 
army is posted. 

All which doings by king George the third re- 
specting America are as much contrary to our in- 
terests and welfare; as much against law, and tend 
as much, at least, to subvert and extirpate the li- 
berties of this colony, and of America, as the si- 
milar proceedings, by James the second, operated 
respecting the people of England. For the same 
principle of law, touching the premises, equally 
applies to the people of England in the one case, 
and to the people of America in the other. And 
this is the great principle. Certain acts done, over, 
and affecting a people, against and without their 
CONSENT expressed by TiiKTts^hVES, or iz/nEPnESESTA- 
TivES of their own electlon. — Upon this only prin- 
ciple v/as grounded the complaints of the people of 
England — upon the same is grounded the com- 
plaints of the people of America. And hence it 
clearly follows, that if James the second violated 
the fundamental laws of England, George the 
third hath also violated the fundamental laws of 
America. 

Again— 

King James broke the original contract by not 
affording due protection to his subjects, although 
he was not charged with having seized their towns 
and with having held them against the people — or 
with having laid them in ruins by his arms — or 
with having seized their vessels — or with having 
pursued the people with fire and sword — or with 
having declared them rebels, for resisting his arma 
levelled to destroy their lives, liberties and proper- 
ties — But George the third hath done all those 
things against America; and it is therefore unde- 
niable, that he hath not afforded due protection to 
the people. Wherefore, if James the second broke 
the original contract, it is undeniable that George 
the thirdhas also broken the original contract be- 
tween king and people; and that he made use of 
the most violent measures by which it could be 
done — Violences, of which James was cutLTLESs — 
Measures, carrying conflagration, massacre and 
open war amidst a people, whose subjection to 
the king of Great Britain, the law holds to be due 
07ily as a return for protection. And so tenacious 
and clear is the law upon this very principle, that 
it is laid down, subjection is not due even to a king 
dejure, or of right, unless he be also king de facte, 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



or in possession of the executive powers dispers- 
ing protection. 

Ag^'iin — 

The third f»ct charged against James is, that 
he v/ithdrew himself out of the kingdom — And 
we know that the people of this country have de- 
clared, that lord William Campbell, the king of 
Great Britain's representative, "having used his 
utmost efforts to destroy the lives, liberties, and 
properties of the good people here, whom by the 
duty of his station he was bound to protect, with- 
drew himself out of the colony." — Hence it will 
appear, that George the third hath withdrawn him- 
self out of this colony, provided it be established 
that exactly the same natural consequence result 
ed from the withdrawing in each case respectively: 
king James personally out of England, and king 
George out of Carolina, by the agency of his sub 
etituie and representative, lord William Campbell, 
—By king James's withdrawing, the executive ma- 
gistrate was gone, thereby, in the eye of the law, 
the executive magistrate was dead, and of conse 
quence royal government actually ceased in Eng- 
land — So by king George's representative's with- 
drawing, the executive magistrate was gone, the 
death, inlaw, became apparent, and of consequence 
royal government actually ceased in this colony. 
Lord William withdrew as the king's represents 
tive, carrying off the great seal and royal instruc- 
tions to governors, and acting for and on the part 
of his principal, by every construction of law, that 
conduct became the conduct of his principal; and 
thus, .Tames the second withdrew out of England 
and George the third withdrew out of South Ca- 
rolina; and by such a conduct, respectively, the 
people in each country were exactly in the same 
degree injured. 

The three facts against king James being thus 
stated and compared with similar proceedings by 
king George, we are now to ascertain the result of 
the injuries d^one by the first, and the lav/ upon 
that point; which, being ascertained, must natu- 
rally constitute the judgment in law, upon the re- 
salt of the similar injuries done by the last: And 
1 am happy th^t I can give you the best authority 
upon this important point. 

Treating upon this great precedent in constitu- 
tional law, the learned judge Blackslone declares, 
that the result of the facts ''amounted to an abdi- 
cation of the government, whicli abdication did 
not affect only the person of the king himself, but 
also, alt his heirs; and rendered the throne abso- 
lutely and completely vacant," Thus it clearlv 



appears, that the government was iiot u'jdicated, 
and the throne vacated by the resolu'.ion of the 
lords and commons; but, that the resolution was on- 
ly declaratory of the law of nature and re.son, upon 
the result of the injuries proceeding from the three 
combined facts of mal-adminisiravion,— And thus, 
as I have on tije foot of the best authorities made 
it evident, ttiat George tbe third, king of Great 
Brititin, has endeavored to subvert the constitu- 
tion of this countiy, by breaking the original con- 
tract between king and people; by tlie advice of 
wicked persons, has violated tr e fundamental laws, 
and his withdrawn hunself, by withdrawing the 
constitutional benefits of the kingly ofHce, and his 
protection out of this country: From such a result 
of injuries, from such a conjuncture of circum- 
stances—the law of the land authorises me to 
declare, and it is my duty boldly to declare the 
law, that George the third, king of Great Britain, 
lias abdicated the government, and that the t'lrone 
is thereby vacant; that is, u;^ has no AOTiioniTr 

OVER vs, and we owe ho obkdiesce to uim 

The British ministers already have presented a 
charge of mine to the notice of the lords and 
coni.iions in parliament; and I am nothing loth 
thai they take cquul resentment against this charge. 
For, supporied by the fundamental laws of the 
constitution, and engaged as I am in the cause of 
Virtue— I fear no consequences from their machina- 
tions. 

Thus having stated the principal causes of our 
last revolution, it is as clear as the sun in meridian, , I , 
that George the third has injured the Americans, \ ^ 
at least as grievously as James the second injured 
the people of England; but that James did not; 
oppress these in so criminal a manner as George 
has oppressed the Adierjcans. Having also stated 
he law on the case, I am naturally led to point out 
to you some of the great benefits resulting from 
that revolution. 

In one word then, you have a form of govern- 
ment in every respect preferable to the mode un- 
der the British authority: And this will most 
clearly appear by contrasting the two forms, of go- 
vernment. 

Under the British authority, governors were sent 
over to us, who were utterly unacquainted witii 
our local interests, the genius of the people, and 
our laws; generally, they were but too much dis- 
posed to obey the mandates of an arbitrary minis- 
try; and if the governor behaved ill, we could 
not by any peaceable me.tns procure redress.— 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



But, under our present happy constitution, our 
executive magistrate arises according to the spirit 
and letter of holy writ — "their governors shall 
proceed from the midst of them.'* Thus, the people 
have an opportunity of choosing a man intimately 
acquainted with their true interests, their genius, 
and their law3; a man perfectly disposed to de 
fend them against arbitrary ministers, and to pro 
mote the happiness of that people from among 
xvhom he was elevated; and by whom, without the 
least difficulty, he may be removed and blended in 
the common mass. 

Again, under the British authority it was in 
effect declared, that we had no property; nay that 
we could not possess any; and that we had not any 
of the rights of humanity: For men who knew 
us not, men who gained in proportion as we lost 
arrogated to themselves a right to BIND us in 
ALL CASES WHATsoETEn! — But, our Constitution is 
calculated to FREE us from foreign bondage; to 
secure to us our property; to maintain to us the 
rights of humanity, and to defend us and our po- 
sterity against British authority, aiming to reduce 
us to the most abject slavery! 

Again, the British authority declared, that we 
should not erect slitting-mills — and, to this un- 
just law, we implicitly and respectfully submitted 
so long as, with safety to our lives, we could yield 
obedience to such authority— but a resolution of 
congress now grants a premium to encourage the 
construction of sHch mills. The British authority 
discouraged our attempting to manufacture for our 
own consumption — but the new constitution, by 
authorising the disbursment of large sums of money 
by way of loan, or premium, encourages the mak 
ing of iron, bar-steel, nail rods, gun-locks, gun- 
barrels, sulphur, nitre, gun-powder, lead, woolens, 
cottons, linens, paper and salt. 

Upon the wl.ole, it has been the policy of the 
British authority to oblige us to supply our wants 
at their market, which is the dearest in the known 
world, and to cramp and confine our trade so as 
to be subservient to their commerce, our real in 
terest being ever out of the question. — On the 
other hand, the nev/ constitution is wisely adapted 
to enable us to trade with foreign nations, and 
thereby to supply our wants at the cheapest mar 
kets in the universe; to extend our trade infinitely 
beyond what it has ever been known; to encourage 
manufacturers among us; and it is peculiarly 
formed, to promote the happiness of the people, 
from among whom, by virtue and merit, -m£ 



POOREST MAN may arrive at the highest rtiRNirr. 
— On Carolinians! happy would you be under this 
new constitution, if you knew your happy state. 

Possessed of a constitution of government, found- 
ed upon so generous, equal and natural a principle, 
—a government expressly calculated to make the 
people rich, powerful, virtuous and happy, who 
can wish to change it, to return under a royal go- 
vernment; the vital principles of which are the 
reverse in every particular! It was my duly to lay 
this happy constitution before you, in its genuine 
light — it is your duty to understand — to insiruct 
others — and to defend it. 

I might here with propriety quit this truly im- 
portant subject, but my anxiety for the public weal 
compels roe yet to detain your a':tention, while I 
make an observation or two upon one particular 
part of the constitution. 

When all the various attempts to enslave Ame- 
rica by fraud, under guise of law; by military 
threats; by famine, massacre, breach of public 
faith, and open war: I say, when these things are 
considered on the one hand, and on the other, the 
constitution, expre'ssing that some mode of go- 
vernment should be established, "until an accom- 
" modation of the unhappy differences between 
" Great Britain and America can be obtained, an 
" event which, though traduced and treated as 
"rebels, we still ardently desire:" I say when 
these two points are contrasted, can we avoid 
revering the magnanimity of that great council of 
the state, who after such injuries could entertain 
such a principle! — But, the virtuous are ever 
generous: We do not wish revenge: We earnestly 
wish an accommodation of our unhappy disputes 
with Great Britain; for, we prefer peace to war.— 
Nay, there may be even such an accommodatioa 
as, excluding every idea of revenue by taxation or 
duty, or of legislation by act of parliaments, may 
vest the king of Great Britain with such a limited 
dominion over us as may tend, bona fide, to promote 
our true commercial interests, and to secure our 
freedom and safety — the only just ends of any 
dominion. But, while I declare thus much on the 
one side, on the other it is my duty also to d eclare 
that, in my opinion, our true commercial interests 
cannot be provided for but by such a material altera- 
tion of the British acts of navigali.m as, according 
to the resolve of the honorable the continental con- 
gress, will "secure the commercial advantages of 
" the whole empire to the mother country, and 
'• the commercial benefits of its respective mem- 
" bers." And that our liberties and safety can- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



79 



rot be depended upon, if the king of Great Britain 
sliould be allowed to hold our forts and cannon, 
or to have authority over a single regiment in 
America, or a single ship of war in our ports.— For 
if he hold our forts, he may turn them against us,&s 
he did Boston against her proprietors: If he ac- 
quires our cannon, he loill ejectually disarm the 
colony: If he has a command of troops among us, 
even if we raise and pay them, shackles are fixed 
vpon 7JS— witness Ireland and her national army. — 
The most express act of parliament cannot give 
us security, for acts of parliament are as easily re- 
pealed as made. Royal proclamations are not to 
be depended upon, witness the disappointments of 
the inhabitants of Quebec and St. Augusthie. Even 
a change of ministry will not avail us, because 
notwithstanding the rapid succession of ministers 
for which the British court has been famous during 
the present reign, yet the same ruinous policy ever 
continued to prevail against America. — In short I 
think it my duty to declare in the awful seat of 
justice and before Almighty God, that in ray opi- 
nion, the Americans can have no safely but by the 
Divine favor, their own virtue, and their being so 
prudent as hot to lkave it ix the poweb. "f the 
British RtriEas to injure them. Indeed, the 
ruinous and deadly injuries received on our side; 
and the jealousies entertained and which, in the 
nature of things, must daily increase against us, on 
the o'her; demonstrate to a mind, in the least given 
to reflection upon the rise and fall of empires, that 
true reconcilement never can exist between Great 
Britain and America, tiie latter being in subjection 
to the former — The Almighty created America to 
be independent of Britain: Let us beware of the 
impiety of being backward to act as instruments in 
the Almighty hand, now extended to accomplish 
his purpose; and by the completion of which alone 
America, in the nature of human affairs, can be 
secure against the craft and insidious designs of 

HKH ENEMIES WHO THI-vK HEH PnOSPEUITY AND POWEH 

ALREADY BY FA.R TOO GREAT. In a word, our 
piety and political safety are so blended, that to 
refuse our labors in this Divine work, i-.; to refuse 
to be a great, a free, a pious and a happy people! 

And now having left the important aUernalive, 
political happiness or wretchedness, under God, in 
a great degree in your own hands, I pray liie Su- 
prciiie Arbiter of tlie affairs of men, so to direct 
your judgment, as that you may act agreeable to 
what seems to be his will, revealed in his miraculous 
works in behalf of America, bleeding at the altar 
of liberty! 



THE PRESENTMENTS OF THE JURY. 
At a court o/gekerai. sessiows of the peace, oteu 

ANB TERMINKII, ASSIZB AND GE»«EnAL GAOL PE- 

LfVEBT, begun l» be holden in and far the district 
of Charleston, at Charleston, in the colony aforesaid, 
on I'uesday the 23rf day nf April, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy- 
six. 
The presentments of the grand jury far the said dts- 
trict. 

I. Fully sensible and thoroughly convinced, thnt 
to live in a society without laws or a proper execu- 
tion of them, to restrain the licentious nature of 
mankind, is the greatest misery that can befall a 
people, and must render any body of men, in such 
a situation, but little superior to a herd of brutes,- 
and being no less sensible that it was the scheme 
of a corrupt nefarious administration in Great Bri- 
tain to reduce the good people of this colony to 
that wretched situation, from a %vant of officers to 
execute the laws, those whom they h-id appointed 
having refused to act in their respective stations, 
that, through the evil effects of anarchy and con- 
fusion, the people might become an easy prey to 
the cruel designs of their insidious enemies; while 
we lament the necessity which has obliged the 
people to resume into their hands those powers of 
government which were originally derived from 
themselves for the protection of those rights which 
God .ilone has given them, as essential to their 
happiness, we cannot but express our most un- 
feigned joy in the happy constitution of govern- 
ment now established in this colony, which pro- 
mises evary blessing to its inhabitants, which a peo- 
ple, endued with virtue, and a just regard to the 
rights of mankind, could desire. With gratitude 
to the Divine Ruler of human events, and with the 
most pleasing expectations of happiness from a 
constitution so wise in its nature, and virtuous in 
its ends, being founded on the strictest principles 
of justice and humanity, and consistent with every 
privilege incident to the dignity of a rational 
being, we cannot but declare we think every op- 
position to its operations, or di»rer^ard to its au- 
thority, the foulest criminality a mortal can be 
guilty of, higlily offensive in the eyes of God and 
of all just men, and deserving the most exemplary 
punishm*t)t. 

We cannot but deplore the unhappy situation of 
any few amongst the people of this colony who, 
through an ignorance of their true interests and 
just rights, and from a want of proper information 
of the real truth, may be misled by the artifice 
and cunning of their false and designing enemies, 
ifrom a real sense of those benefits which our pre- 
'sent constitution has so amply provided for: bene- 



80 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



fits which are not confined or limited to any ranks 
or degrees of men in particular, but generally, 
equally and indiscriminately extending to all, from 
the richest to the poorest, and which time and a 
little patient experience must soon evince. 

Every good citizen must be happy in the con- 
sideration of the choice of t!)Ose officers, appoint- 
ed in the administration of our present govern- 
ment, as well in the impartial mode of an appoint- 
ment arising from the people Ihcinselves, and the 
limited duration of their power, as in their per- 
sonal characters as men, justly beloved and revered 
by their country, and whose merits and virtues 
entitle them to every pre eminence. 

Filled with these sentiments, arising from mature 
deliberation, and the most impartial enquiry, we 
must further declare, that blessings such as these 
we have before enumerated, are too inestimable to 
be lost, and that nothing in nature can repay the 
least violation of them; and although an accom- 
modation with the power which attempts to de- 
stroy them may be highly worthy of attention, and, 
upon principles truly honorable, of obtaining, yet 
we think it a sacred duty incumbent upon every 
citizen to maintain and defend, with his life and 
fortune, what is given and entrusted to him by the 
hand of Providence, not for bis own good only, 
but for the lasting happiness of posterity: A trust 
whicli no law can ever annul, which is the grand 
principle of existence, and the source of every 
social virtue. 

II. We present as a grievance intolerable to the 
spirit of a people born and nurtured in the arms 
of freedom, and (though ever submissive to the 
just mandates of legal authority) holding every 
oppression as detestable, tlie unjust, cruel and 
diabolical acts of the British parliament, not only 
declaring the good people of the united colonies 
of North America rebels, for defending those 
invaluable rights which no human power can law- 
fully divest then) of, but making all murders, ra 
pines, thefts, robberies, and other inhuman op 
pressions, done before the passing of those acts 
without authority, and which were, after thepussing 
the said acts, to be done by the British forces in 
these coloiiie!!, legal and warrantable, to the eternal 
disgrace and indelible infamy of a kingdom, once! 
renowned for her justice, honor and humaniy, bulj 
now meanly descending to that wanton profligacy i 
wl^ich even savages abhor. j 

III. We present as a very great grievance, the! 
indulgence allowed to all those who are inimical! 



to the liberties of America and the operations 
of the united colonies amongst us in suffering 
: them to reside here, and be admitted to inter- 
courses dangerous to the peace and welfare of this 
colony. 

IV. We present that the public oaths directed 
by an act of the general assembly, passed since 
the forming of our present constitution, to be ad- 
ministered to those exercising public offices, trusts, 
and professions, are not administered t^ such of the 
clergy as are included in the same. 

V. We present that the times at which the 
several parochial committees meet or are appointed 
for tlieir meeting, are not made public; and we do 
recommend that lliey do pablish the same in the 
public papers, that all persons who are desirous of 
obtaining leave to sue for debts, may know whea 
to apply. 

VI. We present as a great grievance, more par- 
icularly at this time, the want of due attention to 

the roads and ferries In this colony; many of the 
roads not being sufficiently wide and worked upon 
agreeable to law, and the ferries in general not 
having boats suificient to forward passengers upon 
any emergent occasion. 

VII. We present as a grievance the too frequent 
forestalling out of the waggons, coming from the 
back parts of the country, the many necessaries 
of life, by which the good inhr.bitants of this town 
are obliged to pay most exorbitant prices for the 
same; and with submission would recommend a 
place to be appointed for the sale of bacon, flour,, 
butter, and other such necessaries brought to 
toiwn in carriages, to be regulated by the market 
act. 

VIII. We present the want of & proper person 
by law to oblige the sellers of blades and hay, to 
weigh the same at a public scale. 

Jonathan Scott, foreman [l. s.] 



George Cooke, 


[l. 


s.] 


Thomas Janes, 


[t. 


s.] 


John Lightweod, 


[l. 


S-] 


Peter Leger, 


[t. 


-s.] 


Philip Meyer, 


[t. 


s.] 


Isaac JMazyck, 


[l. 


s.] 


John 0-iuen, 


[r,. 


s.} 


John Smyth, 


[l. 


s.] 


Joseph Jenkins, 


[t,. 


s.] 


Joseph Cox, 


[l. 


s.] 


Daniel Lcssesne, 


[l. 


s.] 


Le-cois Datarque, 


[l. 


s.] 


John Singeltary, 


[l. 


^■l 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



81. 



ANOTHER-BY JUDGE DRAYTON. 

At a court of geseuai, sessions of the teack, oyer 

AND TEUMINEU, ASSIZE AXD GKNEllAL GAOL IlELIVE- 

iiT, beffun and liolden at Charleston, for the dis- 
trict of Charleston, on Tuesday, October 15tl\, in 
the year of our Lord, 1776— Before the hon. 
WiniAM Mknht Dratton, esq. chief justice, 
and his asssciates, justices of the said court. 
OuDEiiEi), That the charge delivered by his honor, 
the chief justice, to the grand jury, and their 
presentments at tliis sessions, be forthwith pub- 
lished. 

By order of the court, 

JOHN GOLGOCK, d C. S. 



THE CHAUGS TO THE GHAND JTJRr. 

Gentlemm of the grand jury. -^The last time I had 
the honor to address a grand jury in this court, I 
expounded to them the constitution of their coun- 
try, as established by congress on the 26th day of 
Mirch last, independent of royal authority. I laid 
before them the causes of that important change 
of our government — a comparison of these, with 
those that occasioned the English revolution of 
1688— and the law resulting from the injuries in 
each case. I spoke to that grand jury of the late 
revolution of South Carolina. 1 mean to speak to 
you upon a more important subject — the rise of the 
American empire. 

The great act in March last upon the matter, 
constituted our country totally independent of 
Great Britain. For it was calculated to place in 
our hands the whole legislative, executive and ju- 
dicial powers of government; and to enable us, in 
the most effectuil manner, by force of arms, to op- 
pose, resist and war agniiist the British crown. Tlie 
act naturally looked forward to an accommoda- 
tion of tiie unhappy differences between that power 
and America: In like manner every declaration of 
war between independent states, implies a future 
accommodation of their disputes. But, although 
by that act we were upon the matter made inde- 
pendent, yet there were no words in it specially 
declarative of that independency. Such u decla- 
ration was Bf right to be made only by the general 
congress; because the united voice and strength of 
America were necessary to give a desirable credit 
and prospect of stability to a declared state of total 
separation from Great Britain: And the general 
congress, as the only means left by which they 
had a chance to avert the ruin of America, iiave is- 
sued a declaration, by which all political connec- 
tion between you and the state of Great Britain is 
totally dissolved. 

Carolinians! heretofore you were bound — by the 

the American revohiiion you are now free. The 

change is most important — most honorable— most 
II. 



beneficial. It is your birth right by the law or na- 
ture — it is even valid by the fundamental laws of 
your country — you were placed in possession of it 
by the band of Cod! — particulars evidencing a sub- 
ject of the higliest import. — Ge.itlemen of the 
grand jury, it 'is my duty to mark to you the great 
lines of your conduct; and so to endeavor to ex- 
plain the nature of each, that you may clearly see 
your way, and thereby be animated in your progress 
to discharge those services which are required at 
your hands. And hence, it is necessary for me to 
lay before you some observations upon the nature 
of the American revolution, which by^ every tie, 
divir>e and human, you are bound to support. I 
shall therefore endeavor to draw your attention to 
this great subject, necessarily including the lines 
of your particular conduct. 

It is but to glance an eye over the historic pag?, 
to be assured that the duration of empire is limited 
by the Almighty decree. Empires have their rise to 
azenilh — and their declension to a dissolution. The 
years of a man, nay the hours of the insect on the 
bank of the Hypanis, that Jives but a day, epito- 
mize the advance and decay of the strength and 
duration of dominion! One common fate awaits all 
things upon earth— a thousand causes accelerate 
or delay their perfection or ruin.— To look a 
little into remote times, we see that, from the 
most contemptible origin upon record, Rome be- 
came the most powerful state the sun ever saw: The 
WORLD bowed before her imperial Fasces! — yet, 
having ran through all the vicissitudes of domi- 
nion, her course was finished. Her empire was dis- 
solved, thai the separated members of it might 
arise to run through similar revolutions. 

Great Britain was a part of this mighty empire. 
But, being dissolved from it, in her turn she also 
extended her dominion:— arrived at, and passed 
her zenith, Tiiree and thirty years numbered the 
illustrious days of the Roman greatntss—Eight 
years measure the duration of the Britisii grandeur 
in meridian lustre! How few are the days of true 
glory! The extent of the Roman period is from 
their complete conquest of Italy, which g;ive them 
a place whereon to stand, that they miglit shake 
the world, to the original cause of their declension, 
their introduction of A,siatic luxury. The British 
period is from the year 1758, when they victo- 
riously pursued their enemies into every quarter of 
the globe, to the immediate cause of their decline 
—their injustice displayed by the stamp act.— la 
short, like the lloman empire. Great Britain in her 
constitution of government, contained a poison to 
bring on her decay, and in each case, this ooisan 



82 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TITE REVOLUTION. 



Was' drawn iiito a ruinous operation 6y the riches 
and luxuries of the east. Thus, by nattiral causes 
and common effects, the American states are be- 
come dissolved from the British dominion. — And 
is it to be wondered at, that Britain has experienced 
the invariable fate of empire! We are not surprised 
w!ien we see youth or age yield to the common 
lot of humanity — May, to repine that, in our day, 
America is dissolved from tiie British state, is im- 
piously to question the unerring wisdom of Provi- 
dence. The Al -nighty setleth up, and he casleth 
down: He brerdis the sceptre, and transfers the 
dominion: He has made choice of tl;e present gene- 
ration to erect the American empire. Thankful as 
we are, and ought to be, for an appointment of the 
kind, the most illustrious that ever was, let each 
individual exert himself in this important opera- 
tion directed by Jehovah himself —From a short 
retrospect, it Is evident the work was not the pre- 
sent design of man. 

Never were a people more wrapped up in a king, 
than the A-nericans were in George the third in 
the year 1763. They revered and obeyed the Bri. 
tish government, because it protecteil them — they 
fondly called Great Britain— home! But, from that 
time, the British counsels took a ruinous turn; 
ceasing to protect — they sought to ruin America. 
the stamp act, declaratory law, and the duties upon 
tea and other articles, at once proclaimed their in- 
justice, and announced to the Americans, that they 
had but little room for hope; infinite space for 
fear. — In vain they petitioned for it^DUESs! — 
Authorised by the law of nature, they exerted the 
htherent powers of society, and resisted the edicts 
■which told them that they had no property; and 
that against their consent, and by men over whom 
they had no control, they were to be bound in 
all cases whatsoever. — Dreadful information! — Pa- 
tience could not but resent them. However re- 
gardless of such feelings, and resolved to endeavor 
lo support those all grasping claims, early in the 
year 1774, the British tyranny made other edicts 
— to overturn American charters — to suspend 
or destroy, at the pleasure of the crown, the value 
of private property — to block up the pott of Bos- 
ton in terrorem to other American ports — to give 
mwrder the sarxVion of law — to establish the 
Roman Catholic religion, and to make the king of 
Great Britain a despot in Canada; and as much so 
as he then chase to be in Massachusetts Bay. And 
general Gage was sent to Boston vvilh a considera- 
ble force ^to usher these edicts into action, and the 
Americans into slavery. 

Their petitions thus answeredeven v.ith the 



sword of the murderer at their breasts, the Ame- 
ricans thought only of new petitions. It is well 
known there was not then even an idea that the 
independence of America would be the work of 
thii generation: For people yt:t had a confidence 
in tlie integrity of the British monarch. At length 
subsequent edicts being also passed, to restrain 
the Americans from enjoying the bounty of Provi- 
dence on their own coast, and to cut off their 
trade with each other and with foreign states — 
the royal sword yet keeking rjith American blood, 
and the king still deaf to the prayers of the people 
for "peace, liberty and safety;" it was even so late 
as the latter end of the last year, before that con- 
fidence visibly declined; and it was generally seen 
that the quarrel was likely to force America iito 
an immediate state of independence. But such 
an event was not expected, because it was thought 
the monarch, from motives of policy, if not from 
inclination, would heal our wounds, and thereby 
prevewt the separation; but it was not wished for, 
because men were unwilling to break off old con- 
nections, and change the usual form of govern- 
nicnt. 

Such were the sentiments of America until the 
arrival of the British act of parliament declaring 
the Americans out of the royal protection, and de- 
nouncing a general war against them. But coun- 
sels too refined, generally produce contrary and 
unexpected events. So the whole systeiT: of Bri- 
tish policy respecting America, since the year 176j, 
calculated to surprise, deceive, or drive the peo- 
ple into slavery — urged them into independence: 
and this act of parliament, in particular, finally 
released America from Great Britain. Antece- 
dent to this, the British king, by his hostilitieg, 
had as far as he personally could, absolved A Jieri- 
ca from that faith, allegiance and subjection she 
owed him; because the law of our land expressly 
declares, these are due only in return for his pro- 
tection, allegiance being /ount/erf on the benefit of 
protection. Bat God knowing that we are in peril 
by false brethren as well as by real enemies, out 
of his abundant mercy has caused us to be released 
from subjection, by yet a better title tlian the mere 
oppressions of a man in the kingly office. — This 
title is singular in its kind — It is the voluntary and 
joint act of the whole British legislature, on the 
twenty first day of December, 1775, releasing the 
fiiith, allegiance and subjection of America to the 
British crown, by solemnly declaring the former out 
rf the protection nf the latter,- and thereby, agreeable 
to every principle of law, actually dissolving the 
original contract between king and people. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



m 



Hence, an American cannot, Ici^ally, at ilie suit 
of the king of Great Britain, be inJicted of high 
treason; because the indictment cannst charge Kim 
with an act contra Ugeantiie sii.t debitnm; for, not 
being protected by that king, the law holds that 
he does not owe him any faith and allegiance. So 
»n alien enemy, even invading the kingdom ol 
England, and taken in arms, cannot be dealt with 
8S a traitor, because he violates no trust or alle 
ffiaiice. In short this doctrine, laid down in the 
best law authorities, is a criterion whereby we may 
safely judge, whether or not a particular people 
are subject to a particular government. And thus 
upon the matter, that decisive act of parliament 
il>so facto created the united colonies free and in- 
dependent states. 

These particulars evidence against the royal ca- 
luHiniator in the strongest manner. Let him not 
with unparalleled effrontery fro:n a throne con- 
tinue to declare, that the Atneric^ins "meant only 
to amuse, by vague expressions of attachment 
and the strongest professions of loyalty, whilst 
they were preparing for a general revolt, for the 
purijose of establishing an independent empire." 
On tue rittST of SEPTiiMBEB, 1775, Richard Penn 
and Arthur Lee, esquires, delivered to lord Dart- 
mouth, he being seci-etary of state, a petition from 
the congress to the king, wlien lord Darlmouth 
told them, "no answer would «e oiven." The 
petition contained this remarkable passage, that 
the king would "be pleased to direct some mode, by 
tehich the united applications of his faithful colonists 
to the throne, in presence of their common councils, 
might be improved into a perm aseht and uappy hecon- 
CILIATION; and that in the mean time, inecsures miijht be 
taken for preventing tliefwther destruction of the lives of 
his majesty's subjects." Yet, botvvithsta.*binq this, 
on the 26lh of Octobeii/o^^owi/*^, from the throne, 
th2 king charged the Americans with aiming at 
independence! The facis* I have staled are known 
to the world; they are yet more stubborn than the 
tyrant. But let othar facts be also stated against 

him. There was a lime, whei the American 

army before Boston had not a thousand weight of 
gunpowder— the forces were uiiable to advance into 
Canada, until they received a small supply of pow- 
der from this country, and for whicli the general 
congress expressly sent— -and when we took up 
arms a few months before, v/e begun with a stock 
of five hundred weigh;!— These grand magazines 
of ammunition demonstrate, to be sure, that Ame- 
rica, or even Massachusetts iiuy, was preparing- to 
enter the military road lo independencf! — On the 
conirary, if we consider the manper in which Gi eai 



Britain has conducted her irritating and hostile 
neasures, we cannot but clearly see, that God has 
darkened her counsels; and that with a stretched 
out arm, he himself has delivered us out of the 
house of bondage, and has led us on to empire. 

In the year 1774, general Gage arrived at Ro<?- 
ton to awe the people into a submission to the 
edicts against America. The force he brought 
was, by the oppressors, thought not only sufficient 
tocompel obedience, butthatthis would be effected 
even at the appearance of the sworcj. But, the 
continent being roused by the edicts, general Gage, 
to his surpris,e, found that he bad not strength 
sufficient to carry them into execution. In thii 
situation things continued several months, while, 
on the one hand, the general received reinforce- 
ments, and on tlie otiier, the people acquired a 
contempt for the troops, and found time to form 
their militia into some order to oppose the force 
they saw accumulating for their destruction — 
Hence, in the succeeding April, when the general 
commenced hostilities, he was defeated. The 
victory produced the most important effects.— 
The people were animated to besiege Roston, 
where it soon appeared, that the British troops 
were too weak to make any impression upon them, 
thus acquiring military knowledge by the actual 
operations of war.— The united colonies were 
roused to ar.ms.— They new modelled their militia 
—raised regular troops— fortified the harbors— and 
crushed the lory parties amo.g them— Success 
fired the Americans with a spirit of enterprize. 

In the mean time, the king passed such other 
edicts as, adding to the calendar of injuries, 
widened the civil breach, and njirrowed the band 
of the American union. And sue!' supplies were 
from time to time, sent for the relief of Boston, as 
not in any degree sufHcient to enable general] Gage 
to raise the siege; answered no other ends but to 
increase the number, heighten the spirit, advance 
the discipline of the American army, and to cause 
every member of the union to exert every ability 
to procure arms and ammunition from abroad. 
Thus trained on evidently by the Almighty, these 
troops, reproached by general Gage when they first 
sat down before Boston, that "with a preposterous 
parade of military arrangements, they affected to 
hold the army besieged," in less than eleven 
months compelled that British army, althouo-h 
considerably reinforced, to abandon Boston by 
stealth, and to trust their safety, not to their arrns 
but to the winds. The British ministry have 
iitempted to put a gloss upon this remove of their 
army. However, the cannon, stores and provisions 



Bi 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



they left in Boston, are in our liand.«, substantial 
marks of their flight. 

Thus there appears to have been a fatality in 
their counsels respecting Boston, the grand seat 
of contention; their forces being inadequate to 
the enterpr ize on which they were sent: And un- 
der the same influence have their attacks been 
directed against Virginia and North Carolina, 
Savannah and this capital. Such a smes of events 
is striking! It surely displays an over-ruling Pro- 
vidence that lias confounded the British counsels, 
to the end tliat America should not have been at 
first shackled, and thereby prevented from acquir- 
ing- a knowledge of, and confidence in her strength, 
to be attained only by an esperimental trial and 
successful exertion of it, previous to the British 
rulers c'.o>ng acis driving her, either into slavery 
or independence. — The same trace of an over-rul- 
ing Vrovidence is evident throughout the whole 
traiiSACtion of the English revolution of 1688. King 
James received early information of the prince of 
Orange's intention to invade England; and Louis 
the XIV. offered the king a powerful assistance. 
But his counsels were confounded from on high: 
He paid little attention to the first— he neglected 
the last. The winds blew, and iiow opportunely 
have they aided us; the winds detained James's 
fleet at anchor; while ihej, Jivectiuff the course of 
the prince, enabled him without any loss to land 
in England, at a time when no person thought of a 
revolution, which was destined to take place with- 
in but a few weeks. Unexpected, wonderful and 
rapid movements, chai-acter the British and Ame- 
rican revolutions: They do not appear to have 
been premeditated by man. And from so close a 
simiUtude, in so many points, between the two 
revolutions, we have great reason to hope that the 
American, like the British, will be stable against 
the tyrant. 

As I said before, in my last charge, I drew a 
par.allel between the causes which occasioned the 
English revolution, and those which occasioned 
our local revolution in March last; and I examined 
the famous resolution of the lords and commons 
cf England at Westminster, declaring the law up- 
on James's conduct. The two first points of it 
applied to our own case in the closest manner, and 
in applying the third, treating of James's with- 
drawing, I pointed out that the abdication of the 
regal government among us, was immediately ef- 
fected, not only by the withdrawinij of the regal 
substitute, wiih the ensigns of government, but 
that king George had wilhdrav/n himself, "by 
ivjlhdrawlng the constitutional benefits of the 



kingly office, and his protection out of this coun- 
try." Thus couching my thoughts upon the article 
of the withdrawing, in order that the parallel 
should be continued throughout as close as the 
subject would admit, without attempting to extract 
the essence from the substance of the resolution, 
to demonstrate that such a parallel was not neces- 
sary: A mode which, the subject being new, might 
not then perhaps have been so generally satisfac- 
tory. But, as the American revolution leads me 
again to mention that resolution, which in the 
strongest manner justifies it, I make no scruple 
now to say, that the resolution, though appearing 
to point out several kinds of criminality, yet has 
only one idea thus variously represented. 

"Resolved, That king James the second having 
endeavored to subvert the constitution of the king- 
dom, by breaking the original contract between 
king and people; and, by the advice of Jesuits and 
other wicked persons, having violated the funda- 
mental laws, and having luithdrraun himself out of 
the kingdom, has abdicated the government, and 
that the throne is thereby vacant." 

But, before I make any further observation upon 
this resolution, allow me to shew you the sense of 
Scotland in the last, and of America in the present 
centyry, touching an abdication of government; 
and you will find, that the voice of nature is the 
same, in either extremity of the globe, and in dif- 
ferent ages. 

The estates of Scotland having enumerated king 
James's mal-administration, and in which there 
was no article of withdrawing, they declared, that 
"thereby he had forefaulted the rights of the 
crown, and the throne was become vacant." — And 
the representatives of the United States of Ame- 
rica, stating their grievances under king George 
the third, decreed, that "he has abdicated go- 
vernment here, by declaring us out of his protec- 
tion, and waging war against us." And that "a 
prince, whose character is thus marked by every 
act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the 
ruler of a free people." 

Thus in each case it is apparent, the abdication 
or forefaulting took place from but one and the 
same cause — the failure of protection; And this is 
the single idea that, I apprehend, is in the resolu- 
tion of Westminster. Search to understand, what 
is a breach of the original contract — what a viola- 
tion of the fundamental laws wherein consisted 
the criminally of James's withdrawing? Your en- 
quiry must terminate thus — a failure of protection. 
—Independent of the nature of the subject, the 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Z'J 



Ailricts thf aitention of the rest of the universe, 
.kRiI bids fair, by the blessing of God, to be tlie 
nost glorious of any upon record. — America hails 
Europe, Asia and Africal^She proffers peace and 
plenty! 

This revolution, forming one of the most iir- 
portant epochas in the history, not of a nation, 
but of the world, is, as it were, an eminence from 
which we may observe the things around us. And 
I am naturally led to explain the value of that 
grand object now in our possession and view— to 
state the Arnerican ability by arms to maintain 
the acquisition— and to shew the conduct, by 
which a patriotic grand jury may aid the establish- 
ment of our infant empire. 

To make men sensible of the value of the object 
now in our p:)ssession, we need no ingenuity of 
thought, or disphy of eloquence. To him who 
doubts of the meridian sun, it is siifRcient to point 
to it. So in the present case, as wHl to demonstrate 
the value of the object as the jusiice of our claim 
to it, we need only hold it wp to viev/. — It is, to 

MAI -.TAIN AMOXO THE POWBUS OF THS EAIITH, TH3 
SEPARATE ASn EarAL STATICS TO WHICH THE LAWS 
OF ITATCRE AND OF NATRe's GOD XJTTITLE US. A feW 

months ago we fought only to preserve to the: la- 
borer the fruits of his toil, free from the all-covetinj^ 
grasp of the British tyrant, alieni appetcns, svi 
profusus, and to defend a people from being, llk« 
brute beasts, bound in all cases whatsoever. But 
these two last ingredients to make life agreeable, 
are now melted into, inseparably blended with, and 
wholly included in the first, which is now become 
THE OBJECT fop which America, ex necessitate, wars 
against Britain — And ! shall now point out to you 
the continental ability, by arms, to maintain thi5 
invaluable station. 

When, in modern times, Pliilip of Spain became 
the tyrant of the low countries in Europe, of seven- 
teen provinces which composed those territorie?, 
seven only effectually confederated to preserve 
their liberties, or to perish in the attempt. They 
saw Philip the most powerful prince in the old 
world, and master of Mexico and Peru in the new 
— nations, incessantly pouring into his territories 
floods of gold and silver. They saw him possessed 
of ihe best troops, and the most formidable navy 
in the universe; and aiming at no less than universal 
monarchy! — But these seven province^ making 
but a speck upon the globe, saw themselves witli- 
out armies, fleets, or funds of money: yet seeing 
themselves on the point of being by a tyrant bound 
in all cases whatsoever, vohly relting vpon Pro- 



liisiory of that tin>e warrants this construction- 
upof^ the .viihdrawing in partieular. For, upon 
James's first flying from Whitehall, quitting the 
administration without providing a power to pro- 
tect the people, he was considered by the prince 
of Orange, and the heads of the English natiofi, 
as having then absolutely abdicated the govern- 
Tuent, and terminated his reign; and they treated 
him accordingly upon his sudden return to White- 
hall, from whence he was immediately ejected. In 
short, a failure of protection beingonce established, 
it necessarily includes, and implies a charge of a 
breach of original contract— a violation of funda- 
mental laws — and a withdrawing of the king: 1 
do not mean the individual person, but the officer 
30 called. For the officer being constituted to 
dispense protection, and there being a failure of 
it, it is evident, prima facie, that the ofiicer is with- 
drawn; and in reslity, because the law will not 
admit that the officer can be present and not dis- 
pense protection, as the law ascribes to the king 
in his political capacity absolute perfection; and 
therefore it will intend a wichdrawing and abdica- 
tion, in exclusion of any idea of his being present 
and doing wrong. Protection was the great end 
for which mankind formed societies. On this hang 
all the duties of a king. It is the one thing needful 
in royalty. 

Upon the whole, what is civil liberty, or by 
what conduct it may be oppressed, by what means 
the oppression ought to be removed, or an abdica 
lion or forefaulting of the government may be 
induced, cannot precisely be as»ertained, and laid 
down as rules to the world. Humanity is interested 
in these subjects. Nature alone will judge; and 
she will decide upon the occasion without regard 
to precedent. In America, nature has borne Bri- 
tish oppression so long as it was tolerable; but 
there is a load of injury which cannot be endured. 
Nature felt it. And the people of America, acting 
upon natural principles, by the mouths of their 
representatives in congress assembled, at Philadel- 
phia, on the fourth day of July last, awfully declared 
— and revere the sentence!— "That these United 
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and 
independent states, that they are absolved from 
all allegiance to the British crown; and that all 
political connection between them and the state 
of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis 
solved." 

A decree is now gone forth, hot to be recalled! 
And thus has suddenly arisen in the world, a nev/ 
empire, styled the United States of America, An 
empire that as spon as started into tiistence/videucc aiul the Jui^tice of their cause, they resolved 



86 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



to oppose the tyrant's whole force, and at leasv 
deserve to be free. They fought, they bled, and 
were often brought to the door of destruction.— 
Thkt keboublei) theiu efforts in proportion to 
THEIR BANGER. And the inhabitants of that speck 
of earth, compelled the master of dominions so 
extensive, that it was boasted the sun was never 
absent, to treat with them as a free and independent 
people! 

For a. moment, and v;ith the aid of a fearful 
imagination, let us suppose that the American 
states are now as defenceless as the Hollanders 
t'iien were; and that the king ot Great Britain is 
now as powerful as Philip then was. Yet even 
such a state of things, could not be a plea for any 
degree of submission on our part. Did not the 
Hollanders oppose their weakness to the strength 
of Spain? Are not the Americans engaged ir\ as 
good a cause as the Hollanders fought in? Are 
the Americans less in love with liberty than the 
Hollanders were? Shall we not in this, a similar 
cause, dare those perils that they successfully 
combated? Shall we not deserve freedom!— Our 
past actions presage our future achievements and 
animate us in cur military efforts for "peace, li 
berty and safety."— But see the real powers of 
Great Britain. 

Staggering beneath the load of an enormous debt, 
the very annual interest of which, in the year 1775, 
amounted to upwards of four millions eight hun- 
dred and eighty tliousand pounds sterling, Great 
Britain scarcely supports the weight which is yet 
rapidly increasing. Daring the present year, she 
prosecutes the war at a charge of more than nine- 
teen millions sterling, incurred by actual expenses, 
and by loss of revenue in consequence of the war. 
Her trade, her only resource for money, is now in 

, a manner destroyed; for her principal trade, which 
was to this continent, is now at an end; and she 
sustains heavy, very heavy, losses by the American 
captures of her West, India sliips. Her manufactures 
are almost at their last morsel. Her public credit is 
certain to fail even by a short continuance of the 
war. Her fleets are not half manned. And she is so 
destitute of »n army, that she is reduced to supplicate 
even the petty German princes for assistance; and 
thinks it worth her while to make a separate treaty 
to procure only 668 men!— a last effort to form an ur- 
viy in America. — But, after all this humiliating exer- 
tion, she has even upon pnper raised a German army 
of only 16,868 men who, with about 14,000 national 
troops and a few Hanoverian regiments, compose 
the whole military force that she can collect for 
the American service. Nay, so arduous a task 



was even thi^s, that tier grand army of but 26,00u 
men, could not open the present campaign be- 
fore the end of August last — Add to these particu- 
lars, tlie troops are unaccustomed to the sudden 
vicissiiudes of the American climate and the 
extremes of cold, heat, and rain. They cannot 
proceed without camp equipage, because they are 
used to such luxuries. The very scene of their 
operations is a matter of discouragement to them, 
because they know not the country; and for their 
supplies of men, stores and the greatest part of 
their provisions, they must look to Great Britain 
— and there is a vast abyss between. — Hence their 
supplies must be precarious at best; and failing, 
they may be involved in ruin, A check may afi'ect 
them as a defeat — a defeat in battle may annihilate 
their very army. — Such seems to be the situation 
of Great Britain, while only the American war is 
on her hands. But do we not see France and 
Spain, her inveterate enemies, now watching for 
the critical moment when they shall swallow up 
her West India islands! When this crisis appears, 
which, from the now quick arrivals of French ves- 
sels in America, and from the forces already col- 
lected, and others now daily poured into the islands 
by those powers, cannot be far distant, what will 
be the situation of Great Britain! 

On the other hand, America is possessed of 
resources for the war, which appear as soon as 
enquired after; are found only by being sought for; 
and are but scarce imagined even when found. 
Strong in her union, on each coast and frontier she 
meets the invaders, whether Briiish or Indian 
savages, repelling their allied attacks. The Ameri- 
cans now live without luxury. They are habituated 
to despise their yearly profits by agriculture and 
trade. Tuey rHSAGE in the war fuom principle, 
I'hey follow their leaders to battle with personal 
affection. Natives of the climate, they bear the 
vicissitudes and extremities of the weather. — 
Hardy and robust, they need no camp equipage, 
and they march with celerity. The common peo- 
ple have acute understandings; and there are those 
in the higher stations, who are acquainted with the 
arts and sciences, and have a comprehensive view 
of things equally with those who act against them. 
In short, the American armies meet the war where 
they may be canstantly recruited and subsisted; 
comforted by the aid of their neighbors, and by 
reflections upon the justice of their cause; and 
animated by seeing, that they are arrayed in the 
defence of all that is, or can be, dear to them. 

From such a people every thing is to be hoped 
tor, nothing is to be doubted of. Such a people. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



87 



though yourg in the practice of war, ever were 
superior to veteran troops. To prove this, shall 
J direct your attention to Europe, Asia and Africa, 
in their histories to point out to you numberless 
instances of this sort? No, gentlemen, America 
now attracts the eyes of the world: she deserves 
our whole attention — let us not search abroad, and 
in remote or modern times, for instances of such 
a kind as we can find at home and in our own day. 
Need I mention that such a people, young in the 
art of war, beat veteran troops at Lexington, 
slaughtered them at Bunker's hill; and drove them 
out of Boston! or remind you of Sullivan's Island, 
where, in an unfinished wooden fort, on a flat coast, 
such men, during 11 hours, and at the distance of 
500 yards, stood the whole and unintermitted fire 
of a British squ&dron of 2 ships of the line, 5frigates 
and a bomb; and, with 15 pieces of cannon, caused 
the fnemy to burn one of their largest frigates, and 
to fly with the rest of the squadron, in a shattered 
condition, from before our capital! 

Such a contrasted state of tlie powers of America 
and of Britain is, I apprehend, a just representation 
of their abilities with regard to the present war; 
and if America behaves worthy of herself, I see no 
cause to fear the enemy. However, in such a 
conflict, we ought to expect difliculties, dangers 
and defeats. "What, shall we receive good at 
the hand of God, and shall we not receive evil?" 
Job's perseverance in his duty under every calamity, 
at length raised him to the height of human felicity; 
and, if we are firm, even our defeats will operate 
to our benefit. Let us remember, that it was to 
the danger in which the Roman state was reared, 
that she ower^ her illustrious men and imperial 
fortune. The Roman dignity was never so majestic; 
her glory never so resplendent; her fortitude and 
exertions never so conspicuous and nervous, as 
when Hannibal, in the successive battles of Trabia, 
Thrhsymenus and Cannae, having almost extirpated 
their whole military force, the very state -was on 
the brink of dissohilion — the Romans deserved— vi.x\A 
they acquired victory! 

And now, gentlemen of the grand jury, having 
in this manner considered the nature of the Ameri- 
can revolution upon circumstances of fact, and 
principles of law, I am to mark the conduct which 
you ought to pursue, and which will enable you 
to aid the establishment of our infant empire. But, 
that I may naturally introduce this subject, I shall 
first state and explain to you, the principal articles 
I of the enquiry which you are sworn to make on 
\ the part of the state, and for the body of this dis- 



trict; and these articles I sh;dl arrange under two 
heads. The one relating to crimes and misdemean- 
ors, immediately injurious to individuals — the other 
relating to such as are injurious to the state. 

Those criminal injuries that affect individuals, 
respect either their persons, habitations, or pro- 
perty. Of tiiese injuries the most important are 
such as effect the person; and of such, the act de- 
priving the person of life is the most enormous. 

In the contemplation of law, every taking of life 
is a homicide; and, according to the particular 
circumstances of each case, this homicide is purely 
voluntary, including the cases of felony, asself-mur- 
der, murder respecting another, and manslaughter; 
Or, the homicide is purely involuntary, as per 
infortunium, misadventure: Or, of a mixed kind, 
ex necessitate; as se difendetido inducing a forfeiture; 
or being under the requisition or permission qf 
law and not inducing any: And thus, homicide is 
either justifiable, excusable or felonious. 

It is justifiable in all cases ex necessitate; as 
when life is taken by the legal execution of 3l 
criminal; or for the advancement of justice; or for 
the prevention of some atrocious crime. 

It is excus&ble in cases per infortzinium, miS' 
adventure; as when life is taken by the doing a 
lawful act without any evil intention: So in cases 
se dcfdudendo; as a man being attacked without any 
provocation oa his part, and having bona fide 
retreated as far as he safely could, when for self- 
preservation he kUls the aggressor. And although 
tliis last arises ex necessitate, and it would there- 
fore seem to be rather justifiable than excusable,, 
yet the law intitles it necessitas culpabilis, and 
thereby distinguishes it from the other. For the 
law so highly respects the life of a man, that it 
always intends some misbehavior in the person 
who takes it away without an express legal com- 
mand or permission. 

But homicide is felonious in all cases of man- 
slaughter, murder, and self-murder. In cases of 
manslaughter, as killing another without any 
degree of malice, and this killing may be either 
voluntary by a sudden act of revenge on a sudden 
provocation and heat, or it may be, yet not strictly 
so, involuntary, being in the commission of some 
unlawful act under the degree of felony; for this 
killing being the consequence of the unlawful act 
vohinturly entered upon, the law, because of the 
previous intent, will transfer this from the original 
to the consequential object. 

In cases of murde:; as killing another person, 
ex malitia preccoaitata: And here it is necessarv 



88 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



that I particularly explain what the law considers 
as malice prepense. — Malice prepense then, is an 
inclination of the mind, not so properly bearing 
ill-will to the person killed, the commonly received 
notion, as containing' any evil design, the dictate of 
a wicked and malignant heart.— The discovery of 
this secret inclination of the mind must arise, 
because it cannot any otherwise, only from the 
external effects of it; and by such evidence, ,the 
malignity of the mind is held either exprebs in 
part or implied in law.— Thus, malice prepense is 
held to be express in fact, when there is evidence 
of a laying in wait; or of menacings antecedent, 
grudges, or deliberate compasings to do some 
bodily harm. Even upon a sudden provocation, 
the one beating or treating another in an excessive 
and cruel manner, so that he dies, though he did 
not intend his death, the slayer displays an express 
evil design, the genuine sense of malice. This is 
evidence of a bad heart; and the act is equivalent 
to a deliberate act of slaughter. So any willful 
action, likely in its nature to kill, without its being 
aimed at any person in particular: For this shews 
an enmity to all mankind. So if two or more come 
to do any felony, or any unlawful act, the probable 
consequence of which migluhe bloodshed, and one 
of them kills a man, it is murder in them all, be- 
cause of the unlawful act, the rnalitia pva:cogitata, 
or evil intended.— ^^A malice prepense is held to 
be implied in law, when one kills an officer of 
justice in the execution of his office, or any per- 
son assisting hira, though not specially called. Or 
when wiihoiit sufficient provocation, and no aflront 
by words or gestures only is a sufficient provoca- 
tion, a man suddenly kills another. Or when, up- 
on a chiding between husband and wife, the hus- 
band strikes the wife with a pestle or other dan- 
gerous weapon, and she presently dies. These 
and similar instances, are evidences of a mslice 
presense on the part of the slayer; and he shall be 
held guilty of murder.— In cases of self murder, 
there must be a voluntary and deliberate putting 
an end to one's existence; or doing some unlawful 
malicious act, the consequence of which is his own 
death. In a word, all homicide is presumed to be 
malicious, until the contrary is made to appear in 
evidence. 

There is a regular gradation of importance in 
the component parts of the universal system; and, 
therefore, there must be a scale marking the de- 
grees of injury. We have examined the highest 
injury that can be committed or perpetrated upon 
the person of an individual — let us now turn our 
attention to such injuries against the person, as 
are of an inferior nature. 



Of these the first in degree is mayham, whicli 
is the cutting out, with malice prepense, or dis- 
abling the tongue, putting out an eye, slitting the 
nose, cutting off a nose or lip, or depriving ano- 
ther of the use of such of his members as may ren- 
der him the less able to defend himself, or annoy 
his adversary. The next is rape. Then the infa- 
mous crime against nature. These are felonies. 
But there are yet other injuries against the per- 
son which, being of a less flagrant degree, are, by 
the tenderness of the law, described under the 
gentler term of misdemeanors. Such are assaults, 
batteries, wounding, false imprisonment, and kid- 
napping. Here, in a manner, terminates the scale 
of injuries against the person: We wiil now state 
such as may be perpetrated against his mansion, 
or habitation. 

By the universal consent of all ages, the dwelling 
house of man, was and is endowed with peculiar 
immunities and valuable privileges. Among the 
ancients, if even an enemy reached the tire place of 
the house, he was sure of protection. Thus we 
find Coriolanus at the fire-place of ThIIus Aufidius, 
chief of the Volscian nation, discovering himself 
to Aulidius, his public and private enemy, and sup- 
plicating and receiving his protection against Rome 
'rom whence he was banished. And, on this sub- 
ject of a dwelling, Cicero, the great Roman lawyer, 
orator and statesman, thus pathetically expresses 
himself: "What is more inviolable, what better de- 
fended by religion than the house of a citizen? 
Here are his altars, here his fire hearths are con- 
tained—this place of refuge is so sacred to all men, 
that to be dragged from thence is unlawful." In 
like manner we find, that at Athens the habitation 
was particularly protected by the law: Burglary 
was there punished with death, altho' theft was 
was not. And our law hath so special a regard to 
a man's dwelling house, that it terms it his castle, 
and will not suffer it to be violated with impunity. 
The law ranges the injuries against it under two 
heads— arson, and hamesecken or housebreaking; 
And, this last it divides into legal or proper bur- 
glary,which is nocturnal house breaking, and house- 
breaking by day. 

Arson is an injury that tends by fire to annihi- 
late the habitation of another person, or other 
house, that being within the curtilage or homestall, 
may reasonably be esteemed a parcel of it, though 
not contiguous. So a barn in the field, with hay 
or corn in it. But this injury by fire, must be 
done with a malicious intent, otherwise it is only 
trespass. 

Burglary, is a breaking and entering in the night 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



89 



time, the mansion house of another, with inteiU to i dwelling is the object of arson; but other property 



commit some felony therein, whether the felonious 
intent be executed or not: And all such houses ar^ 
the objects of burglary, and of housebreaking, as 
are described in the case of arson. 

But, to violate this place of protection In the day, 
by robbing therein, and putting any dweller in fear, 
allhough there be no actual breach of the house; 
or by breakinj^ and robbing in the house, a dwel- 
ler being therein, and not put in fear; or by rob- 
bing and breaking the house, actually taking some- 
thing, none being in the house; or by feloniously 
taking away something to the value of 35/. curren- 1 
cy, or upward'*, no person being in the house; or 
by breaking the house with intent to commit a 
felony, any person being in tlie house and put in 
fear, though nothing be actually tuken — any such 
violation is called housebreaking — a crime not of 
so atrocious a nature as burglary. For, in the 
contemplation of our law, as well us of all others, 
violency perpetrated in the night, are of a morei 
malignant tendency than similar ones by day: Be- 1 
cause, attacks in the night occasion a greater de- 1 
gree of terror; and because, tliey are in a season by I 
nature appropriated to the necessary rest and re 
freshment of the human body, which is then, by 
sleep, disarmed of all attention to its defence. 

-With respect to injuries against a man's perso- 
nal property, they are to be considered under 
three heads. L.irceny, nnaiicious mischief, forge 
ry. And larceny, tlie first of these, is eidier sim 
pie or mist. 

Simple larceny, or common theft, is a f-^loniou-; 
Knd fraudulent taking and carrying away tlie mere 
personal goods of another — here no Violence or 
fear is implied. If goods so taken are above tlie 
value of seven shiiiings currency, the offence is 
ttvtneiffrimdlurcetiy; But if tiiey are not exceed- 
ing that vulue, the act is p''tit larcmiy. AJixt lar 
ceny has in it all the ingredients of simple larce- 



IS the subject for malicious miscliief to operate 
upon; and indeed tliis spirit of wanton cruelty has 
a wjdf^ field ')f action. This horrible spirit dis- 
plays itself by burning or destroying the property 
of another, as a stack of rice, corn or other grain; 
or any tar kiln, barrels of pitch, turpentine, rosin 
or otiier growth, product or man'iftcture of this 
state: or killing or destroying any horses, sheep 
or oij.er c» tie. 

At lengih the crime of forgery, concludes the 
calendar of public offences against the property of 
an individual; I need only define the crime: It is 
a fraudulent making or alteration of a writing to 
the prejudice of another person. 

Having, in this manner marked, out to you the 
distinguishing featuresof the principal crimes and 
injuries against the person, habitation and properly 
of an individual, I now desire your attention, and I 
shall not long detain it, while I delineate those against 
the state; objects which ought most carefully to 
be observed wherever they appear. 1 have pur- 
posely thus reserved this subject, as well because 
it is of tlie most inriportant nature, and virtually 
includes the other, as that by being the last de- 
scribed, you may be the viore 'Lkety to retain the 
the impression of it. Every outrage and violence 
against the person, habitation or property of an in- 
dividual, is a crime, a misdemeanor, or a contempt, 
aiid therefore an injury against tlie state, bound 
by original compact to protect the individual in his 
rights. For no man, conceiving himself injured, 
"ias any authority, or sh.sdow of it, to redress him- 
self; because the state has established courts which 
ire vindices ihjnriai~um. Hence, every ci'iminal in- 
jury against the individual must ultimately •ivomul 
'he stale; and be included in the oiFences against 
he body politic, which must be more important iu 
their nature thaw those relating to the individual, 
bft'-ause they are more extensive, and of a higher 
degree of criminality. It behoves you therefore 
ny; but it is aggravated by a taking from the house [to wach f )r the public safety; for this is to be at- 
or person; and this taking is yet aggravated if tenlive to your piivale security. 
it is under the impression of violence or fear. I j^ j^ „,,^ ^y any means nec<>ssary that I trace 



Such a taking in the house, with or without vio- 
lence or fear, may or may not fall within the 
crimes of burglary or housebreaking, according lo 
the circumstances. And such a taking from the 
person, without, or with violence or fear, will be 
but simple larceny in the first case; in the olhei, 
it is a robbery, a.-id the value is of no considera 
tion. 

Malicious mischief is a species of irjury thai 

beats a ne!,r realiion to the crime of arson. A 
12. 



these crimes, as they are branched by the law. The 
present public service requires your immediate 
particular attention to offences done against only 
four acts of assembly — the pa.rol and negro laws 
— the law ag&iiisi counterfeiting the ceriiiicates is- 
sued by the late houses of assembly, or the currency 
ssued by the congress of the continent or of this 
country — uud, ilie law to prevent sedition, and to 
■u'lish iuiiuigents and disturbers of the piiblir. 
peace. 



90 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Tlie two first laws are calculated to keep O'lC 
domestics in a proper behavior. Tiie two last were 
expressly formed as two pillars to support our 
new constitution; and therefore, tiiese last are your 
most important objects. — I shall fully explain them. 



The act ag'ainst counterfeitint^ extends to all 
persons who counterfeit, raze or alter, or uttir, or 
offer in payment, knowing the same to be counter- 
feited, razed or altered, any certificate or bill of 
credit, under ti:e authority of the late commons 
house of assembly, or the congresses of this coun- 
try, or of the continent. 

The lawto prevent .sedition guards against those 
actions as, in such a crisis as this, might reasona- 
bly be espec'.ed to operate against our present ho- 
norable and happy establishment. And the variety 
:.nd importance of those actions, make it necessary 
for me to particularize them to you. 

This salutary act touches all persons taking up 
arms against the authority of the jiresent govern- 
ment; or who, by violence, words deeds or wriiing, 
cause or attempt to cause, induce, or persuade any 
other person to do so. In like manner, all persons 
who give intelligence to, or hold correspondence 
with, or aid or abet any land or naval force sent by 
Great Britain, or any other force or body of men 
Within tliis state with hostile intent against it. So 
those who compel, induce, persaade or attempt to 
do so, any white person, Indian, free negro, or slave, 
to join any force under authority derived from 
Great Britain, And so all persons who collect, or 
procure them to be assembled, with intent in a 
riotous and seditious manner, to disturb the pub- 
lic peace and tranquility; and by words, or other- 
wise, create and raise traitorous seditions or dis- 
contents, in the minds of the people against the 
public authority. 

Thus having stated to you such criminal injuries 
against an individual, or the state, as may be most 
liktly to come within your notice, it is a natural 
consequence, that 1 describe the person by law 
held capable of committing such injuries. 

In the first place, the party must be of sound 
memory at the time of committing the offence, and 
it is the leading principle in every case. If the 
party is under seven years of age, no evidence can 
possibly be admitted to criminate; because, the 
law holds, that the party cannot discern between 
good and evil. But if the accused is above sever 
and under fourteen, be is liable to be crimi- 
nated, if at the time of his committing the injurj, 
bis undCiStanding was so ripe as to occasion him 



to sliew a consciousness of guilt, the rule being 
inalida supplet atatem. And if the party is of the 
age of fourteen, which is the age of discretion, the 
law prima facie considers him capable of commit- 
ting offences as a person of full age. Also a luna- 
tic for crimes perpetrated in a lucid interval. Also 
a man for crimes done in a state of drunkeness vo- 
luntarily contracted; and so hr is this artificial in- 
sanity from excusing, that it tends to aggravate 
the offence. 

All those particulars relating to the person, ha- 
bitation and property of an individual; those re- 
specting the safety, peace and tranquility of the 
state; and these describing the perpetrator of cri- 
minal injuries, are so many proper heads for your 
diligent enquiry: And such offenders and offences 
being within your knowledge, you must make 
due presentment of them. You are to hear evi- 
dence anly on the part of an information to you of 
an offence; for an indictment by you is only in the 
nature of a solemn and public accusation, which Is 
afterwards to be tried and determined by others; 
You are only to examine, whether there be suf5- 
cient cause to call upon the party to answer. 
Twelve of yoti, at least must agree in opinion, that 
the accused ought to undergo a public trial — so 
twelve other jurors are to declare him innocent 
or guilry — Happy institutions! whereby no man 
can be declared a criminal, but by the concurring 
voices of at least four and twenty men, collected 
in the vicinage by blind chance, upon their oaths 
to do justice; and against whooi, even the party 
himself has no exception!' 

Thus, gentlemen of the grand jury, with the 
best intentions for the public service, however 
executed, having declared to you, that you are 
not bound under, but freed from the dominion of 
the British crown, I thottght myself necessarily 
obliged, and I have endeavored to demonstrate to 
you, that the rise and fall of empires are natu- 
ral events — that the independence of America 
was not, at the commencement of the late civil war, 
or even at the conclusion of the last year, the aim 
rf the .Americans — that their .subjection to the Bri- 
tish crown, bfing releused by the ac ii)n of Urtisk 
oppression, ihe stroke of the Srilish nvortl, and the 
tenor of a British act of parliament, t!"eir natural 
rise to empire was conducted by thx hand of Gen!~ 
thutthe same strong hand, by proceedi gs- equally 
unexpected, woiclerful and rapid as in our case, 
conducted the English revolution of 1688— that the 
revolutions in Eugiand and Scotland at that pe- 
riod, and in Aaverica now, givnig a new epocha to 
the history of the world, were founded in the sumt 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



91 



immediate cause; a failure of protection— that those 
revolutions concurred in one grand evidence of the 
fetlings of nature on such a subject — that every 
species of mal-administration in a king is to be 
traced to a failure of protection, which is the onl}' 
instrument working his abdication — that the object 
for which we contend, is just in its nature and of in- 
estimable value— that the American revolution may 
be supported with the .fairest prospect of success 
by arms—and that it may be powerfully aided by 
a grand jury. 

Gentlemen, I do most cordially congratulate you, 
placed as you are in a station, honorable to your- 
selves, and beneficial to your country. Guardians 
of the innocent, you are appointed to send the rob- 
ber, the murderer, the incendiary and the traitor 
to trial. Your diligence in enquiring for such of- 
fenders, is the source of your own honor, and a 
means of your country's safety, and although no 
such offenders be found, your laudable search will 
yet tend to curb a propensity to robbery, murder, 
sedition and treason. See, gentlemen, what great 
advantages may result from your vigilant and pa- 
triotic conduct! Your ears ought to be shut to the 
petitions of friendship, and to the calls of consan- 
guinity — but they ought to be expanded to receive 
the complaints of your injured country, and the de- 
nandi of impartial justice. Brutus inflicted upon 
his sons the ultimum tupplicium for conspiring to 
re-establish the regal government in Rome. And, 
if a similar occasion should arise in America, which 
God forbid, I trust a Brutus will not be wanting! 
Let those, if there are any such, who treacherously 
or pusillanimously hanker after a return of regal go- 
vernment, remember such things and tremble. — 
Let us ever remember, rejoice and teach our chil- 
dren, that the American empire is composed of 
states that are, and of right ought to be, free and 
independent; "that they are absolved from all alle- 
giance to the British crown; and that all political 
connection between them and the state of Great 
Britain, IS and ought to be totallt bjssolved. 

THE PRESENTMENTS OF THE JURY. 

SoUTH-CAROLIIfA. 

At a court o/qehbral sessions of the peace, oyer 

AND TERMINER, ASSIZE ASU GESKRAL GAOI, HE- 

iiVERT, hegnn to be hdJ at Chai lesion, fur the dis- 
trict of Charleston, on Tntsday, Oct iber \5th, in 
the year of our Lord one thousand atvai hundred 
and seventy-six. 

Presentments of the grand jury for the snid district. 

I. li. is with most cordial satisfaction we embr^ice 

this opportunity of ofTering oar congratulations on 

tbe late declaration of the continental congress, 



constituting the united colonies of North America 
independent states; an event, however once dread- 
ed as repugnant to those hopes of peace and friend- 
ship with the **-.iish state, which was then ardent* 
ly entertained, yet which every American must 
now most joyfully embrace, as the only happy 
means of salvation and security, and the surest pre* 
ventlon to the treacherous and cruel designs of a 
kicked and detestable enemy. 

II. As the kind and beneficent hand of a wise 
and bounteous Providence has so ordered anddis. 
posed of human events that, from calamities vhich 
were dreaded as the most miserable and destruc- 
tive to America, benefits, the most advantageous, 
tionorable and desirable have arrisen to her, which 
now gives a very joyful prospect to liberty and 
happiness — we think our grateful sense of sucb 
peculiar care and protection cannot be manifested 
in a way more acceptable and proper than in a 
strict regard to the duties which mankind owe to 
their God. 

III. We present the growing evil of many church- 
es established by law nilling to decay, and some 
remaining without ministers to perform divine ser- 
vice. In divers parishes in this district, by which 
means the spirit of religion will decline, and be- 
come prejudicial to the manners of the people. 

IV. We present and recommend a proper militia 
law to be made, in such manner as to compel im- 
partially and equally all degrees of persons liable 
to do the duty therein required, so as to enable 
the good peeple of this state (who are now become 
principally the guardians thereof) to repel any do- 
mestic or foreign enemy as far as possible. 

V. We present and recommend, that care may 
always be had, that none but gentlemen of weight 
and influence, and good example, be prevailed on 
to qialify and act in the commission of peace, by 
whose influence licentiousness, sedition and pro- 
fligacy may be suppressed, and good order main- 
tained. 

VI. We present and recommend, that some of- 
fice may be created in this district, whereby exe- 
cutions and sales by the sheriff may be recorded, 
so that, on the death or removal of the sheriff, re- 
course may be had to such records by those con- 
cerned. 

VII. We present and recommend, that Jews and 
oihers may be restrained from allowing their ne- 
groes to sell goods in shops, as such a practice may 
iiiudce other negroes to steal and barter with them 



92 



FRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Vin. We present the ill practice of Jews open- 
ing their sliops and seUing' of poods on Sunday, 
to the profanation of the Lord's Day. 

IX. We present the b;.rrack master Philip Will, 
for seizing of firewoocl on th.e wharves, under pre- 
teii"- of the public, when he .ipplies the same to 
his own rsf'j.to the distressing of the inhabitants. 
Uy information of Mr. Patrlclc Hinds, one of tht 
grand jurors. 

X. We present the want of more constables in 
this district, we being informed that there are on- 
ly four in I'.'s town. 

XI. We return our thanks to his honor, the chief 
justice, for l>is exceile.it c'large delivered at the 
openingof the sessions, and desire thutthc charge 
and tliese presenlaients be forihwith printed and 
published. 

Josrph G'ovev, fijrcman, [t. s.] 

JierijuTiiin linker, [i.. s.] 

Beiijun in Dart, [l. s] 

Join Fnllerton, [l. s.] 

Christopher Fitzismom, [l. s.] 



imUam Hnpton, 


[l. 


s.] 


William Hale, 


[i,. 


s.] 


Patrick Hinh, 


[l. 


s.] 


Charles Johnston, 


[l. 


s.] 


Andreio Lord, 


[t.. 


s.l 


John MiM, 


[i,. 


s.] 


William Ru.isel, 


[l. 


s ] 


Slrphen Toiunsend. 


[t. 


s.] 



A.NOTHER— BY THE SAME. 

Soi'TH Catiolina. 
At a cour^ of gknehal sessions of the peace, oteh 

AND TERMl^KU, ASSIZE AND KEMEHAfc BAOL PELIVE- 

HY, bei^un and hoiden at Charleston, for the dis- 
trict of Chnrle.-.ioii, the 21st Ortober, \7n, before 
the honorable William Hunkt Dhatton, esq. 
chief justice, and his asseciatea, justices of the 
said court. 

OnDEiiED, That tlie political part of his honor, the 
chi"f justice's charg-f to the i^rind jury, together 
v.ith thf'irpresentiMents be forthvvidi printed and 
published. 

By the court, 

JOHN COLCOCK, C. C. S. 

TUE POLTTICAt PAUT OF TRE CHARGE. 

Gentle-men of the grand j?/ri/.— Being but just 
returned fi-om the house of God, we are, I trust, 
sanctified to enter upon the most important civil 
duties, and possessed of the favor of Heaven, to 
Kid us in our endeavors faithfully to discharge our 
respective functions. At present, it is your part 
attentively to listen to me — it is mine to discourse 



■'i t'. ose points immediately relative to your duty 
ui this court, and of such things as may enable 
vou, when you shall return into your vicinage, in .1 
more enlarged manner to support the laws and 
freedom of yoir country. The occasion of our 
meeting demands the first — the present crisis of 
public affairs requires the last, and I flatter myself 
your time will neither be disagreeably nor un- 
orofitably occupied. Let me therefore begin with 
laying before you some considerations aimed to 
support the freedom of your country; such are ever 
uppermost in my thoughts. 

Do you seriously think of the great work \}i 
which you, in conjunction with the rest of AmericUf 
ore engaged? You ought to do so without ceasing, 
and to act with a corresponding vigor. For, beyond 
all comparison, the work is the most stupendous, 
augusi, and beneficial of any extant in history. It 
is to establish an asylum against despotism: of an 
entire world to form an empire, composed of states 
linked together by consanguinity, professing the 
same religion, using the same language and cus- 
toms, and venerating the same principles of liberty. 
A compounded political cement, which, in the 
formation of the grand empires upon record, no 
political architects but ourselves ever possessed— 
a cement prepared to our hand by the Great Con- 
structor of the universe; and for the best of pur- 
poses. 

Forroed to enjoy, "among the powers of the 
"earth, the separate and equal station to which 
" the laws of nature and of nal'are's God entitle us," 
by an unexpected and unprovoked declaration of 
the king and parliament of Britain, that the inha- 
bitants of America, having no property nor right, 
were by them to be bound in all cases whatsoever 
— by their sending a military force to compel us 
to submit to that declaration — by their actual 
se zure of our property— by their lighting conflagra- 
tions in our land— perpetrating rape and m.-issacre 
upon our people, and finally releasing us from our 
allegiance, by announcing to us, on the twenty-first 
day of December, 1775, that we ivere by themselves 
placed out of their protection — America has been com- 
pelled to step into that station which, I trust, we 
are willing, and which, I am convinced, with the 
blessing of God, we are able to maintain.— My dear 
countrymen, turn your attention to the transactions 
of the last twelve months, and be convinced, that 
our cause is the peculiar care of Heaven. 

Human policy at best is but short sighted; nor 
is it to be wondered at, that the original formation 
of the continental army was upon an erroneous 
principle. The people of America, are a people of 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



property; almost every man is a freeholder. Their ' 
supreme rulers thought such men, living at ease 
in their farms, would not become soldiers under 
long enlistments; nor, as all thit was then aimed 
at was a redress of grievances, did they think there 
would be occasion for their military services, but 
for a few montlis. Hence the continental army 
was formed upon short enlistments— a policy that 
unexpectedly dragged .2?nmca back to the door of 
slavery. As the times of enlisments expired the 
last year, the American army decreased in power, 
'till it possessed scarce any thing but its appella- 
tion. And Washington, a name which needs no 
title to adorn it, a freeman above all praise, having 
evacuated Lovg-Js!and and J^etu York to a far su- 
perior force, having repeatedly baffled the enemy 
at the White Plains, who, quitting that scene of 
action, suddenly took fort Washington CJ^ov. 16J 
and bending their course to Philadelphia, he, with 
but a handful of men, boldly threw himself in their 
front, and opposed their progress.- -With a chosen 
body of veterans, who had no near prospect of 
discharge, it is a diffi'iult operation to make an 
ordf-rly, leisurely and effectual retreat before ajsu- 
perior enemy; out with Washington's little army, not 
exceeding four thousand men, raw troops, who had 
but a few weeks to serve, to make such a retreat, for 
eighty miles, and through a populous country, with- 
out being joined by a single neighbor, a most dis- 
eouraging circumstance, nothing in the whole science 
of war could be more difficult; yet it was most 
completely performed. Washington caused the 
Delaware to bound the enemy's advance. He 
summoned general Lee with the corps under his 
command to jein him. That veteran, disobeying 
his repeated orders, for which I presume rigid 
inquisition is yet to be made, loitering wlien he 
should have bounded forward — he allowed himself 
to be surprized and made a prisoner, f Dec. 13,J 
at a distance from his troops. Washington, in the 
abyss of distress, seemed to be abandoned by his 
officer next in command — by the Americans them- 
selves, who seemed appalled at the rapid pro- 
gress of the enemy. Rape and massacre, ruin and 
devastation indiscriminately overwhelmed luldgs and 
tories, and marked the advance of the Jiritlsh forces. 
The enemy being but a day's march from Philadel- 
phia, the quakers of that city, by a public instru- 
ment, dated the 20th of December, declared their 
attachment to the English domination — a general 
defection was feared — the congress removed to 
Baltimore — American liberty evidently appeared as 
in the last convulsive agony! 



2,500 men; their timp of s^-rvict- was to expi-c in a 
few days, nor was ihere any prospect that they 
could be induced to slay iong'er. T^iis, such as it 
was, appeared t'le o-dy force that could be opposed 
to the British, 'vhich seemed to hah only to give 
time to th« American \'v^nv !o dissolve ■ f itself, 
and display us io 'ne world ^s an mconstant peo- 
ple, noisy, void of public virtup and even shame. 
But, it was in this extremity of aiTairs, when no 
human resource appearerl in 'hnr fiiv(jr, that the 
Almighty chose to manifest his povers to shew 
the Americans that lie had not f irsaken them; and 
to convince t'le stales that it was by 'lim alone they 
were to be maintained in their independence, if 
they deserved to possess it. 

Like Henry the four'h of Fraire, one of the 
greatest men who ever lived, Washinirton, laying 
aside the generdissimo, assumed the partizan. 
He had but a choice of difficulties. He was even 
in a more desperate situation tb.an that in which 
theking of Prussia was before the baltle of Tor^nu; 
when there was no step which ra^ mess dictaced, 
bu( prudence advised him to attempt The ene- 
my were now in full possession of the Jerseys. A 
principal body of them were posted at Trenton on 
the Delaware: Washington occupied the opposite 
banks. His army, our only apparent hope, now 
somewhat short of 2,o00 men, was to be disbanded 
in a very few days: he resolved to lead it to battle 
before that fatal period; and at least afford it an 
oppoi'twnity of separating with honor. He pre- 
pared to attack the enemy at the dawn of day, on 
the 26th of December. The weather waa.severe. 
The ice in the river prevented i!ie passage of a 
part even of his small force. But with those (1,500 
men) that he transported across the river, throtigh 
a violent storm of snow and hail, he marched 
against the enemy. The unavoidable difficulties 
in passing the river, del.iyed his arrival at their 
advanced posts till eight in the morning. Tiie 
conflict was short. About thirty cf the British 
troops were killed; 600 fled, 90y officers and pvi. 
vales surrendered themselves priso;)ers, with six 
pieces of brass artillery and four pair of colors. 

This brilliant success was obtained at a vpry 
small price — only two officers, and one or two 
privates wounded. In a word, the victory in effect 
re-established the Amertcan affairs. The consent 
of the victors to continue six weeks longer under 
their leader — and the elevation of the spiriis of 
the people were its immediate consequences— 
I most important acquisitions at that crisis. Tiie 
[enemy roised froii their inactivity, and v.ith a 



Washington was now at the head but of about I view of allowing Washington as little time as 



94 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



possible ;o reap other advantages, they in a hurry 
collected in force, and marched against him. He 
•was posted at Trenton. On the second of Januarj 
the front appeared in the afternoon- -they halted 
with design to u.ake an attack in the morning; and 
in the mean time, a cannonade was begun and 
continued by both parties till dark. Sanpinck 
creek, which runs through Trtnton, parted the 
two armies. Our forces occupied the south bank, 
and at night fires were lighted on both sides. At 
twelve, Washington having renewed his fires, and 
leaving guards on the passages over the creek, and 
about 500 men to amuse the enemy, with the 
remainder of his army, about one in the morning, 
he marched to Pnncetowi to cut off a reinforce- 
jntnt that was advancing. He arrived at hisdestina- 
tion by sun-rise, and dislodged them: they left up- 
wards of 100 men dead on the spot, and near 300 
more as prisoners to the victors. 

It was by such a decisive conduct that the king 
of Prussia avoided being overwhelmed by a com 
bined attack upon his camp at Lignitz, on the 
morning of the 15ih of August, 1760, by three 
armies, led by Duun, Lrmdnhn aiid Ceernichew, who 
were advancing against him from different quarters. 
In the night the king marched, and in the morning, 
by the time Daun arrived at his empty cump, be 
had defeated LoiuUhn in his advance. So the 
Roman consul, C. Claudius JVero, dreading the 
junction of Hannibal and his brother Jlsdrubal, who 
was in full march to him with a powerful reinforce 
ment, left his camp before Hannibal, with such an 
appearance as to presuade him he was present, and 
with the nerves and smew.s of his army privately 
quitting it, he rapidly marched, almost the whole 
length of Italy, while Rnme trembled at his steps, 
and joining the other consul, he defeated Asdnibal, 
who, had he witli liis forces joined his brother, had 
made him in all probability an aver match for the 
Jtsmans. Thus equal gesiiuses provs their equallity, 
by wisely adapving their conduct to their circum- 
stances. 

The action at Trenton was as the making of the 
flood. From that period success rowled in upon 
us, with a snrir.g tide. That victory gave us an 
army— the affair of Prijicetoion procured us a force, 
and the re prossession of all the Jerseys but Bruns 
■wick and Jimhuu. Fer the enemy, astonished at 
Washington's vivacity, dreaded the loss of those 
posts in which ihty had deposted their stores, and 
ran back to hide themselves behind the works 
they had thrown up around them. Washington 
pursued, and by the fifth of January those forces 



which, but a few days before, were in full possession 
of the Jersegs, he had closely confined to the 
environs of Brunsivick and Amboy. In this situa-. 
tion both armies continued until the 13lh of June 
last, when general //owe mad© an attempt to 
proceed to Philadelphia; but being baffled, he 
suddenly abandoned Bruns-wick fJune 22J and in 
a day or two after Amboy, and retired to Slatetit- 
island. 

In the mean time general Burgoyne was advance 
ing from Canada against Ticonderoga, He ap- 
peared before the place on the 28th of June — a day 
glorious to this country — and gen« St, Clair, who 
commanded in that important post, without waiting 
iill the enemy had completed their works, or 
given an assault, to sustain which, without doubt, 
he bad been sent there, suddenly abandoned the 
fortress and its stores to the enemy, fJuly 6th.) 
The public have loudly condemned this evacuation; 
and the congress have ordered strict enquiry to be 
made into the causes of it. 

Gen. Bur§-oj/nc having thus easily possessed him- 
self of Ticouderoga, immediately began to mea- 
sure the distance to J^t-w-York. But being destitute 
of horses for his dragoons, waggons for the convey- 
ance of his baggage, and in urgent want of pro- 
visions, he halted near Saratoga, to give time for 
the operation of the proclamation he had issued 
CJtme 23d) to assure the inhabitants of security, 
«nd to induce thera to continue at home with their 
effects. But, regardless of public engagements 
C August 9th) he suddenly detached lieutenant col, _ 
Baiim, with 1,500 men, and private instructions 
to strip the people of their horses, waggons and 
provisions; and gave "stretch" to his Indians to 
scalp those whom he had exhorted to "hemain 

aUIETiT AT THEIR HOUSES." 

Things now wore a dreadful aspect in that part 
of America: but general Stark soon changed the 
countenance of affairs. With a body of 2000 men, 
principally militia, he attacked ("August 16th) 
lieutenant col. Baum at Bennington, stormed his 
works, killed about 200 of his men, took 656 pri^ 
soners, together with four brass field pieces and a 
considerable quantity of baggage; losing only 
about 30 men killed and 50 wounded. This success- 
ful attack at once rescued the country from mas- 
sacre and ruin; and deprived general Burgoyne of 
those supplies that alone could enable him to ad- 
vance: ror was it less important in respect to the 
time at which it was made. For at this juncture, 
'brt, Staniuix was hard pressed by gen. St. Ledger, 
who, having advanced from lake Ontario, had laid 
siege to it on the second of August. Gtn. AmoUl 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



95 



bad been preparing to march to its relief, and hel fence of the Bramly-Wine, the American army fell 
Lad now full liberty to continue his rout. His back six and twenty miles to the Schuylkill: nor 



near approach compelled the enemy with precipita 
tion to raise the siege, f J'/f. 22) leaving their 
tents, and a large part of their ammunition, stores, 
provision and baggage, nor did he lose any time in 
setting out in pursuit of them. 

Such unexpected strokes utterly disconcerted 

general Biirgnyne. Our militia began to assemble 

in considerable numbers. He now anxiously cast 

his eye behind to Ticonderoga; and wished to 

trace back his steps. But while gen. Gate» was 

advancing against his front, at Still-Water, with a 

superior force, the fruit of Bennington and Stmi- 

•wix, a part of the American troops had occupied 

the posts in his rear, and were penetrating to 

Tionderopa. In their advance they took 200 ^. _ . . ^, ^, , ^ 

•^ ' the progress of the war m the north, let us now 

battaux and 293 prisoners; and having seized the ^.. *• . * ♦• ,. , 

•^ o turn our attention to our situation at home. In 

old French lines near that fortress, on the leih „„^„„. n- .. •» - a- .• * i 

respect of our government, it is affectionately 
September they summoned the place to surrender. , ^ . ,„.,, . , , 

> ^ "^ _ _ obeyed. With regard to cannon, arnis and amTHuni- 



did gen. Howe derive any advantage from tha 
possession of the field of battle. This is the 40th 
day since the engagement, and we have heard from 
Philadelphia, in less than half the time, circum- 
stances furnishing reasonable ground to conclude, 
that for at least three v/eeks after his victory, gen, 
Howe made no impression upon the army cf the 
United States; and that he purchased bis passage 
of the Brandy- Wine at no small price. He carried 
Btinker'g hill, but he lost Boston. I trust he has 
passed the Brandy-Wine but to sacrifice his army, 
as it were in presence of our illustrious congress, 
as an attonement for his ravages and conflagrations 
in America. 

Having thus taken a general and concise view of 



Later advices which, though not indisputable, yet 
well authenticated say, gen. Burgoyne is totally 
defeated and taken prisoner, and that Ticonderoga 
with all its stores is in our possession. Indeed, from 
the events ive already know, we have every reason 
to believe that the^American arms are decisively 
ti-iumpbant in that quarter. 

As to gen. Howe, at the head of the grand Bri- 
tiih army, even when the campaign was far advanc- 
ed, he had not done any thing in aid of his mas- 
ter's promise, in June last, to his parliament, that 
his forces would "effectually crush" America in the 
course of "the present campaign." Driven from 
the Jersejfs, and having embarked his troops on 
the 23d of July, he put to sea from Sandy-Hook 
with 226 sail; and having entered the Chesapeake, 
he landed his army (about 12,000 men) the 30th of 
August, on Turkey-point, at the head of the bay. 
Skirmishing with the American light troops he 
pushed on to Brandy- Wine creek, behind which 
Washington was posted to obstruct his passage. 
By a double onset on the 11th of September, at 
Chad\ ford and /*««»' six miles above, where, be- 
cause of uncertain and contradictory intelligence, 
Washington had not made a disposition adequate 
to the force with which the enemy attacked, they 
crossed, first at Jene«' and then at Chad's. The 
engagement was long and obstinate. The highest 
Account does not make our w/»o/e loss exceed 1000 
men and 9 field pieces; the lowest state of the ene- 
my's is not so low as 1000 killed— a. slaughter from 
which we may form some idea of the proportion of 



tion, we are in a truly respectable condition. As 
to trade, we are the grand emporium for the 
continent. Oh! that I cauld but give as good an 
account of the public vigour of the people. Alas! 
it seems to have been exported in the sime bottoms 
with the growth of their lands. What! are we 
sensible that we are yet at war with Great Britain? 
We proceed as if we had totally vanquished the 
enemy. Are we aware, 'that to continue such a 
conducl^is to allure them to act in this state, that 
TRAGEDT they performed the last winter in the 
Jerset/s? Do we intend to acquire an experimental 
knowledge of the horrors of war.? Do we dtsire 
to be driven from this beautiful town — to be dis- 
possessed of this valuable seat of trade — to see 
ourselves flying we know not whither — our heirs 
uselessly sacrificed in our sight, and their bodies 
mangled with repeated stabs of bayonets.'' Tell 
me, do you mean that your ears shall be pierced 
with the unavailing shrieks of your wives, and the 
agonizing screams of your daughters under the 
brutal violence of British or Brunswick ruffians? — 
Rouse, HOUSE yourselves into an activity capable 
of securing you against these horrors. In every 
quarter the enemy are vanquished or baffled. They 
are at a stand; cease, my beloved countrymen, 
cease, by your langour in the public defence, and 
your ardor after private gain, to invite them t© 
turn their steps this way and seize your country 
as a rich and easy prey. The states of America 
are attacked by Britain. They ought to consider 
themselves as an army drawn up to receive the 
their wounded. Not having made good the de- 1 shock of assault, and from the nature of their 



95 



PRINCIPLES AND ACtS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ground, occupying thirteen towns and villages in ] a powerful nation of /«</*««% who, urged by Britaiiif 



the extent of their line. Common prudence dictates 
that the several corps, in their respective stations, 
during the whole time they are in battalia, should 



had attacked the United States. But such brilliant 
proceedings, unless supported with propriety, will 
cover us with infamy. They will appear as the 



use the utmost vigilance and diligence, in being on j productions of faction, folly and temerity; not of 
their guard, and in adding strength to strength ' patriotism, wisdom and valor. What a contrast? 
for their security. We are in the right wing cfj how humiliating the one— how glorious the other? 
tlie American line, and at a distance from the main Will not pride spur us on to add to the catalogue? 



body — are we doing our duty? No! we have in a 
manner laid up our arms— nay, even prizes are 
prepared for the horserace! we can spare no la- 
borers to the public, because we are employing 
them to collect on all sides articles for private 
emolument. We amuse ourselves with enquiries 
into the conduct of those who permitted the loss 
of Ticonderoga, nor do we appear to have an idea 
that others will, in their turn, scrutinize our con- 
duct at this juncture — a crisis when we know that 
the enemy have collected their force, and are 
actually advanced against the main battle of Ame 
rica; where, if they shall find they can make no 
impression, and we Iiave now a flattering prospect 
they will find their elTorts abortive, it is but rea- 
sonable to imagine they will recoil upon our post. 
They will sail faster against, than aid can be 
marched to us. Their arrival will be sudden-- 
shall they find us shamefvlly occupied in the amuse- 
ments and bus ness if peace? Why has the Almighty 
endowed us with a recollection of events, but that 
we may be enabled to prepare against dangers, by 
avoiding the errors and follies, the negligence and 



Will you not strive lO rival the vigour of the J^\rth? 
Do we admire the great names of antiquity? Do 
we wish for an opportunity to be equally celebrated 
by posterity?— Than the present, there never was 
a more inviting or certain opportunity of acquir- 
ing an immortal name. A world to be converted 
into an empire, is the work now in iiand— a work 
whereon the names of the workmen will be engrav- 
ed in indelible characters. Shall we not exert our- 
selves to be ranked in this most illustrious list? 
Nor is it so difficult a thing to acquire place in it, 
as may be imagined: it is in eveiy man's power to 
exert himself with vigor and constancy. My dear 
countrymen, trifie not with an opportunity un- 
exampled, and not to be recalled -it is passing 
with rapidity. Let us put our hands to our breasts, 
and examine what we have done in forwarding this 
imperial structure. How many must say, I have 
youth— strength---activity-. -an abundant fortune 

learning- • sense, or some of these blessings; but ■ 

I have shewed my attachment to America only by 
a momentary vigour, to mark my inconstancy — 
scrutitiizing the conduct of others— good wishes. 



supiness, by which oii.ers have been ruined. If and enquiring the news of the day. Such men must 
a sense of our duty to our country, or of safety tojbe sensible of a disgraceful iareiiority, when they 



])ostcrity, is too weak to rouse us into action; if 
the noble passions of the mind have not force to 
elevate us to glory — the meaner ones, perhaps, 
may drive us into a state of security. The miser, 
amidst all his anxiety to add lo his heap, is yet 
careful to provide a strong box for iis safety. Shall 
we neglect even such an example of prudence? 
Pride raised Cassius's dagger against desar, and 
procured him the glorioris title of the last of the 
Jtomans. We were the first in America, who pub- 
licly pronounced lord J\^orih's famous conciliaio y 
iftotion, inadmissible — we ruised the first regular 
forces upon the continent, and for a term of three 
years — we first declared the causes of taken up 
arms— we originated the councils of safety — we 
were among the first, who led the way to inde-^ 
pendence, by establishing a constitution of govern- 
ment— we were the first who made a law authoris- 
ing the capture of British vessels without distinc- 
tion- -we alone have defeated a British feet— we 
alone have victoriously pierced through and reduced 



h£ar those American names, which the trumpet of 
fi.me now seimds through the world; a blast, that 
will reach the ears of the latest posterity. 

Surely such men may have a desire to be relieved 
from so oppressive a sensation: the remedy is with- 
in their own power; and if they will use it, while 
it throws oft" their disgrace, is will operate for the 
benefit of their country. Let them etiquire of the 
president, wuat service they can rendeh the 
STATE. To a rich planter, he would say, if you will 
s( nd 20, 30, or 40 laborers to the public works, and 
/jr whotn you shall be paid, you will do an essential 
service m a critical lime. To another, if you will 
diligently overlook and push on the construction 
of such a battery, or line, you will ir^erit the thanks 
of jour ftUovv-cilizens. To a third, if instead of 
huoting you will ri le about your neighborliood, or 
a little beyond, and endeavor to instruct those who 
re ignorant of the in.portance of the public con. 
lest — reclaim the deluded, animate the timid- 
rouse the languid — and raise a spirit of emulation 



PRlNCIPLIiS AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



97 



who sbill exert himself most in the cause of free- 
dom and America: you will deserve the applause 
cf the continent. How many opportunities are 
there, for a man to distinguish himself; and to be 
benelicialto his country! 

Nor oiight those who have labored much in the 
public defence, to sit down at ease, if they can per- 
form other services. The enemy are repulsed in 
their attacks — they are at a stand — they seem 
Stunned. Let us now collect our wliole strength — 
one effort more and they must be crushed. JVe are 
warned to expect the enemif,- and it is probaSle, the 
back country militia may be called to do duty in 
this town, during the ensuing winter. I wish to 
extend some aid to such of their families, as may 
be most distressed by their absence from home; 
and I do therefore declare, that 1 appropriate my 
last year's salary for that service. I am endeavor- 
ing to raise a spirit of emulation among my country- 
men — the ungenerous ivill attribute this appropria- 
tion to other motives — I know the world too well 
to doubt it. But, let such follow their inclina- 
tions— I rely upon the integrity of my conduct. I 
ouglit to endeavor, to discharge my duty to the 
public; nor»is it a consideration with rae, that my 
conduct in the prosecution of my duty, may expose 
me to a reproacii of vanity or int^ratitude; a w ant 
of sympathy for those in distress or natural affec- 
tion; I am always satisfied, '-vhen I know that I do 
not deserve such censures. I feel for those, who 
feel disagreeable effects from my conduct: but, 
among the many things I regret, I cannot but thus 
publicly lament, that not the least attention is paid 
to two important resolutions of our congress in 
June 1775. One, that all absentees holding estates 
in this country, except the sick, and those above 
sixty, and undei twenty-one years of age, ouyht 
forthwith to return— the other, t!)at no person hold 
ing property in this country ouglit to withdraw 
themselves from its service, without giving good 
and sufficient reasons for so doing. The gentle 
voice of legislative recommendation is not regard- 
ed— -must the legislature, in order to be heard, 
raise its voice to the tone of forfeiture.' Our coun- 
try stands in need of the alvice, the countenance, 
the personal support of all those who have pro- 
perty in it. Nor is it just or reasonable, that any 
sliould enjoy ease and sA^Xy by continuing at a dis- 
tance, while the people nere have put their all at 
hazard. If we fail, they continue secure in life and 
estate; if we suceed, they, without toil or danger, 
reap every benefit we shall procure. I know some 
r>f those, who are ab.sent, contra.7 *» the recom- 



mendation- f (heir couniry. norata I so ungenerous 
as to attribute thei-- ahseiice to a disgraceful policy. 
But, even they must be so ir genions as to admit 
that those who do not know them, have room to 
cast this reproach upon them, and to be dissatisfied 
at their conduct. 

It is necessary that I speak with boldness and 
plainness. In a time like this, that language sKould 
be as the thunder— not as the music of the spheres 
— and that I discourse to grand jurors of odier 
things, besides their mere duti'-s in a court of jus- 
tice. Hence, upon other occnsions have I reasoned 
upon the propnety of our revolution in Murch 1776 
—upon the legal necessity of the Jlmencan inde- 
pendence—and now, upon the situation of affairs. 
I do most earnestly recommend, thai you urge 
these topicks, when you blend yourselves jigrain 
among your neighbors. In every station that I 
have had the honor (o fill, I have counselled the 
iTiost decisive measures; nor have 1 been sparing 
of my personal assistance in their execution! Tl.e 
public service requires an unwearied application, 
unabating vigor, and a readiness to make the 
greatest sacrifices. I firmly trust, that we shall 
:ict as mbn; and that posterity will have no just 
cause to reproach our conduct. 

THE PRESENTMENTS OF THE JURY. 

SoPTH Carolina. 

At a court o/oknkiial skssions of tue pface, orr.n, 
ANr TKnMiJrT;it, ahsize Asn gkneual bao'.-. i,b- 
LIVBHY, bigtin and holden at Chctr:eHov, f r the 
di^tTlct of Cht'.rltkton, the 2\st Onoher 1777[ bf^f-.-e 
ihe honoruble IVil'iam Henry Druyfrm, esq. chi^'f 
justice, imdiiis associates, justices of the said conn. 

Presentments of the grand jxiry for the said district. 

I. Wfr the grand jurors of said district, thmk it 
our duty to present as a great grievance, tha' most 
of the magistrates in the commission of the peace 
lor Charlestm refuse to act, by means whereof 
many criminals, particularly slaves, escape punish- 
ment, ,0 the great encourHgement of crimes and 
offences: And weareof opinion, that this remissness 
in the magistrate, is owing to the law disallo.ving 
any fees, for the most salutary services to the pub- 
lie. 

II. We present as a grievance, the number of 
voluMtary absentees from this state now in Europe, 
men of large possessions, tliat they are not par-icu- 
larly ordered to return, and join their countrymen, in 
the present contest for Hhgter and independence. 

III. We present, by the m)rmation of Mr Benja- 
min Edings, that the public road leading from 
Slann's island to Elisto island, has never been 
fi.ished, (for want of commissioners) and is now 
in swch bad order, that it is very difficult for thf; 



98 



PRLNCiPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



in'iubitants to pass over, and which may be very 
detrimental in case of any invasion or other 
f mergency, ar.d hope that due attention may be had 
in remedying this evil. 

IV. We return oor thanks to his honor the chief 
jusiice, for his excellent and patriotic charge de- 
livered at the opening of this s?BMions, and beg- the 
same, with our presentments, may be forthwith 
printed and published. 

Edward Ligldivood, fuveman, [i.. s.] 



Philip Tidyman, 
.hhn Webb, 
Jitlin C' eighum, 
Jh-vvy iS'ciimciiyes, 
John Lyon, 
Sdvniel Leifare, 
.hsitih Jjonneuit, 
Sanniel Ihinlap, 
John Rivers, 
Robert JMurrell, Jnn. 
Ja» es JVitler jun. 
William Royall, 
Menjamin Ediiigs, 



[L. S.] 

[L. S.] 

[U S.] 

[L. S.] 

[L. S.] 

[L. S.] 

[L. S.] 

[L. S.] 

[L. S.] 

[L. S.] 

[t. S.] 

[r.. s.] 

IL. s.] 



Judge Drayton's Speech. 

The upeech nf the hon. Wil'inm Henry JJrayton, esq. 
rhiff ptstiie nf South Carolina, ilciivered on the 
twentieth .Tammry, 1778, in the general assembly — 
resohied into the roniniltee of the ivho'e, upon the 
tirticles of the confederation of the United Suites 
nf America. 

Mr. C«AiuMASt — A plan of a confederation of 
the United Sta'es of America, is at length by con- 
gress, given to the continent: A suLjeci of as high 
importance as can be presented to their attention. 
Upon the wise formation of this, their indopenden- 
cv, glory and happiness ultimately depend. The 
plan is delivered abroad for private and public in- 
formation: It is sent to us for consideration, Sir, 
my mind labors under the load that is thus thrown 
upon it.- -Millions are to experience the effects of 
the judgment of those few, whom the laws per- 
mit to think and to act for them in this grand bu- 
siness. Millions — posterity innumerable, will bless 
or curse our conduct! — Their happiness or misery 
f'.epend upon us — their fate is now in our hands! 
1 almost trcn.ble, while I assist in holding the im- 
portant bcdance! — But sir, the great disposer ol 
Sill things, has placed us in this important period, 
pregnant wilh vasiai^ts. He has cnlled us forth 
to lpgisl:ite for th^^Pur world; and to endeavor 
to bind the various people of it, in durable bands 
of friendship and union. We must obe\: and ] 
tnist we shall obey, wilh courage and integrity 
Actuated by these principles, I am incapable of' 



receding from my duty: And conscious that I an 
' ound to consider the subject of a confeder.'^tion 
of the United Statics, upon the broad basis of equal- 
ity, 1 shall endeavor to discharge this obligation, 
first, by viewing the plan before us, wilh liberality, 
and with that decency and respect, due to the high 
authority from which it is derived; and then, by 
iaklng the liberty of throwing out my ideas of 
s'lch terms, as in my opinion are desirable, attain- 
able, and likely to form a beneficial confeder'\'i(>n. 
The best writers upon government, agree in this 
as a political truth; that were the liberties of the 
people are to be preserved, the legislative and ex- 
ecutive should ever be separate and distinc*; and 
liiat the first should consist of parts mutually form- 
ing a check upon each other. Tie CO .sals, senate 
Hid people, cons' i'utedsucli a governiTierUin Rome: 
Tlie king, lords and commons, erected sucli a gov- 
ernment in Britain. The lirst, one of the best of 
antiquity — the last, tiie most perfect system, the 
wit of man ever devised: But both, as it is the case 
with all things temporal, lost their capability of ac- 
tion, and changed their \try nature. 

We are about to establish a confederate 1 go- 
vernment which I religioisly hope will Inst for 
a^< s. And, I must be pardoned when I say, that 
this government does not apptar likely to be form- 
ed upon those principles, which the wisest me.i 
have deemed, and which long and invariable ex- 
perience prove, to be the mosf secure defences to 
liberty. The congress seem to have lost sight of 
this wise mode of gover.iment: At least it is cer- 
tain, that they hive rejected it. I lament their de- 
cision: I have apprehensions for Ihe consequences. 
Into their own hands, they appear inclined to as- 
sume almost all the important powers of govern- 
ment. The second ."U'ticle speaks of ihe sovereign- 
ty of the respective states, but by the lime we ar- 
rive at the last, scarce the shadow of sovereign- 
ty remains to any. "No two or more States shall 
enter into any treaty," but by consent of congress 
— "nor shall any bo ly of forces be kept up by 
any state, in time of peace, except such number 
only," as congress siiall deem requsi'e --".no ves- 
sels of war, shall be kept up in ti.ne of peare by 
any state, except such number only," as congress 
shall deem neces.'^ary--"nor shall any state grant 
conimissioi.s to any ships or vessels of war, except 
it be after a declaration of war by," Congress — 
and, these are great and humiliating restrictions 
upon their sovereignty. It is of necessiiy, that tlie 
sovereignty ofthe slates sh(»ald be restricte '.- but , 
I would do this with & gentle himX. Caimot a good 
lonfedcraliuij be hud, without these huuiihating 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



99 



restrictinn';? I Vliiiik it may. However, independ 
ent of the settlement of this point; the two last 
restrictions require another observation. From 
the first of them, it oupfht to be presumed, that up- 
on a vacancy in any of the vessels of war, kept up 
by any state in time of peace by the permission of 
congress, the state to which they belong shall in 
time of peace, be at liberty to issue a new com- 
mission: But if this is to be presumed, the senti- 
ment oiighi to hive been precisely expresseth for it is 
obvious, a doubt upon this matter, may arise from 
the restriction, that no state shall grant co nmis- 
sions to any ships or vessels of war, except it be af- 
ter a declaration of war. These clauses, if we 
give due efficacy to the signification of words, re- 
ally clash — at least displaying an ambiguity, they 
require a rule of onstruction, that must destroy 
the peremptoriness of words. A rule which ought 
not to be admitted into an instrument of this kind; 
for it should be maturely considered; and it may 
lie precisely worded, witliout the formality in a 
statute law. 

There seems to be a dangerous inaccnracy in that 
part of tiie sixth article, proliibiting the states re- 
spectively from entering into any covference witli 
any king, prince or state. 1 presume this ought 
to be understood, to respect a foreign state only; 
But it may be insisted upon, tliat the prohibition 
includes even the United States. And why should 
not two or more of these have any conference? 1 
would have the doubt absolutely destroyed. 

The third section of the article now under my 
observation, declares, that "no state shall lay any 
imposts or duties, which may interfere with any 
stipulations in treaties, entered into by congress 
with any king, prince or state, in pursuance of any 
treaties already proposed by congress to the courts 
o^ France and Spain:" And I must contrast this, 
with the provision in the ninth article, "thatno trea- 
ty of commerce shall be made whereby the legis 
lative power of the respective slates shall be re- 
strained from imposing such imposts and duties 
on foreigners, as their own people are subj'ct to, 
or from prohibiting the exportation or impor 
tation of any ppecies of goods or commodities 
whatsoever."-.-! am of opinion, we are to un- 
derstand from the first of these clauses, that no 
state shall lay any imposts or duties, which may inter- 
fere with the present foreign stipulations of con- 
gress, in treaties already proposed; and that such 
stipulations, free of such interference, maybe con 
eluded by treaty: But this latter meaning, is not 
expressed. Indeed a great doubt arises, whether 
this be the true intent of that clause, when we, 



consider the subsequent proviso, worded in these 
most peremptory terms, that "no treaty of com- 
merce shall be made ivhereby the legislative pow^r 
of the respective states shall be res<?-ai?i«"f/ from im- 
posing such imposts and duties on foreigners, as their 
ow)i people are subject to, or from prolidnting the 
exportation or importation of any species of goods 
or commodities whatsoever." I know, that the rule 
of construction in law, is capable of v/arrantlng 
the meaning I have extended to the first clause, 
and of giving efficacy to both: But then it must, 
destroy the positive terms in the second, qualifying 
by giving them an operation only respecting trea- 
ties of commerce, which shall be made exclusive and 
independent of the foreign stipulations of congress 
in treaties already proposed. And unless this rule 
takes place, the first clause is absolutely in effect 
repealed, by (hat which is subsequent. We expe- 
rimentally know, Xh\t men will not always admit 
tliat to be reason, which really is so; and that wher*; 
there is a doubt, they will obstinately contend f^r, 
and persist in opposite constructions. Those two 
clauses will undoubtedly admit of contention; and 
the least conseqtioice that can arise, will be, eitlier 
that the first clause must be considered as repeal- 
ed, or the natural import of the positive terms in 
the last must be destroyed, and qualified. And 
independent of these disagreeable alternatives, the 
last clause appears to be an intolerable clog to fo- 
reign negociation.--I could wish here to finish par- 
ticularizing matter of doub*: but it is necessary to 
select one instance more, and then I will shew the 
main tendency of these objections. 

In the fourth section of the ninth article, con- 
gress is vested with the power of "regiiia ing the 
trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, not 
member:* of any of the states, provided that the 
legislative rigiit of any state within i\s own limits, 
be not infringed or violated." I mucli r.pprove 
the grant, but I confess 1 do not un l.rsand the 
grant and pr.iviso combined^ Fori cannot conceive 
in what manner the legislative right of a staii 
wit'iiin its own limits, can be iiifringt/d, by an act 
of congress relative to Indians not tnembfrs of any 
state; and therefore not within the limifiofany sous 
to be subject to the operation of its legislativerighl. 

It is of no moment with me, whether vhe dou'-<s 
f have raised, are deemed obvious and import/ tit, 
or rather refined and ofi^Bfcconsequence. Gif u,t, 
and it must be admit^P^iat they have the up. 
pearance of doubts — I ask no more. The hr.n'jr 
and interest of America require, that their grar i 
net of confederation, should be a noble mL-nuniOi, 
tree, as far as human wisdom can enable it to ;. j 



1% 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



from d' feet and flaw: Every thing unnecessary 
should be critically removed--every appearance of 
doubt, shoula be carefully eradicated out of it. It 
is not to be tliouglit, but that the present congress 
cle;uly understand the confederation. But other 
cop-j^rpsses will look for the spirit of the law. This 
"will then be the resultof tiieir good or bad logic; 
and this will depend on their good or bad digestion; 
on the violence of their passions; on the rank and 
condition of the parties, or on their conneclions 
with congress; and on all those little circumstance?, 
wliich change the appearance of objects in the 
fluctuating mind of man." Thus thought the illus- 
trious mRvquis -Beccaria^ of Milan, a sublime phi- 
losopher, reasoning on the interpretation of laws.— 
I T.ust be permitted to continue his ideas, yet a 
little further upon this subject— they are so exact- 
ly in point. He says, "there is nothing more dan- 
gerous than the common axiom: The spirit of the 
laws is to be considered. To adopt it, is to give way 
to the torreiii of opinions." "When the code of 
laws is once fixei', it shoul:'. be observed in the 
li'eral sense." "When the rule of right which 
ought CO direct the actions of liie philosopher, s.s 
well as the ignorant, is a matter of controversy, 
not of fact, the people are slaves to the magis- 
trates."— Is it not the intention of the confedera- 
tion, that the people shall be free.?— Let it then be 
adapted to ilie meanest capacity— let the rule of 
right be not matter of controversy, but of fact— let 
the confederation be understood according to that 
strict rule by which we understand penal laws. 
'J he confederation is of at least as much import- 
ance to America, as penal laws are in a small so- 
ciety—safety to the people is the object of both. 
In a word, the spirit of laws, lays down this maxim, 
that "in rep'sblics, the very nature of the constitu- 
tion requires the judges to follow the W^erof the law. 
The fourth articles declares, "that the free in- 
habitants of each of these states, paupers, vaga- 
bonds and fugitives from justice excepted, shall 
be en'itled to all privileges and immunities of free 
citizens in the several state.s:" A position, in my 
opinion, absolutely inadmissible. Would the peo- 
ple of Massachusetts, have the fre» A's^rees of 
Carolina, eligible to their general court? Can it 
be intended, that the free inhabitants of one state, 
shall have power to go into another, there to vote 
for representatives ^^jg^e legislature?— And yet 
these things are clearHBcluded in that clause. 1 
think there ought to be no doubt, but that the 
fiee inhabitants should be white, and that such of 
one state, should be entitled to the privileges and 
iTOnr.unitics in another, only hy the same means 



through which the free white inhabitants of that 
state are by law entitled — This arli-cle also pro- 
vides for the "removal of property imported into 
nny state;" but the removal of property acquired 
in it, into that "of which the owner is an inhabi- 
tant," is neglected. Has not the owner an equal 
right to enjoy at home, the Isst kind of property as 
the first? The provision in behalf of the congress, 
or a state, is manifestly in contradistinction, to 
inat in favor of a private owner. 

The fifth article directs, that delegates shall be 
annually appointed to meet in congress, on the 
first Monday in J\''ovember\ and this is a matter re- 
quiring particular attention. Our climate instructs 
us, that the general assembly should make their 
long and important session in winter; and but a 
short one in summer, rather to finish than begin 
even common business. Indeed this is assented to 
by the members, and of course but few, and those 
too, in the vicinity of Charleston, attend the snm- 
mer sitting, which cannot even with prudence be 
had between the months of Jiily and J^\vember. 
When then, sir, are the delegates to be elected 
for the J\^ovembcr congress? Are they to be cho- 
sen in the summer session; and in a very thin house 
of course? Congress cannot intend this — our coun- 
try cannot admit of it; because such delegates, a 
represetitation of the highest nature, should ever be 
chosen in a full house, as the most obvious sign 
that they are the real delegates of the people Nor 
can it be expected, they should be chosen in Jan- 
uary, the time, which the climate and local cir- 
cumstances point out, as the most proper for be- 
ginning our long and important session. For this 
would be reducing us to the necessity of appoint- 
ing delegates, almost twelve months before they 
were to serve — a measure neither necessary, nor 
to be admitted, if we can avoid it. Those months 
comprehend an inclement summer and autumn; and 
death or sickness may destroy the intended repre- 
sentation: In which case the state may not, by the 
united voice of the people, be represented in con- 
gress from the beginning of November to the mid- 
dle of February — an event, that might be of fatal 
consequences. I shall therefore be very glad to see, 
either the month of February, Marcli or April sub- 
stituted insiead of November. These reasons will al- 
so support me, in objecting to that part of the same 
article, relative to the recal of delegates, within their 
year. A thin house may cast an unmerited censure 
upon a werthy delegate. I do not wish to see such 
a power existing. Not that I expect if there was 
such, that it would be abused, but we ought, as 
far as we can, to guard against the possible abuse 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



lol 



peeled, that a general assessment will ascertain, 
t'le true value? More or less than this, ought not 
to be rated: In the first case, the state would be 
injured—in the last, the other states would be de- 
frauded; and that course should be taken, which 
seems most likely to avoid this Sylla and Charyb- 
dis. All mnvements in politics, as in mechanics, 
are difficult and hazardous in proportion to their 
compk^xedness. Now, in -nler to raise the gene, 
ral aid. a compl'^x motion of government is neces- 
sary. First, to .assess the value of the land— then 
to ascertain the sum to arise from it— and then, to 
raise the sum, by a variety of taxes, according to 
the discretion of the legislature. Is such a com- 
plicated motion to raise tlie aid desirable, especial- 
ly when it cannot possibly be done with equality 
to the several states; and also, when another prin- 
ciple is at hand, perfectly simple in its nature, just 
and equal in its operation, and is the allowed cri- 
terion to ascertain the proportion that is desired? 
I have been given to understand, that a capitation 
throughout the United States, was in contempla- 
tion of congress; and I have ever understood from the 
most approved writers upon this subject, that the 
true riches and strength of a state were to be rated 
in proportion to the number of people sustained in 
it. I would then have this, the criterion of th* 
public aid from eicli stale. It is, in my humble 
opinion, in every respect preferable to the other. 
The criterion may be ascertained, and the tax 
raised by one act of government. Such a criterion 
and mode of taxation, hus long been in use in some 
parts of this continent; and it is best, under a new 
government, to continue customs in use under the 
old, as long as they are salutary and practicable— 
this is the north point in my political compass. If 
we can attach the people, by exempting them from 
old impositions, such as quit rents in particular, it 
is the soundest policy to do so; for this interests 
them in support of the new establishment: But we 
cannot be too cautious in irylog projects of a con- 
trary nature. I said, the capitation criterion of 
proportion, was in every respect preferable to the' 
land assessment: I now add, that it will be an ini- 

and is it not notorious, that the landed property l^";"''"' '^'"'"^ "P^" '^^ numeration of the white 

inhabitants, to be taken In order to rate the mill- 
tary quota of each state; and this is a very material 
reason in support of the capitation criterion— we 
cannot well have too mMv proofs, to establL-ih the 



of power, A,nd, in addition to these principal ob- 
jections against the fifth article, I must, add, that 
I think it is utterly impolitic, to exclude a mem- 
ber of congress from being nominated to a commis- 
sion under the United Siates: The clause upon 
this subject is rather dark. Many a deilegate, may 
be able to render mucli more important service to 
the confederacy, in such a station, than in congress 
— the occasion of such service may be pressing — 
as fit a person out of congress may not then be 
known — a member of congress may be most cap.i- 
ble of the station, because possessed of the secrets 
of congress — and shall the service of such a. man 
be lost to the confederacy, merely because he is a 
member of congress? The answer is obvious I thi'ik 
— No, but let his acceptance of the commission va- 
cate his seat, and render him incapable of a re 
election during the time he holds it. 

I have already said, the sovereignty of the states 
should be restricted wii,h a gentle hand: I now 
add it ought to be restricte *, only in cases of abso- 
lute necessity. — What absolute necessity is there, 
that coigress should have the power of causing 
the value of all granted land, to be "estimated ac- 
cording to such mode, as they shall from time to 
direct.?" Congress should have no power, but what 
is clearly defined in the nature of its operation. — 
But I am absolutely against the position, that the 
public aids shall be raised by the several states, 
in proportion to the value of their granted lands, 
buildings and improvements. At the first blush 
of this proposition, nothing seems more equitable: 
But viewing the subject With more attention, I 
think I see, that it is unequal, injurious and impoli- 
tic. It is unequal, because it seems to be in vain 
to expect, that such lands,2&c. will be equally as- 
sessed in their true value. To have any chance of 
doing this, the assessors must actually know every 
acre; and the multitude of them must have an equil 
judgmeiit; But can either be even hoped for? Do 
we not positively know, that this mode of assess- 
ment does not answer the end— an equal and just 
assessment of the value? The assessors in Charles- 
ton, are men of knowledge, diligence and integrity, 



in Charleston, although minutely known, and with- 
in a small circle is unequally valued? Shall we, 
with our reason in full vigor, wish to extend to 
an immense circle, a principle that we are sensi- 
ble fails us even ia a small one? Is there any cer- 
tain criterion of value? Does not value altogether 
depend on opinion, imagination, caprice? Hence 
it is, that we see the ideas of men upon this mat- 
ter, infinitely wide. How then can it be ex- 



true number of whi 



o jgu|^^roats, 
t^^^Hsitants. 



The mode of trial of disputes between any two 
or more states seems full of delay, and therefore 
it ought to be amended. The fifth article provides, 
that the representation of each state, shall not be 



I(i2 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



less than two delegates: But the mode of trial spe 
cifies, that in a certain case, "congress shall name 
three persons out of each of the United States, froni 
whom the judges shall be selected. Now, a state 
may be represented by only two delegates, and 
then, the trial cannot be had, and considering th? 
expense of" paying delegates — the inconvenience of 
their attendance upon congress at a distance from 
their private affairs, and from constant experience, 
R bare representation is oftener to be expected, 
than a supernumerary one. If it is meant, the 
three shall be taken from the people at large, 
■which I will not imagine to be the case, a court 
may be picked; and therefore, that plan ought not 
to be heard of —In this case, I would prefer judges 
during good behavior, eminent for their knowledge 
in the law of nations; and who should be obliged 
to assign at large, the reasons upon which they 
ground their decree. 

The congress would h". vested with the sole and 
exclusive right and power of rcgiilating the alloy 
and value of coin struck by the authority of the re- 
spective states; and of fixing the standard of 
veights and measures throughout the U. States: 
Bat I see no necessity for such delegation. To re- 
gulate the alloy and value of coin is one of the 
•most dislinguisiiing prerogatives of sovereignty, 
nor 9an any of the united states part wilh it with- 
out exposing itself to be drained of specie. Did 
we not a few years ago, encrease the value of dol- 
lars and half jiiiannesses, in order to retain those 
coins; and shall we now part with the very ability 
of retaining coin among us? The balance of trade 
may be against us, then remittances will be made 
in coin, and our produce will be left upon our hands. 
It is our business to endeavor to reverse the case, 
and 1 hope we shall, by refusing to vest the con- 
gress with a power th.»t we have liitherto been able 
to exercise our-ielves with advantage in a time of 
necessity. — Nor do I see any reason for our resign- 
ing the' power of fixing tiie standard of our weights 
and measures. Tiie states are very competent to 
this business. Let the wci^lits and measures be 



to each of the quotas; and they rank wilh regi- 
mental officers. I cannot see the shadow of a 
good reason, why the states should not have the 
appointment of all officers necessary to complete 
iheir respective quotas. Tiieir honor, interest and 
safety arc immediately and primarily effected, by 
'.he proper formation and regulation of their quo- 
tas. Their respective spheres of action, being 
within a very small circle, in comparison of that, 
in which the congress preside; they must of conse- 
quence be enabled to view objects at a nearer dis- 
'ance — to penetrate into the churacters and abili- 
ties of candidates, and to mske a proper choice 
with more accuracy and precision, than congress 
can be supposed to do. They will have enough 
upon their hands, in actuating the great machine 
of government. Their attention necessarily en - 
gaged in general and important afl'iiirs, ought not 
to be permitted to be drawn off, by those inferior 
objects which can more minutely and therefore bet- 
ter be examined by the respective states. This 
ought to be a fundamental maxim in the confede- 
rated policy. There is justice in it; and I will be 
bold to say, it arises from principles of true wis- 
dom. It will display a confidence on the part of 
congress in the several states; and this must 
be the grand basis of their independency and free- 
dom. We do not mean, unnecessarily to delegate 
any part of our sovereignty: We are willing to sa- 
crifice only such parts of it, as are necessary to 
be sacrificed for the general safety. In short, we 
enter into this confederacy, on the same principle 
only, that men enter into society. 

But independent of this position, as a matter 
of right, I will consider the claim upon the foot- 
ing of common prudence and experience. Wlien- 
ever congress sil, there will be a number of per- 
sons, especially from tlie nearer states, soliciting 
ofiices: They will form acquaintances with the 
members; and we know the common efl »ci of such 
connections. In consequence?, congress may ap- 
point even an unexceptionable person, as to his 
character and capacity, to a post in a state in which 



ever so variable in the several states, the price of he has no connections, and of which he is not a 
commodities will ever be adequate to the varia member: This may occasion an envy against the 
tion in the respective markets. (officer, even to the detriment of the public service; 

Congress"^ desire to be invested with tlie "ap-i^nd a displeasure against congress, for having 
pointing all officers in the land forces, excepting Liade, as it may be deemed, an appointment inju- 
regimentil officers." ggBjjj^ar fom sedng any ab- rious to those individuals of that slate, who were 
solute necessity for t^^Aving such a power, 1 i^ every respect capable of the office, and whom 
can see no degree of coWmon propriety to war- Uhe public would wish to see in it. Or congress 
rant the cliim. Tiie several states .are to raise | may be induced to appoint a member of the stale, 
the reginnents composing the land forces. Depot) jbut such a one as the people never would have 
slaflT officers in panivular are absolutely necessary 'chosen, because they know him to be unequal to 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



103 



the trust. To say such things ought not to be sup-' 
posed, is to say but little: Every page in history— 
the known disposition of the human heart inform 
us, that nothing is more likely to happen. I am 
tlierefore clearly against the clause — all officers 
excepting regimental officers. And indeed I am of 
opinion, that of as many brigades as the quota of 
any state may eonsist, so many brigadiers general 
should that slate nominate; the eldest of whom 
should command the whole, while in the state, 
and not therein actually assisted by the majorpart 
of another quota, commanded by a superior officer. 
Let congress appoint a generalissimo and major- 
generals — these are proper to command two or 
more quotas when in conjunction: And the states 
being divided into departmea's, a proper number 
of mnjor generals may command in them. 

In a confederacy of states, for the purpose of 

general security by arms, I cannot but conceive, 
that there ought of prudence and necessity, to be 

a clause, at least obliging the parties to furnish 



quotas were specified, I may say even in a more 
positive manner: Yet the emperor and Holland 
were yearly more and more deficient. The war 
was of necessity to proceed; and as the other aHies 
failed in their quotas, so England was obliged to 
encrease her exertions; and to such a degree was 
the one and theother, that at length England almost 
entirely supported the war, while the emperor had 
but little more than a single regiment at his own 
expense, that could be said properly to act against 
the common enemy. Mankind are not more honest 
in their principles, or faithful to their engagements 
than they then were, nor will they be so. Honor, 
duty and our most essential interests, have loudly 
and in vain called upon the Americans, to complete 
their quotas. They are as strongly bound by the 
principles upon which the quota clause is formed, 
as they can possibly be, if that clause without aid, 
become a part of the confederation. S'ii-dl we shut 
our eyes, and absolutely trust our liberties and 
safety to a clause, that as it stands, we experi- 



their respective quotas, beyond the possibility of inientally know will fail us in the hour of necessity? 



a neglect or evasion with impunity. But, I see no 
such clause in the confederation before us— the 
main pillar of security therefore is not in it. It is 
true, there is a lona: clause respecting quotas: But, 



While 1 retain my proper senses, I cannot. 

Nor are thi\se my only objections against that 
clause in its present state: There is a degree of 
injustice in its tendency. I do not mean that it 



it is oaly directory. And how many such laws are ! ^^ designed. By there not being any thing com- 
there, which are regarded ;is nugatory, merely for ^^jjj^^ j,^ j^^ j^ ^^^ ^ tendency to expose an unequal 



the want of a penal clause? Have we not had suf- 
ficient experience, of the inelfiicacy of that chiuse 
relating to quotas? Before it was inserted in the 
plan of conftderation, did not co.igress act upon 
the very principles contained in it? The present 
quotas of the respective states, were arranged up- 
on a computation of their respective abilities. The 
numbers were sufficient, with the favor of Heaven, 
nay abundantly sufficient almost without effusion 
of blood, to captivate all the British forces in Ame- 
rica. B It, when they ought to have crushed tlie 
ungenerous foe, they wefe not even raised in the 
most populous states. These principles, even in 
the hour of ttie most pressing necessity, have been 
neglected with impunity, at our hands, to the 
imminent hizard of the liberties of America. Are 
we not to be instructed, even by a bloody experi- 
ence? Shall we not receive light, even from the 
conflagrations spread over our land? Oi! why has 
our beneficent Creator endowed us with recoUec 
tion!— Mr. Chairman, pardon me; I am hurt- 
pierced to the quick, at an onission of the most 
fatal nature. It is a symptom filling me with tortur 
ing apprehensions. 

Upon such principles was the allied army to be 
farmed, under the great duke oi Marlboroygh. The 



proportion of the strength of some states, to the 
hazards of war in defence of the confederation. 
And the first principles of justice direct, that thi.s 
■ langer should he provided against, as far as may 
he. We well know, that man is so selfish and un- 
generous a being, that he will, when he can, throw 
his load upon the shoulder of his neighbor. Men 
form states — these act upon tiie same principle; 
and accordingly we find, that tlie emperor and 
//o/Zfliu/ unjustly placed a load upon England, X\\&t 
almost crushed her. It is agninst such an evasion 
of duty, tnd such a forced assumption of burden, 
that I wis"W to provide— and they ought to be 
guarded against by every possible means. Let it 
not be said, the confederated treasury is to pay 
the whole expense jnciu-red — that is not the point: 
But if it Was, is tlierft the least security that thera 
shall be money in th.it treasury i" — My aim is to 
protect the stafes from a more fatal injury — to 
preserve them from the necessity of sacrificing, an 
unreasonable proportioMMBfe flower of their peo- 
ple. An ardour for tj^Hj^lic weal, may involve 
generous states, in the utmost distress; and throw 
them a century or two behind those ungenerous 
ones they saved. Nor can the confederation make 
'them amends for that loss, w!iich, of all that can 



10-i 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



happeii, is the greatest. Valerius Maxinms sai'i, I 
severity is the sure preserver and avenger of li- 
berty. 

Sic, when 1 consider, the extent oP territory 
possessed by the thirteen states— the value of that 
territory; and that the three most southern, must 
daily and rapidly encrease in population, riches 
and importance. When I reflect, that from the 
nature of the climate, soil and produce of the 
several states, a northern and southern interest in 
many particulars naturally and unavoidably arise; 
I cannot btit be displeased with the prospect, that 
the most important transactions in congress, oiay 
be done contrary to the united opposition of Vir- 
ginia, the two CaroUnas and Georgia: States 
possessing more than one half of the whole ter- 
ritory of the confederacy; and forming, as I may 
aay, the body of the southern interest. If things 
of such traoscendant weight, may be done not- 
withstanding such an opposition; the honor, interest 
and sovereignty of the south, are in effect delivered 
up to the care of the north. Do we intend to make 
such a surrender? I hope not, there is no occasion 
for it. Nor would Ihaveit understood, that I fear 
the north would abuse the confidence of th« south: 
But common prudence, sir, admonishes me, that 
confidence should not wantonly be placed any 
where — it is but the other day, that we thought 
our liberties secure in the care of Britain. I am 
assisting to form the confederation of the United 
States: It is my duty to speak, and to speak plainly.- 
I engage in this great work with a determined 
purpsse, to endeavor, as far as my slender abiliiies 
enable me, to render it equal, just and binding. I 
presume, that all my coadjutors in the several 
slates, in and out of congress, act upon this senti- 
ment; nor can I admit a contrary idea When all 
mean fair, equitable terms are not difficult to be 
adjusted: I therefore hope, I shall not be thought 
unreasonable, because I object to the nlie voices 
in congress; and wish thit eleven may be substitut- 
ed, to enable that body, to transact their most im- 
portant business. The states general of Holland, 
must be unanimous: Their government is ac- 
counted a wise or^e; and although it causes their 
proceedings to be slow, yet, it secures the free- 
dom and interest of its respective states. Is not 
this our great aiai' .' 

For the present, I here, Sir, limit my particular 
objection to the p!an und^r consideration: I have 
made these with the highest reluctance. In a word, 
I cannot admit of any confederation, that gives con- 
gress any power, that can wiih propriety, be exer- 
cised by the several states — or any power, but what 



is '-I early defitsed beyond a doubt. N >i- can I think 
of entering into any engagements, which are not 
as equal as may be, between the states— engage- 
ments of a compelling nature, and the whole to be 
understood according to tl)e letter only. Without 
these five leading prij<ciples, a confederation is not 
a desirable object in my opinion. 

Thus, Mr. Chairman, have I complied with the 
first division of my subject — •"^ p^rf rm the second 
is a much morp arduous task: B i' before I proceed, 
I must crave the kind indulgence of your hinor, 
and the house; I fear I have too long intruded upon 
your attention. 

It is with the greatest diffidence, sir, that I pre' 
sume to throw out my ideas of such terms as ia 
my opinion are desirable, attainable and likely to 
form a beneficial confederation. In doing this, I 
flatter myself, it will not be understood, that I an) 
so weak as to think them unexceptiin-ible. Indeed 
I declare, the sketch I shall draw, will not be such 
an one, as I would prefer, and think the most per^ 
feet. From the complexion of the present plan, 
and the labor and time spent upon it, I fear, that 
which I would wish, cannot be attained: And 
hence, I mean to conform my ideas to the scheme 
la'd down by congress; with design respectfully 
and zealously to endeavor to render as little liable 
to objection as I can, the scheme likely to take 
(ff:'ct. I shall therefore sketch the plan of a con- 
federation in the following order. The appellation 
of the country in which the confederacy is formed 
— a confederated union, and its objects declared—? 
the stile of the confederacy— the constitution oi 
its legislacive and executive — the powers of each 
described and limited, and their respective duties 
pointed out — the public faith plighted for past 
engagements of congress — the engagements of the 
several states to each other, and declaration of their 
rights --a declaration of the capability of admission 
into the confederacy— the penalty of violating the 
iricles of confederation — tlie obligatory nature of 
\he confederation; and in what manner only it is 
capable of alteration — he rule by which the con- 
federation shall be understood. 

AMERICA. 

THE CONFEnEHATlOl OF THE UNITED STATES. 

..'3 confederated union, and its objects declared. 

Art. 1. A confederation between the independ- 
ent, free and sovereign states of New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts Bay, Itaode-lsland and Providence 
Plantations, Connecticut, New- York, New-Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North 
Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, is hereby 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



105 



sule.nnly made, uiiiving them logelher und- r on* > Th- poivers of ike lorgnss and the committee of the 
general superintendinj,' governme^it, for their com- 
mon defence and security, against all designs and 
le:.g'ies that m'^y be detrimenlal to their interests; 
and ;igHinst all force and attacks offered to or made 
upon them or any of them. 

The style of the confederacy declared. 
Art. 2. The style of the confederacy shall be, the 
United States of America. 



The legislative and executive constituted. 
Jin. 3. The legislative for the confederacy shall 
be in a congress composed of delegates from each 
of the United St»les— the congress shall be styled, 
The congress of America, and one of the delegates 
shall, by the others, be elected to preside in it. 
Tlie delegates shall be annually nominated by iheir 
yespective legislatures, to meet in the congress of 
.'Imerica, on the fifteenth day of March in every 
year. Each state shall be represented in congress, 
by not less than three, nor more than seven dele- 
gttes; and shall have one vote in congress, where 
all questions shall be determined by a majority 
of votes, except such as shall be hereinafter 
me;5tioned. Any state neglecting to have a re 



United States of .hiieiicr. descridtd und limited, 
and their respective duties pointed oat. 

.^rt. 4 The congress sliall have power to ap- 
point one of their number to preside i'> it — to mak e 
rules for rf^giila'irg ihfir proceedings — to declare 
what shall be d* emed treason against the United 
States of Ameriia, and in what manner such trea- 
son shall be punished — the congress shall have the 
sole power of declaring war and peace — sending 
i-.mbassadors to, and receiving them froni, foreign 
princes and slates — entering into and concluding 
treaties and alliances with foreign powers — ascer- 
taining the military land quota of each state, iit 
proportion to the number of while inhabitants 
therein respectively — building, purchasing and 
f quipping a navul force, in the service of the Unit- 
ed States of America — rating anrl cai;sing taxes to 
be levied, throughout the United Slates, for the 
service of the confederacy — appointing a gene- 
ralissimo and commander in chief of the land 
forces, major generals, principal staff officers, and 
^ war-office, styled Tiie war -office of America — 
nominating an admiralissimo and commander in 
chief of the naval forces, all subordinate officers in 
the naval force m the service of the United Slues, 



Dresentation in congress, shall nevertheless be j • i. n- . i i -ro ,< j • i. 
lJii,»ciimi.iuit 1 1 I. {, , \i\nil an admirally-omce, styled The admiraltv- 

bound bv the act of congress, as if Its representa- ,„ ,. . ui- i • „ ... „ „ m 

" ' "'^ "^ b » ... office 01 America — establishir.g a treasury office, 

tion was present. E ich state shall maintain its , , , ^ ~ . , . 

liuii TVttB i^ic^jt II. x^ styled The treasury office of America— supplying 

own delecates. No delesjrate shall be a member , „ ,. ,, ■ • ,u -i -i-, ■ 

" o and nlhng up all vacancies m the said miliiay and 

of cone-ress for more than three years, in any term i . ut u , i- 4k„ i i i. 

o •' • naval establ.shmen's; and m the said war, aumirulty 

of six years. Nor shall any member of congress j »„„ . „ «: . „ i,- „ i. r ti 

■' -^ . ' ^nd treasury otnces — makmg rules for the gov? rn- 

be Capable of holding any office under the United i-,K^„„:i i;,„..„ „ , »„„ „ ,. i *• 

•^ t) / ment ot the said military quotas, naval force, war. 



States of America, for whiih he, or any other for 
his benefit, receives any salary or emolument of 
any kind; for bis acceptance of any such offict 
shall vacate his seat in congress; nor shall he be 
re eleced as a member whiielie holds such office. 
Freedom of debate and speeth shall be allowed 
in congress, nor shall any thing done in congre.ss 
be impeached or questioned out of it. The dele- 
gates shall be protected in their persons fron; 
arrests and imprisonments, except for treason, 
felony or breach of the peace. The e.xecutive for 
the confederacy shall be in the congress, and dur 
ing its recess in a committee of their body, which 
shall be styled. The committee ofthe United States 
•f America. This committee shall consist of one 
delegate from each state, the president of the con- 
gress being one, and he shall preside in it— all ques 
tions therein shall be determined by a majority of 
votes, and their acts shall be binding upon llie Unit 
ed Slates, notwithslauuing the absence of any mem- 
ber of it, 
U. 



ydmiralty and treasury offices — directing, order- 
ing and commanding the said military quotas, naval 
force, generalissimo, major generals, principal staff 
iifficers, admiralissimo, subordinate officers, war, 
naval and treasury offices, in all tlieir operations 
and psoceedin^s — ciniitlng and borrowing money 
upon the credit of the United States, from lime to 
lime, not exceeding the sum ascertained as neces- 
s-iry 10 be raised for the service ofthe confederac); 
iransmittiig to the several states, half yearly, an 
account of the sums of money so emitted and 
borrowed — .pplying the said sums of money ascer- 
lained to be raised, and allowed to be envitted and 
borrowed, for defraying the publio expense — col- 
lecting military stores and provisions, and issuing 
them for the service of J|M||i^iied States — grant- 
ing letters of marque an^^^isal — declaring what 
captures on land and on water shall be legal; and 
in what manner such captures, by the land and 
naval forces in the service of the Unite.! Siatcsi, 
.ijhiill be divided and appropriated — appointing 



106 



PRINCIPLES 7\ND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



courts in l'»e several Uiiiled States for trial of beginning, until the number shall be reduced to 
piracies conimitted on the high seas, and for decid- 1 thirteen; at>d from that ni;mbcr not lesa than seven, 
ing finally appeals in all cases of capture, arising [nor more than nii e, ts congiess shall direct, shall, 
in such states respectively— appointing all sucli j in presence of the congress, and the said lawful 
civil officers as nnay be necessary for transp.cting agents, be drawn out by lot, by the secretary of 
and managing the general affairs of the United, the congress, and the persons whose names shall 
States; ascertaining their duties, and, except j he so drawn, or any five of them, shall be judges 
judicial officers, directing their proceedings — to hear and finally determine the controversy i.i 
regulating tlie alloy and value of coin struck by the manner, and the proceedings thereupon shall 
their authority— esiablishing and regulating post be tlie same as specified relative to the court 
offices throughout the United Stales; exacting chosen by the said lawful agents: And if either 
such postage as may be necessary to defray the party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, 
expense of the said offices, or any part thereof— or being present, shall refuse to strike, the con- 
regulating the afiL'irs and trade of the Inc.'iatis, not fgress shall proceed to nominate three persons of 
members of any state — being the dernier resort, on the representation of each of the United Stales, in 
appeal in all cases of dispute, between any two or manner already specified and provided, and the 
more of the United States, and this power shall secretary of the congress shall strike in beiialf of 
be exercised in the following manner, that is to such party absent or refusing — the judges shall be 
say — whenever the legislative or executive au-' drawn — their powers and duties shall be the same, 
thority, or lawful agent, thereunto legally required,: as shall be the proceedings of congress, as are 
of any stale in controversy with another or others, specified relative to the court formed by the joint 
shall present a petition to the congress, stating the , choice of the lawful agents. And in any court so 
matter in question, and praying for a hearing, (provisional by directed to be constituted, if cither r,f 
notice thereof shall, within ten days, be given, by [the parties siiall refuse to submit to the authori'y 
order of congress, to the legislative or executive; of the court, or shall not appear therein to support 
authority of tlie other state or states in controversy,! or defend their cause, the court shall, iiotwitii- 
assigning a day, not sooner than six months, nor! standing, proceed to hear and to pronounce i:s 
later than nine months, to the parties to appear decree, which shall be attended with the same 
before them, by their lawful agents; who shall effects, as are above specified, relative to the court 
in their presence, on the day assigned, be by themichosen by joint consent. Every judge, before he 
directed to appoint, by joint consent, within ten) sits in judgment in any such case, shall take an 
days thereafter, seven judges to constitute a court j oath, to be administered by any one of the judges 
lor hearing and finally determining tlie matter in i of the supreme or superior court of the state, i« 
qaestion, according to the law of nations: who [which the cause shall be tried, "well and truly to 
shall sit, if it be necessary, from day to day, not j hear and determine the present matter in question 
exceeding ten days, Sunday excepted, and give I between and according to 

their final decree by a majority of voices, with the, the best of his judgment, without favor, affection, 
reasons at large upon which they found it; which fee or hope of reward:" the blanks being supplied 



decree and reasons shall be by them returned to 
the congress, and by them be deposited among 



with the description c f the parties. And all con. 
troversies concerning the private right of soil, 



their acts, for the security of the parties concerned; : claimed under the different grants, of two or more 



the congress causing the decree to be peremptorily 
executed without loss of time. But, if t!ie said 
lawful agents shall not, within the said ten days, 
agree in a nomination of the seven judges, con- 
gress shall, within three days, name three delegates 
of the representation of each of the United Slates, 
(provided the president of the congress shall not 



of the United Slates, whose jurisdictions, as they 
may respect such soil, and the states which passed 
such grants, the grants or either of them being at 
thesametimeclaimedtohave originated antecedent 
to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall be proceed. 
ed in, as nearly as may be, agreeable to the tiial 
specified to be had in controversies between any 



be one, and that if such a nomination of three dele- [ two or more of the United States. The congress 



gates cannot oiherwi^f?wl. made, that congress 
shall have power, of theic,^,oly, to elect a person 



shall further have the power of adjourning to any 
time, not exceeding six months, and to any place 



to represent the state in his room) and from thr i within the United States of America — appointing 
list of such persons, each party in controvei s) the committee of the United States ol America— 
thall alternately strike out one, the neiitionersj vesting them with such of their powers accjidirg 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



107 



to their authority and discretion; examining into 
their journals and proceedings. But the congresf- 
shall not declare what shall be treason against the 
United States, nor the punishment of it, but by 
the voice of each of the United States in congi*ess 
— nor shall the congress engage in war- -nor enter 
into or conclude any treaty or alliance — nor ascer 
tain the military land quota of the states — nor 
build, purchase or equip a naval force — nor rate 
or cause a general tax to be levied — nor appoint 
a generalissimo — nor nominate an admiralissimo — 
nor emit or borrow money — nor grant letters of 
marque and reprisal in time of peace, except by 
the consent of eleven votes in the congress — nor 
shall the congress vest any of these powers in the 
committee of the United States— nor shall any per- 
son officiate as president of the congress, longer 
than one year in any term of three years — nor shall 
the congress exercise any power, but what is here 
by expressly delegated to them. The congress, 
and the committee of the United States, shall 
respectively publish the journal of their proceed 
ings monthly, except such parts thereof relating 
to treaties, alliances and military operations, as 
they respectively shall think require secrecy; and 
the yeas and nays of theseveral delegates inthecon- 
gress, and in the committee of the United States, 
shall be entered on their respective journals, when 
desired by any delegate present, who, at bis re 
quest, shall be furnished with a transcript of the 
said journals respectively, except such parts as 
are above excepted, to lay before the legislature 
of the several states. The committee of the Unit- 
ed States shall at all times lay their journals and 
proceedings before the congress, when by them 
required. And with the powers herein delegated 
to the congress, and that may by them be delegated 
to the committee of the United States of America, 
they and each of them shall endeavor, that the con 
federacy receive no detriment. 
The public fuiih pledged for past engagements of con- 
gress. 

■Art. 5. All bills of credit emitted, monies bor 
rowed, and debts contracted by the congress of 
the United St.ites, or under their authority, before 
this confederation, shall be deemed and considered 
as a charge against the United States of America; 
for full payment and satisfaction whereof, the said 
United Spates and the public faiih are hereby 
solemnly pledged. 

The engagements of the several states to each other, 
and declaration of their rights. 

Art. 6. There shall be a mutual friend.ship and 
intercourse among the people of the several stales 



in this union— the free white inhabitants of each 
■^f these states, (those who refuse to take up arms 
in defence of the confederacy, paupers, vagabonds 
and fugitives from justice excepted) shall be 
entitled to all privileges and immunities of free 
citizens in the several states, according to the 
laws of such state respectively, for the govern- 
ment of their own free white inhabitants — havinp- 
uninterupted ingress and regress, together with 
their property, to and from any other of the United 
States; subject nevertheless to the duties, imposi- 
tions and restrictions, as the inhabitants thereof 
respectively; provided, that such restrictions shall 
not extend to defeat the articles of this confedera- 
tion, or any part thereof: Provided also, that no 
duty, imposition or restriction shall be laid by any 
state, on the property of the United States, or of 
the government, in either of them, except in cases 
of embargo. 

If any person charged with, or guilty of treason, 
felony or other high misdemeanor in any of the 
respective states, shall flee from justice, and be 
found in any of the states, upon the demand of the 
executive power in the state from which he fled, 
iie shall be delivered up, and removed to the state 
having jurisdiction of the offence, that state de- 
fraying the expense of the removal. And full 
faith and credit shall be given throughout the 
United States to the acts, records and judicial pro- 
ceedings of the courts and magistrates in each. 

No state shall lay or allow to continue any 
prohibition, impost or duty, which m .y interfere 
with any treaty, which shall be made by the con- 
gress with any fjreign power— no st;tte sl.all 
engage in any v/ar, without the consent of the con- 
gress, unless such state be actually invaded by an 
enemy; or shall have received certain intelligence 

f such hostile design, formed by some nation of 
Indians, and the danger is so imminent as not to 
admit of a delay — no state shall grant letters of 
marque and reprisal, but afier a declaration of war 
by the congress; and then only against the power 
against whom the war has been so declared, except 
such state be infested by piracies, in w!iich case 
vessels of war may be fitted out by that state for 
the occasion only— no state shall enter into any 
conference, agreement, treaty or alliance with any 
king, prince or foreign stat^^gflor shall any person, 
holding any office under J^^pRited States, or un- 
der any of ti.em, accept oWRy present, emolument, 

ffi>:e or title, from any king or foreign state, with- 
>ut being thereby absolutely rendered forever 
incapable of any public trust, under the United 
States, or any of them— nor shall any of these states 



108 



rUlNCiPLES AND ACTS OF THK REVOLUTION. 



pant any title oS' nobility: Bui precideiice ai.c' 
rank shall be thus established: The president of 
*he congress of America— the supreme civil officer 
of a state while in it — the gewernlissinio and 
adiriraHssimo, and they according to seniority — 
the regular forces by hnd and sea, in the service 
of the United States — the regular forces by land 
and sea, in the service of a particular state, ranking 
with such forces in the service of any other state 
—the militia of a stole, ranking with the militia of 
any other — officers of equ:*l degree, shall command 
according to the rank hereby laid down for their 
respective corps; and officers of the same corps, 
being of equal degree, shall command by seniority 
of commission. 

T!,*: military l;uid quota of each of the United 
States shall be in proportion to the number of 
white inhabitants in each — the legislature in the 
several states shall, from time to time, cause all 
the white inhabitants therein, to be numbered as 
reurly as may I'e — the persons appointed to num 
ber them, shall be sworn to make the most diligent 
and accurate enquiry that they can, and to return 
to the executive power in the state, the true num 
ber they shall so fiiid — they shall be paid for theii- 
trouble, and punished for their neglect, if any 
there shall be — the executive authority in each 
state, having received such a return, shall without 
loss of time send it, or an exact copy of it, to the 
congress — such a return to the congress siiall be 
made before the first day of January next, and in 
6very seventh year thereafter — the several states 
shall, in due time, embody the several military 
quotas required by the congress, and shall raise, 
clothe, ai m and maintain them, at the general ex- 
pense, rated by the congress— the several states 
sl;all appoint all the regimental and deputy staff 
officers incidental to their quotas; and into as many 
brigades as the congress shall bi igade their respec 
tive quotas, so many brigadier-generals, shaiJ such 
respccive state nominate, the whole to be com- 
niissioned by the congress — all vacancies in a quota 
shall be supplied by its state — the executive power 
in each state, except that in which the congress be 
sitting, shall, under the authority and controul ot 
the congress, direct tlie land forces, ships and ves- 
sels of war, and all officers incidental thereto, in 
the service of the United States, within such state 
— the proportionate pewMfiary quotas of the several 
states shall be regulated in proportion to the num- 
ber of inhabitants in each state respectively 

whenever such pecuniary quotas for the service of 
the United Stales shall be required by congress, 
tey shall state the capitation rate— each stalt 



shall then appoint persons to number its whole 
inhabitants, according to the mode stated to ascer- 
tain the number of white inhabitants in each state, 
such persons being also caused to specify the num- 
ber of wliile, mustizo, mulatto and negro inhabitants 
respectively — such a numeration being duly return- 
ed, the legislature in each state shall levy the sum 
of money to arise therefrom, in such mode as they 
shall deem expedient; and a true copy of the said 
return shall, without loss of time, be sent to con- 
gress — the several states shall duly pay their 
pecuniary quotas into the treasury office of Ame- 
rica, by the timementioned by the congress for such 
payment, unless to the contrary directed for the 
good of the public service; in which case, such state 
so directed shall, within twelve months, duly ac- 
count with the said treasury -office forthepecimiary 
quota, or part thereof ^o directed to be retained 
— each state shall, within five years, establish a 
foundation for a naval seminary, making suitable 
provision for the constant maintenance, education 
and fitting for sea, five youths for every thousand 
white inhabitants within such slate: Every such 
youth shall be admitted upon such establishment, 
at ten years of age: At the age of fourteen, he shall 
be bound an apprentice in the sea service for seven 
years, completely furnished with necessary clothes 
and bedding: At the expiration of that term, he 
shall be liable for a term of seven years, in lime of 
war, to do duty, or to find a seaman to do duty in 
his room, on board the naval force in the service 
of the United Slates, or in that of the state in 
v>hich he was so educated: And he or his sub- 
stitute, as the case may be, shall for such service 
be free from every tax; and losing the use of a limb 
in the public service, shall be maintained ever after 
at the expense of the United States, or of that 
state in whose particular service he was so maimed. 
Each state shall make suitable laws for rendering 
this naval establishment a public benefit — all ge- 
neral officers, flag officers and commodores, shall 
be created by election only, nor shall the princi- 
pie of seniority give any title to such promotion — 
no state shall exercise any power hereby delegated 
to the congress: But it is declared, the several 
states do possess and enjoy all those natural rights 
and powers of sovereignty, not by this act delegat- 
ed: And it is also declared, that whenever the con- 
gress shall cease to observe these articles of con- 
federation, the several states shall be at liberty to 
declare themselves absolved from all obedience to 
that government * 



•For, whenever a question arises between tlie society at large and 
any manistrale vested with powers originally delega'ed by that so- 
ciety, it must be decided by the voice of that society itsell; there i> 
cotupou earth any other tribunal to resort to.— 1 Ulac/aivnejtli' 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



i09 



A declaration of the capability of admission into the 
confederacy. 
Art. 7. Canida, acceding to this confederation, 
and joining in the measures of the ITniied States, 
shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the ad- 
vantages of this union; and shall be equally, with 
any other of the United States, solemnly bound to 
a strict observance of and obedience to these arti 
cles; as shall be also, any other colony which shall 
be admitted into this confederacy. The eleven 
votes in congress shall be increased in proportion 
as the confer^eracy is ex ended: But, except Ca- 
vadq, no other colony shall be admitted into the 
confederacy without the assent of eleven or more 
votes, as the case may require, by the confederation 
being extend -jd. 

The penalty ef violating the articles of confederation 
Art. 8. Forthebetterassuranceof the benefits ex 
peeled from this confederation, voluntarily entered 
into by the several states; to guard, as far as may 
be, against the negligence and weakness of men; 
and to stimulate the several states to a due, regular 
and punctual obedience to this confederation, and 
performance of their several duties herem ex- 
pressed it is declared, that if any state shall fail 
ill causing its military quota to be duly embodied; 
or fail in causing its pecuftiary quota or proportion 
of the general tax throughout the United States 
to be duly levied and paid, in either of such esses 
the state, so making default, shall, within twelve 
months thereafter, pay into the treasury office of 
America, for the use of the United States, in the 
first case, double the sum of money necessary to 
its military quo' a, at the time it should have been 
embodied; in the second case, double the sum of 
money its pecuniary quota or proportion of the ge- 
neral tax would have amounted to, if due payment 
had been made, and which shall be estimated from 
its last return of inhabitants: And in default of the 
due payment of either of such penalties, or in case 
any of the United States shall in any other respect 
violate any of the articles of this confederation, the 
congress shall, within one year thereafter, declare 
such state under the ban of the confederac), and 
by the utmost vigor of arms shall forthwith proceed 
against such state, until it shall have paid due 
obedience, upon which the ban shall be taken off 
and the state shall be restored to the benefits of 
this confederacy. 

A declaration of the obligatory nntnre of the con- 
federation, and in luhat manner it is capable of any 
alteration. 

Art. 9. Tlie articles of this confederation shall 
be strictly binding upon, and inviolably observed 



by the parties interested therein: Nor (rhM any 
alteration be made in them, or any of them, unless 
s'>ch alteration shall be .-igreed to in the congress, 
and allowed by the legislature of every state in 
the confederacy. 

The rule* by ivlnch the coiife deration shall be under- 
stood. 
Art. 10. To avoid, as far as may be, the dangers 
that may arise from an erroneous construction of 
the articles of this confederation, and to prevent a 
contrariety of opinion upon them, they shall be un- 
derstood according to the exoressionand not other- 
wise. And all acts of tlic congress and of the com- 
mittee of the United States, shall be taken only in 
the same manner. 

In solemn confii-mation and testimony whereof, 
we, the delegates f r the states of New Hampshire, 
Vlassachuset.s-Bay, Rhode-Island and Providence 
Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia. North 
Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, in congress 
of the United States, being duly authorised there, 
unto by tcts of the legislature of our respective 
states, for ihem and on their behalf, do hereunto 
sign our names and affix our seals at arms. 
Done at in the state of 

this day of in the year of 

our Lord and in the year 

of tiie sovereignty of Anr.erica. 

You tnust have observed, Mr. Chairman, tha' my 
ideas have been collected but to one point — an 
endeavor to render the plan before us as little 
liable to objection as I cav — I have not presumed 
to touch its general scheme. 1 wi'^h to have the 
opening of a congress altered from Novembtr to 
February, March or April, for the reasons I have 
assigned: Iliave chosen March, a month particularly 
distinguishing tl>e laudable exertions of this state; 
a month, remarkable for great events respecting 
the liberties of America; a month, including the 
date of the declension of Gieat Britain,- a month, 
that ever will be famous for the patriotic execu- 
tion of a Roman tyrant — but I am not obstinate in 
tliis choice. I shotjld most readily admit the 
famous 19th of April — the commencement of the 
civil war: Or the 4lh of July, the illustrious 
epocha of the sovereignty of America! A dwy that 
ought to be l)eid in ev^^^ing remembriince — a 
day that naturally poj^Hmit the time for the 
■innual meeting of the congress of America, to 
watch for the permanency of its independence. 

I have increased the least representation in con- 
gress, in order to procure a more numerous re- 



no 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



presentation of the states, and to give efficacy to 
the mode of trial of disputes between the states: 
for a numerous representation is a guard against 
corrup^tion; and nothing should be left at hazard 
t^at can be avoided — it seems requisite to declare, 
that a state shall be bound by the act of the con- 
gress, or the committee of the United States, 
although i^s representation shall not be present; 
for this will have a tendency to urge the states to 
preserve their representation. 1 think it is utterly 
impolitic to exclude a member of congress from 
being nominated to an ofRce, under the United 
States; for many a man, may be capable of perform- 
ing much more important service in such a station 
than in congress: But 1 have already given my 
opinion fully on that subject. It seems necessary 
to the despatch of business, that the president of 
congress should also be the president of the com- 
tnittee of the United States: For this body is to 
proceed in the business begun by the other — con- 
gress ought to have the power of declaring treason: 
For the power is a great means of guarding against 
internal machinations; and it naturally appertains 
to such a body — An admiralissimo is necessary: for 
the navy should be of right put upon an equal 
footing with the army, in point of rank: America 
must be a great naval power; and every encourag- 
ment should be given that she should be soon so— 
I have mentioned a war and admiralty-office: For 
such establishments do not seem to be regularly 
comprehended in the clause, "other committees 
and civil officers;" the copulative creating an idea 
of civil committees — The restriction upon the con. 
gress nomination to military offices, is grounded 
upon the reasons I have assigned upon that head — 
It does not seem any way expedient that congress 
should have a power of emitting or borrowing morp 
money than the sum they rate as necessary to be 
raised: And, therefore, they ought to be limited in 
that point — courts for the trial of piracies, and 
receiving appeals in cases of capture, should be 
erected in each state: Because people should not 
be obliged to seek justice at a distance, when the% 
can with propriety be allowed t > procure it at home: 
This is a fundamental principle of natural right, 
isanctioned by common law and usage — The law by 
which the right between states in controversy is 
to be determined, ought to be specified; and the 
rule of right not left toMJ|y;aprice of judges — we 
cannot but remember tnSw)igIi authority which 
says, "Misera servitus est, vbi jus en, vagum aut 
incognitum"* The eleven votes seem absolutelv 



*Woful \s thai subjection where the law is un 
certain or unknown. — 4 Just. 246. 



necessary, and perfectly equitable: Cin it possibly 
be thought reasonable, that the southern interest 
should be judged of and determined upon, without 
the consent of, at least, half the states principally 
forming that interest?— It appears evident that the 
free ^uhite inhabitants only of each of the states, 
should be entitled to the privileges and immunities 
of free citizens in the others; and that according 
to the law respecting free white inhabitants in such 
states respectively — the commercial negociations 
of congress, must ever be dilatory in theix progress, 
and their views often unattainable, while exposed 
to a power, in any of the United States, to liy 
duties and impositions contrary to the spirit of 
negociations manifestly to the general advantage: 
Such a power therefore should not exist— The 
greatest obstacles should be laid in the way of 
public officers receiving any douceur from a foreign 
prince — It seems absolutely necessary, that prece- 
dence and rank should be established; for without 
it jealousies and confusions may arise — The numera- 
tion of the white inhabitants ought to be frequently 
made, and with the utmost accuracy: This being 
the best means of enabling the congress to wield 
the strength of America with equal justice to the 
several states, and with vigor in defence of the 
confederacy. And the mode in which this numera- 
tion shall be made, and the general tax shall be 
raised, ought to be specified: These things are 
capable of beitg regulated in an easy, plain, equit- 
able and punctual manner — The unanimous vote is 
iiighly expedient in the case of treason: For this 
is a matter of the roost serious importance— The 
eleven voices should be increased as the con- 
federacy is enlarged: For neither the northern nor 
southern interest should be effected, but by the 
consent of at least half the states in such interests 
espectively — The penal article justifies itself- as 
ioes that upon the construction of the confedera- 
tion, and of the acts of congress and of the com- 
mittee of the United States. 

In addition, sir, to this concise state of my rea- 
sons for some of the principal alterations I have 
made, I must beg leave to be more particular in 
my arguments in support of others, which I have 
much at heart and wish to make; because I have 
not had an opportunity of introducing them witii 
propriety. I will endeavor to be as short as the 
importance of the subject will admit. 

I have excluded those from the privileges of free 
while inhabitants in the several states who refuse 
to take up arms in defence of the confederacy— a 
measure in my opinion perfectly just. II is said, 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Ill 



example is before precept. Lei ihe Qviakers takei inconsistent with the great laws of nature, and with 
shelter undf^r any text in scripture they please— the necessary state of human society, cannot be 
the best they can find, is but a far-fetched implica- ] inspired by the divinity. Self-defence is as neces- 
tion in their favor. However, had their prtcept jsary to nations as men. And shall particulars have 



been in more positive tern-s, I think I have an ex- 
ample at hand capable of driving them from such 
a cover. We read that "Jesus went into the tem- 
ple of God, and cast out all them that sold and 
bought in the temple, and overthrew the tables of 
the money chang^ers " Here we see the arm ef the 
flesh raised up, and a d«gree of hostile violence 
exercised, sufficient to the end in view: And shall 
it be said vrolence is not justifiable? Did not God 
command Jiloses to number "all that were able to 
^0 forth in luar in Israel?" Did not jTIuses, by the 



a right which nations have not.' True religion is 
the perfection of reason. Fanaticism is the dis- 
grace, the destruction of reason." Than all this 
nothing can be more just, certain and evident. Can 
those men reasonably claim an equal participation 
in civil rig^.ts who, under any pretence whatsoever, 
will not assist in defending them? Shall there be 
a people maintained in the possession of their 
riches by the labor and blood of other men? Are 
not the quakers, some few excepted, the most 
inveterate enemies to the independence of Arae- 



Divine order, send 12,000 men to cut oW the rica? Have they not openly taken part with those 
Midtanites: And, although "they slew all the in arms against us? I consider them not only as a 
males," were they not reprehended for having dead weight upon our hand, but as a dangerous 



*'saved all the women alive?" Did not the Almighty 
command the children of Israel that, when Ihey 
bad passed into Canaan, "then they should drive 
out all the inhabitants of the land from before 



body in our bosom; I would therefore gladly be 
rid of them. I almost wish to "drive out all such 
inhabitants of the land from before us." The 
Canaanites knew not God. But the Quakers say 



them?" Did not Moses direct that, when the peo-.they know him, and yet, according to the idea of 
pie were "come nigh unto the battle," the /)rjesZ« lord Lyttelton, would have gross folly aadinjusiice 



should encourage them, declaring that the Lord 
their God was with them "to Jig^t for them 
against the'r enemies?" And yet the Quakers have 
sagaciously found out a few words which, by im- 
plication, they contend* restrain from doing no-,v. 



to proceed from the fountain of v/itdom and equity. 
I entertain these sentiments wiih a conscience per- 
fectly at ease on this point. If such treatment shall 
be termed persecution, the conscientious Quakers 
can never take it amiss, when they recollect that 



what God then comm.inded as just. The ^ran</|i'^ is said, "blessed are they who are persecuted for 



principles ofmoiat rectitude are eternal. D.»re the 
Quakers contend that the myriads, who have 
drawn the sword since the christian xra are 
damned for having done so? And unless they main 
tain this position, they seem to have no reasonable 
excuse for their creed and conduct. They seem 
tojiave forgot that it is written, "how hardly shall 
they that have riches enter into the kingdom of 
God'" Are there any people upon the face of the 
earth more diligent after riches than Quakers? We, 
in this time of calamKy, ktiow it to our cost. W^ilh- 
out doubt there are many valuable men of that sect: 
Men of that persuasion are very good citizens in 
time of peace; but it is their 'prii.ciple in time of 
war that I condemn. Is there a Quaker wiio will 
not bring his action for trespass? Is not this an 
opposition to force? Here they forget their prin- 
ciple of meekness and non resistance. The great 
lord Ltjttleton, in his dialogues of the dead, tells 
us, "it is blasphemy to say that any folly could 
come from the fountain of wisdom. W atever is 



•Notwithstanding the precepi, "he that hath no 
sword, let him sell his garment and buy one." 
Si. Luke, x.r(i. 36. 



Christ's sake." I do not consider this as such a per- 
secution: But if they should, can they be displeas- 
ed at being placed in a situation to be blessed? 
And I would lay it down as a truth, that whoever 
of that sect should be offended at such treatment, 
would deserve to be expelled our society, as the 
buyers, sellers and money changers were cast out 
of the temple. I am not afraid of any resentment, 
when it is my duty to act in behalf of the rights and 
interests of America: I trust I fully demonstrated 
this resolution wlien, on the 25lh of April, 1776, I 
had the honor, in tiie supreme seat of justice, to 
make the first public declaration in America, that 
my countrymen owed no allegiance to the king of 
Great Britain. 

I would httve it a point settled in the confedera- 
tion, that all general officers shall be elected— 
eradicating the idea of a promotion to that rank 
by seniority. The idea is monarchical— I do not 
recollect that it was admlSed in the ancient and 
wise republics. The great Hannibal, when very 
young, commanded the Carthciffeniun army in Spain 
over the heads of much old' r officers—and the first 
Jfricanus thought it no diminntion of his honor to 



112 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



serve under his brother Miaticus These are 
illustrious instances of wise policy and honorable 
moderation— it is needless to give others lo the 
Same point. But, at present, officers expect to rise 
by seniority to a general command; and although 
it is declared that a generalissimo shall be elected, 
yet there is but too much reason to apprehend, as this 
is only a positive exception to the idea of seniority, 
and iherpfore scarce sufficient to eradicate the idea 
of promotion according to seniority, that the next 
in rank will always expect the election, and will 
be but too apt to consider himself as ill treated, if 
passed by. Men, now a days, are fond of bein^ 
the only judges of their own importance and merii 
—they generally overrate both. They seem to 
have forgot that a knowledge of one's self is the 
greatest and most difficult that can be acquired; 
and that it scarcely ever was obtained with any 
degree of precision. Men are not called into pub- 
lic stations for their own honor or advantage— but 
merely for the public benefit. The public are there- 
fore the only proper judges who shall serve them, 
and in what posts particular men shall be placed: 
And besides, they have a natural right to the ser- 
vice of every man in the community. It was, I 
think, a Spartan maxim, that a man was not born 
for himself, but for his country: Were we but 
actuated by this just and noble idea, we might be 
serenely calm and perfec'dy safe amidst all the 
venal exertions of Britain— nay, of the rest of the 
world combined against us! It is upon this prin- 
ciple the aborigines of America act. They rise to 
authority and command by merit alone: And sh«ll 
Americans extirpate a glorious plant, the natural 
product of their country? Shall the uncuUivaterl 
and rude Indians, think more justly and act with 
more dignity than we, with our improved under- 
standings and boasted civilization? This very ques 
tion alone should, I think, recal us to the proper 
line of action, and force us to abandon notions 
which at once disgrace our country, and expose 
it to ruin. A colonel of small abilities can do but 
little harm, in comparison of a weak general at the 
head of a division of the army, leading on the prin 
cipal attack, or covering a precipitate retreat.— 
Marshal Saxe, and we need no better authorHy, 
says, "he has seen very good colonels become very 
bad generals." Can we then expect to see b.<td 
colonels become able generals! But it is a point 
admitted by congress, that election is the best 
means of procuring an able commander in chief 
And why should not this principle equally hold 
with respect to general officers? Can th. gene- 
ralissimo be so well enabled to defend the con- 



federacy, lis by being furnished with l!,ose men 
who are most capable of executing his designs? It 
was upon this principle the invincible lioman armies 
were formed. Tliat government was repu!<lic — 
ours is the same: I would most eagerly adopt a 
principle, sanctioned as it is by the happy experi- 
ence of ages. Montesquieu expressly says, "tlie 
people are very capable of electing generals." Of 
right they ought to be permitted to exercise all 
those powers which they are capable of exercising 
with propriety. 

According to the plan before us, the quotas of 
the respective states, which I would term the Ame- 
rican forces, are to be directed in their operations 
by congress. — If it is meant, as I suppose it is, that 
there shall be a body of troops in a siate, entirely 
independent of the command of the civil power, I 
shall, with the utmost reluctance, yield my assent 
lo the proposition; which, to me, appears disho- 
norable to the sovereignty of the state, dangerous 
to its welfare, and inconsistent with the superiority 
of the civil power. I well remember the feelings 
of the general court of Massachusetts Bay, wlien 
governor Barnard told them he had no authority 
lO order the king's ships to quit the harbor of Bos- 
ton. If he, who was but a representative, ought, 
;iS the supreme civil officer, to have a power di- 
recting the military within his government; bi. for- 
tiori, the several states should possess that power 
— they are sovereign slates. I do not desire that 
they should absolutely direct such troops: But the 
executive in each state may, for this purpose, be 
ai least the representative of congress. If the peo- 
ple are to be ruined by a blunder, it will be more 
natural that they should be ruined by the mistake 
of their confidential men, than by that of an officer, 
perhaps a stranger. We have seen a day, when 
tae salvation of this capital, under Gud, depended, 
in a manner, upon the authority of the civil power 
over the troops in garrison: I cannot but wish for 9 
continuance of that command which once has 
saved us; and which is, as it were, inseparable from 
ihe civil power.— 1 cannot beur the idea of sur- 
rendering it so totally as the congress seem to re- 
quire. 

The establishment of a basis for the American 
naval force is an object of the first importance; 
and it ought not lo be omitted in the articles of 
cuntVderation. Congress have endeavored to es- 
tablish a land force; but this, which is of superior 
consequence, has been passed over almost in si- 
lence. For the first, they have provided even in 
detail; but for the other, only in five -words— "to 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOxNT. 



11,5 



build and equip a navy" — nevei- was so important 
a subject n.ore expeditiously despatclied. The 
Homaa decree, "IJant operam consider, ne aiiiil detri 



most formidalile hour ever r.oliecte.!, evi?!i with 
the aid of press gangs. Tiie object seems ea^y 
to be obtained'— tlie view is mafjnifirently 'Teat— 



menti caliiat resj)ublica," was a singular model of surely ii is wortliy of being seriously oontemplae;' 

The due settlement of tlie importance of tha 
several states respectinfy eacit other, is a matter 
of capital moment. In congress each state, ou;'ht 
of naturil right, to hsve a weif.7ht in proportion •<> 
Its importance. Can any staie be justly entitled ti 
a greater degree of weighi? Cm any state honestly 
desire to figure h\ pluines at anotlier'a expense?— 
What is understood by representation? Is it not n 
sign of the reality? Ou-ht such a r-^presentation to 
be greater than the reality? Is it not upon ti.is prin- 
ciple, however abused, th.-jt the Englisii parlia- 
ment was formed? Has not iliis principle bee:t 
adopted in all the houses of assembly that ever sat 
upon this continent? Why are we now to Jeem 



concise energy: But it must now cease to be so. 
However, I should have been better pleased had 
there been a clause added to our maritime provi- 
sion for manning the navy: This is the grand point 
• — Hri'ain finds it to be so. She can equip ships 
with ease from her yards: But the great difficulty 
is to man them. It wis not with the phalanx that 
Greece kept the great king at arm's length — it 
was not with the legions that Rome acquired 
Sicily and conquered Carthage — it was not with 
lier battalions that Britain awed Europe: But Sala- 
niin, Ecnoraa, and La Hogue, were naval actions 
t'lat decided the superiority of nations. If Ameri- 
C4 is to hi secure at home and respected abroad, 



It must be hy a naval force. Shall we then, scarce | that unjust, which till now, we universally acknow- 
bestow a thou£^l:t upon this palladium of our safetj? ledged as a Certain and beneficial truth? What i.t 



called the rotten part of the English constitution- 
's it not an unequal, and therefore an unjust re- 



Nature and e.Kperience instruct u«, t'.iat a maritime 
strength is ihe best defence to an insular situation. 

Is not tlie siitiation of the United States insularj presentation of its territory and wealth? Has not 
with respect to the powers of the old world: thej lord Chatham been censured f r not haviug, dur- 
qiarter from which, alone, we are to apprehendjing his all-powerful administration, attenipied to 
danger? Have nut the maritime states the great-, cut oi\ that rotten member from the bodv poliijc— 
est influence upon the allairs of the imiverse? Doj an amputation which was thought could scarce fail 
not the powers of Europe strain tlicir nerves to Lf being performed when undertaken by the hand 
render themselves forn.idable at sea? This, thenj of so great a man? Ca-i ingenuity itself tind an im- 
is the theatre, as I may say, on which America must porianl distinction between the two cases? In both 

appear, if she intends to appear any where, with 

<lignity and importance. Can the proper means of 

her doing so, be belter provided for, tiian in the 

confederation of her United Stales: This act ought 

to contain all the great lines of jier general polity; 

otherwise it must be imperfect. The nursery of 

her naval power cannot be better established, than 

by having it made u.niform in all the states. What 

advantage does not Britain expect from her marine 

society? What oppression does her people suffer 

from the practice of pressing, to man the royal 

fleets? — An absolute outrage upon civil liberty, aiid 

yet often inadequate to the end. The plan 1 have 

hinted seems calculated to avoid these evils. The 

proportion of five in a thousand is small — the al- 
lurements are considerable and not expensive-- 
the service is bat short. And yet, only estimating 

the white inhabitants at two millioiis, after the 
first sixteen years, ten thousand seamen will an- 
nuaiiy be created, to give security and importance 
to America; and in other seven years, in all 



the great slatfs on the one hand, and the great 
counties, cities and boroughs on the other, have 
less weight; and the small states, counties, cities 
and boroughs, have more than they ought — such 
is the point in question.— And shall we designedly 
contract a fatal disease which we know has long 
been consuming the vital vigor of the Eng'ish con- 
stitution, and is but too likely to destroy it? Shall 
our wise men persist in endeavoring to create that 
which it would have been, iLr.u.sTniotTS as he is, 
lord Chatham's greatest glory to have endeavored 
to destroy.'-- 1 am hurt by the idea— the contrast 
fills me with pain and anxiety— however, I do not 
despair of relief. There is a resolution of th? first 
congress th.it was held after the British blockfde 
of B >ston, from which I have great expectation. 
It was tlie first resolve passed by that venerable 
body; and it is couched in these terms: "Resolved, 
that, in the determining questions In this congress, 
each colony or province shall have one vote— the 
congress n,>t being possessed of, or at presentable 
)robabiIiiy we should h^ve more than doubl-|to procure proper materials for ascertaining tlie 
tlie number of seamen, whose bounden duty i. importance of each colony,"— Hence, it i.s evident, 
vouUl be^fotnan ou' lieeU, than Britain in her what w..s tl.c-ir idea of a ji:.sl representat.o.".; audi 



114 



FRlNCli'LES ANiJ ACTS OF THE HEVOLUTiON. 



hope it will yet bei.doptei!. Thr L ti^.. repub. ■ jTIie s nail ones shoukl be those >iot, \ty * com^ilete 
was a confederation of three and twenty towns: prnportion, exceeding four proportions of the Sinal- 
The great ones had tliree voices— Ihe middrr)ir,|iest: This class would, for the present, contain 
two — r.nd the small, one: contributing lo tiie pnb-iGeorgia, North Carolina, Delaware, Nw Jersey, 
lie expense in proportion to their reprcsentatjoi.! New York, R'lode Island and Nev Hntpshlre. 
We are to colribute according to our rvbiliiie"!, an 1 iThe middlinij; should be those states, by a corn- 
why should we not have a weight in proportion touiete proportion, exceeding four, and not in tiie 
our importanc \'— If each state must have the sume *sai7ie manner exceeding ten proportions: This class 



weight, let eacli con ribute the same sum. We are 

*t"ani states, but we have the wisdom of ages be 

ore our eyes. Let us not despise what is iiivalua- 

ble. It is the best chart by which we can ste^r 



WTild com;!reiiend South C;irolina, Mar^luu'^, 
P'-'insylvania and Connecticut^ Tlie great suites 
should be ascertained by their exceeding eleveiv 
proportions of lhefe<Tatles : This third class would 



along the diliicult coast of government, and ven-| liiclude Virginia and MisSHCliusetts-B;.y. The first 
lure to run our ship of state into safe port. Hy thib class should iiave three deleg'-testo each state— the 
we may probablj' find an haven, that will invite the j second, six -the third, nine — making a congress of 
people of all nations to take shelter in it againsi jsixty-nine delegates, who stiouldby a majority de- 
the furious storms of tyranny. But, wiihou' it, wekermine all questions except those contained in the 



.-shall be but too likely to be shipwrecked. Ket 
us therefore adopt uniform and experienced prin- 
ciples throughout our voyage: Let us not trust to 
principles which clash and cannot form a perfect 
system. In the present case, either contribute to 
the public aid, according to ability, and have a 
a corresponding weiglit— or, have eipiul weight, 
and contribute the same sum: Either is a perfect 
system: But the first part of each must ever con- 
tinue irreconcileable to justice, and the known rule 
of right. The sage Montesquieu, having maturely 
considered the nature of a confederated govern- 
ment, par.icularly the Empire and Holland, says, 
"were 1 to give a model of an excellent corifede 



restrictions, wkich should be determined by the 
voices of the states. The representatio;i of each 
state should be increased or lesseneJ, in propor- 
tion to the aid actually paid; and tliis ought to be 
the barometer of importance, stimulating eich 
state to its utmost contribution. 

Tiiese sentiments upon the s ihject of a confede- 
ration, sir, are the result of a few days reHo:;tion, 
amidst a variety of business, public and private; 
It is, indeed, not long since the plan from the con- 
gress has been received. I am fully sensible, that 
my ideas, now tlirown out, will admit of important 
amendments, and therefore I do not presume to 
offer them for consideration. I have taken the li- 



rate republic, I would pitch upon that of Lycia."|berty to drop them only because it was ray duty to 
Can we do better, sir, tlian adopt the governing do so: and I think, if the stales shall be allowed to 
principle in the most perfect model of a confede- vote according to their importance, the sketch I 
racy? have drawn might form a beneficial confedera- 



I will now beg leave to apply this principle to 



tion. I observe the plan before us contains thir- 



therate for the public aid, established by congress 
on the 22d of November last. 

New Hampshire .... 200,000 

Massachusetts Bay . . . 820.t/00 

Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations 100,000 

Connecticut .... 600,000 

New-York . . . . 200,000 
New Jei'sey .... 
Pennsylvania .... 



teen articles: I can have no objection to a number 
allusive to the confederacy proposed. My sketch 
co.itains ten articles. Nor can I suppose that num- 
ber will be a mtt'.er of difficulty. In collecting 
the material?, I an-angel them under sixteen arti- 
jles; but in condensing the subject, it accidentally 
vvas co!-nprised in ten, altho' I strove to reach the 
270,000 'Confederate! nu.mber II- vever, the accident in- 
620,000 jstantly made me recollect, that the divine law 



Delaware . 
Maryland 
Virgir.ia . 
North-Carolina 
South Carolina 
iieorgia 



60,000 to man was in tea articles — and that the Ro- 
520,000 man law was originally written on ten tables. — I 
800,0'JO confess, sir, 1 was not displeased— I am sure the 



250,000 pious men of antiquity would have considered the 

.500,000 accidental ten articles of corfeJeration, as an omen 

60,Li00 of ths beneficial nature of their contents. I may 

add, the number thirteen may, and we all hope 

5,000,000 j will, cease to be allusive to the existing confede- 
These states J would class in three divisions. J racy: But the number ten will ever allude to the 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



115 



eter"al monuments of D'vi le. jus ire, «ucl hurra- 
wisdoTi — Excuse, sir, this excursion to Sin^i at.il 
Home, I will reiurn to my proper subject; nor will 
I detain your attention but a n^o i.ent. 

I h;iv? now, Mr. CI airman, wit •. profiunfl humili- 
ty, g-iven my thoughts upon the confederation of 
the United States. Thoughts invent upon pro- 
moting and securing the interests of my native 
country — thoughts equally solicitous for the gran- 
deur of America.— In delivering tiiem, - trust 1 
have, on that point, fully discharged my duty to 
my constituents — to the state — to the coitir.ent— 
to posterity. 1 h;ive no intention to derogate froni 
the dignity or the merit of congress: I h.tve zenl- 
ously supported the one, and I shall ever bereudj, 
g'ra-efully to pay any tribute of applause to the 
other. It is my undoubted privilege as a freeman 
to speak plainly — it is my bounden duty to do so — 
nor can our supreme rulers, constituted only for 
the purpose of preserving to us our civil rights, be 
displeased at such a conduct: Tne occasion is of 
the fipst importance. I meant to speak in terms of 
respect: if any thing of a contrary nature esf app-' 
me, I am sorry and beg pardon for it — it is not 
my inten;ion to offend any individual, especially 
the supreme authority. But, sir, I scarce think 
the moment is at hand, for the ratification of a con- 
federacy. Rather than adopt the articles before us, 
I would yet a little longer trust to the ties that 
now bind America in union. The American con- 
federacy should be the effect of wisdom, not. of 
fear — an act of deliberation, not of hurry. I slioul! 
be a noble monument attracting the respect of the 
world— and capable of dr;iwiiig forth the admira- 
tion and gratitude of our posterity.— Upon the 
whole, sir, this is scarce a time to deliberate, but 
it is certainly a time to act — it is my great aim, 
that America shall be independent — free — illustri- 
ous and happy! 

I cannot now, sir, sit do-.vn withont expressing 
to the committee, -the concern I feel for having 
taken up so much of their lirr.e ss I have. I am 
sensible long discourses are often heard with im- 
patience: But the stupendous importtKce of this 
subject, and my zeal in endeavoring to discharge 
my duly, will I hope plead in my f<.vor. I beg 
leave to return my most respectful thanks, for ilte 
attention and patience with which I have been 
beard. 



Address 

To their excelhncies Richard Viscount Howk, ad- 
miral, and WriLiAM Howe, esq. general, of his 
UritdT.nic ■mrjeujj's forces in .7ir.:nca. 



Mr BOHD ATHD siu~Your declaration at New. 

Yo k, !ias reached this place. It has occasioned 

irprise and conce.'-n. Tie known honor and 

oilities of your excellencies, and your declara- 
tion, appear perfect contrasts. The latter is an 
un ia ural production. Hurt, as I am, to see your 
names so prostituted, I canno' restraJ! myself from 
making a few remarks to your excellencies upon a 
subject which, by endmgering your reputiition 

!istresses every generous mind. I shall Hrsl state 
your declaration: 

«»T PacHAnn Viscouitt Howe, of the kingdom of 
Ireland, and William Howe, esq general of his 
majesty's forces in America, the king's commission- 
EHs/s" restoring peace to !m majesty's cnbrnies and 
plantationi, in J\'orth America, &c &c. £Je. 

DECLAHATIOS. 

"Although the congress, whom the misguided 
Americans suffer to direct the ooposition to a re= 
e.-'tablishment of the constitutional government of 
these provinces, have disavowed every purpose of 
reconciliation not consonant with their extravagant 
and inadmissible claim of independence,— the 
king's commissioners think fit to declare that they 
are tqually desirous to confer with his m«jesty'g 
weH aff cted subjects upon the means of restoring 
the public tranquil! y, ar.d e.slablishing a perma- 
neni union with every colony as a partof the British 
empire. The king being most gracious'y please! 
to direct a revision of such of his royal instruction.5 
■o his governors as mny be construed to lay an im- 
proper restraint on the freedom of legislation in 
any of his colonies, and to concur in the revisal 
of all acts by which bis majesty's subjects there 
may think themselves aggrieved, it is recommend- 
ed to the inhabitants at large, to r-flect seriously 
upon their present condition and e.xpeciation.s, and 
judge fir themselves, whether it be more consistent 
with their honor and happiness to offer up their 
lives as a sacrifice to the unjust and precarious 
-ausc' in which they are ^ng^ge^, or retirn to their 
.llegiunce, accept the blessings of peace, and to 
be secured in a free enjoyment of tlieir liberties 
tod p-operties upon the true principles of the con- 
-titution, 

"Given at New-York, 19th Sentember, 1Y76. 
"HOWE. 
"W. HO.VE. 
"15y command of their excellencies, STRAGUEr." 

And now, not to detain your excellencies by 
making observations upon lord Howe's not assum- 
ing his military title, displaying the nature of his 
supreme hostile command in America, by which 
anusuJ and designed omission, the ignorant, seeing 



116 



i>RINClPLES AND ACTS OF THK RKVOLUTION. 



liis name contrasted with tliatof a general clothed 
j i all his terrors, miy be entrapped to believe that 
)-is lor.lship is to bs consi.lered in a more amiable 
.point of view, a mere commissioner only, for re- 
fitoring peace, without any military command to 
iiitiinidate and coe:ce. Not to wound your delicacy, 



concur in the revisal of all acts by which his ma- 
jesty's subjects m?.y think themselves aggrieved." 
Hut what of all tliis. Your excellencies have not 
told the people, who "think themselves aggrieved," 
that they are to be a party in the revision. You 
have not even told them who are to be revisers. If 



by admiring tiie wisdonn of your appealing from you had, it would be nothing to the purpose; for 
the congress to people confessed by you to be you have not, and ca7i7jof tell them and en^a^e that 
directed by that honorable assembly: My remarks even any of the instructions and acts, being revised, 
shall be coi.fi.ed to the more material parts of shall be. revoked, and repealed; /jar?ic»to'?^ </iose by 
jour dechnati.)!-, which, 1 am sorry to say, are in «hic), people "may think themselves aggrieved." 

But, if such are not to be repealed, why have you 
mentioned "think themselves aggrieved?" If they 
are intended to be repealed, why did not your 
excellencies come to the point at once and say so? 
— It is evident your excellencies are by your su- 



every respect unv.ortliy j'our good sense and high 
cliaracicis. 

Your exaellencies "think fit to declare," that 
jou are desirous "of restoring the public tran- 
t^uillty." lUit is the end your excellencies aim 



at our honor and advantage? Is it to give a free Iperiors precipitated into a dilemma. You have not 



£:3opfi to ovir natural growtii.' \% It to confirm to 
i,s our rights by tlie Uw of iia'.ure.'' Ko!---It is to 
cover us wiih infimy. 1" is to chill the sap, and 
check tlie luxuriance of our imperial plant. It is 
lo df-prive us of our naiural equality with the rest 
rf mankind, by "eoC il/liahing-'^ every state "as a part 
ff the Britis!) empire." la short, your excellencies 
i ivlte men of common sense, to exchange an inde- 
I endent station for a servile and dangerous de 
] endence? But, when we recollect that the king 



been accustomed to dirty jobs, and />/«m denling 
does not accord with your instructions; otherwise, 
in the la'ter case, I tliinkyou are men of too much 
sense avd honor to have overlooked or suppressed 
so material a point of information. However, you 
say instructions and acts are to be revised: We 
see that you have laid an ambuscade for our li- 
berties; the clause is carefully constructed without 
the least allusion to the revisors, or to the words 
redress, revoke, repeal. In short, it appears to be 



if Great Krituin has, from tlie throne, declared his [drawn up entirely on the plan of a declaration by 
» f;r-»i a'1.1 sledlast resolutions to withstand every king James the second after his abdication, as 
jitlempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority confidentially explained by James' secretary of 
of tliaV legislature over all the dominions of his [state., the earl of Melford, to lord Dundee in Scot- 
ciown;*' t'lat his l.irelings in parli'iment and tools jland. For Melford writes to Dundee, "that not- 
ia office, abhorred by the English nation, have I withstanding of what was promised in the declara- 
echo'd the sentiment; and that America, for ten tion, j«r/em«iij/ and inr/w/jeyice, yet he had couched 
vears has experienced that king's tgtal want of things so that the king tv mild break them when he 
candor, humani'y, and justice— it is, I coEfess, a [pleased; nor would he think himself obliged to 
uiatttr of wonder, that your excellencies can submit \stundto tlietn." And your excellencies h&ve"couched 



to appear so losl to decency as to hold out sub- 
' jection as tlie cnly condition of pence: and that 
jou could condescend to sully your personal honor, 
by i:iviting us to trust a government in which you 
are conscious we cannot in tlie nature of things 
j'Uce any coafi 'e:ice--a government that you are 
it'visible has been, now is, and ever must be jealous 
of our prosperity and natural growth---a govern- 
ment that you know is absolutely abandoned to 
corruption' — Take it not amiss, if 1 hint to your 
excellencies, tiiat lour very appearing in support 
o.f such a proposal, furnishes cause to doubt even 
of your integrity; and to reject your allurements, 
Lasi they decoy us into slavery. 

The deciuratio.i says, "the king is most graci- 



tldngs so" that more words upan this subject are 
unnecessary. 

"It is recommended to the inhabitants at large, 
to reflect seriously upon their present condition." 
Is it possible your excellencies can be serious, and 
mean any thing by this recommendation? Can you 
be ignorant, that ever since the birth of the stamp- 
act, the inhabitants at large have been reflecting 
upon their deplorable condition? Can you h;ivean 
idea that, after such a length of time, during which 
rhey have been continually kept to their reflec- 
tions, by the declaratory law, the tea-act, the Bos- 
ton port bill, and those then passed to annihilate 
the charter of Massachusetts-Bay, the Quebec bill 
10 establish popery, the fishery-bill to coerce by 



ousiy pleased to dived a revision of such of his f.tmine, the British conimencemcnt of the late civil 
.cyai instructions to his governors," &.c. "and tovvar, and the act of parliament in December last, 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



UT 



tleclaring the inh.-bitanis rebels— I say, after such a 
series of csusfs for reflection, and tha' your exceU 
lenci^s no-vfindusin arms sgainst yoii, determir.cd 
on independence or death, can you possibly enter- 
tain an idea ihat \vc have not reflected se^iousl^? 
On the contrary you know, that we are prepared to 
ofFer up our lives in evidence of our serious reflec- 
tions! In addressiag a world, you ought to have 
some atteniion to the propriety of your rccoih 
mendations, if only froin a regard to your own re- 
putation. 

You are pleased to term our canst "u'iast," I,. 
this there is nothing so surprisinj^, as your bein^ 
lured to give such a sentiment under your hands — 
signing your own disgrace with posterits . You 



order of b.ttle, within loig shot, without firing a 
gun to interrupt the service, is at least some slight 
degree of evidence that they respect and stand \n 
.-weof the Anaerican arms. In short, without being 
unre^.oO.(ubie, [ tuink I may be all nved to say, that 
■.his? p.u'Uculars do not s'lew, that our cau:;e is so 
precarious as yonc excrpllencies would insinuate it 
ii h'; and tD recotn nend that your excellencies 
"r?fle.-t serously upo.) your present condition," 
and aba id.^n "die unjust cause in which you are 
t'rigaijfed" while you yet may preserve your reputa- 
lio'i from the reproaches of posterity. 

Your excellencies call upon the inhabitants a' 
larye "to return to their allegiance." It is as if 
you had commanded a body of troops to adrance 
to the ass'iuli, bef)re you had put them in order of 



know, that the virlw^us characters throughout .^^,.. . .,. ^ ' ,, . ^, , 

' .... , . pattlc. I tell your excellencies, that protectior 



Europe, on this point differ with your excfllencies; 
and I most respec'fully submit, whether there is 
not some little degree of presimption in vouv 
sigi'ing an opinion, in contradiction to t'se opinion 
of thousands, who, withou: derogating from your 
excerencies, are at leist as well able to judge up- 
on the point as you are? 

But you add, that our cause is "precarious." 
Allow ne to make a proper nturn to your excel- 
lencies by '.rforming you, that all the affairs of 
men are precarious, and that war is particularly 
so. Howevtr, if your excellencies meant to 
insinuate that our cause is precarious from an 
inability jn us to maintain it, I heg leave to ask ge- 
neral Howe what p'-ogress his arms raade during 
his command at Boston: And what shiningvictories, 
and important conquests you have achieved since 
your junction at Siaten-island.'' The eulogium, 

iluo fnlmina belli 

Scipiadas 



cannot yet be applied to your excellencies. Gene 
ral Howe's repulse from the lines on Long-island, 
and his victory over the advanced guard of 3000 
mpp, reflect no great degree of glory on the corps 
of at least 12 000 that he commanded. Nor can 
you boast much of the action on New York-island 
on the 15th September, when a few more than 800 
Americans, attacking three compAnies of light 
troops supported by two regiments, the one Scotch, 
the other Hessian, drove them from hill to hill back 
to your lines, and carried oflT three pieces of brass 
cannon as trophies of their victory. And when 
general Washington, on the second of October, 
caused a large detachment to draw up to Ilarlaeir 



must precede allegiance; f.,r the latter is founded on 
the benefit of the former. T'lat the ope:'ations of 
the forces by sea and land under y-ur order?, 
demonstrate that your king is not our protector. 
And, that the allegiance of .\merica to the king 
of Great Britain is noiu utterly out of the question. 

Bat you attempt to allure the inhabitants by 
tellirg them they may "be secured in a free enjoy, 
rr.ent of their liberties and properties, upon the 
true principles of the constitution " Will your 
excellencies tell us where those principles are to 
be found? You must s.ay they are not to be fovnd 
in the present British gwernment. Do we not 
know that the majority of the two houses of parlij. 
ment are absolutely under the king of Great Bri- 
tain's direction?— They mike and repeal laws; ihey 
ipree with or reject motions; they vote money even 
■without Umitat'on of sum, at the pleasure of that 
king's minister, in whose pay they actually are; 
and your excellencies as men of honor dare not 
deny these thinffs. Will you then say that, where 
there is such a dependence, the true principles of 
the coiistitution oper.ite! The history of the pre- 
sent reign, all Europe, would witness against you. 
Those principles have been long despised by the 
rulers, and lost to the people— ot'erwise, even at- 
the commencement of the present reign, we should 
not have seen the dismission of the virtuous 
chancellor of the exchequer, LEf.os, because he 
would not quit his seat in parliament at the instiga- 
tion of the last prince of V/ales; nor the massacre 
in St. George's fields and the roy.il thanks to the 
assassins; nor the repeated and unredressed com- 
plaints to the throne; nor the unheard of profusion 
of the public treasp.re, far exceediuij the extr.tv.i- 



plains to cover the inhabitants between the two 

armies, while they carried off their effects, thejganceof a CaiigulaoraNero; northepreseniruinou 

march and continuance of the British troops in i situation of Great Gritain; nor the present wai- i. 



ii& 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



America, /or the luorH nf pur/'oses ki'idlc! by your 
kin*. Can your excellencies be so wanting to your 
selves, as, at this time of day, on the part of your 
master, seriously to talk to us of a security upovi ths 
true principles of the constitiilion! Did it never 
strike you that the Ampric^ns would expect tc 
see such principles operati'ij^ in England, before 
they could be dupsd into a belief that America 
could possibly feel their effecs from the dark 
recess of the royal palace? The lord mayor of 
London has openly charj^ed lord North, and the 
lOi ds of the admiralty, with licensin;; ships to trade 
to all par^s of Aoisrica, in direct disregard, con- 
tempt, and defiaice of ai aC of parliament to the 
contrary, passed so late as December las' And 
yet your excellencies do not scruple to talk to us 
of a security upon the true principles of the constitu- 
tion.' — Let the foMntain be sweet, and then its 
stream may be salutary. 

Your excellencies say "\.\\&Yir\^\5 7nsst graciously 
pleased to direct a revisioi" of instructions and 
acts. If you really me.in to conciliate, why will 
you Insult the inhabitants at Virge. It was "the 
king's" bounden duty to have directed, not only a 
revision, but an amendment of his instructions; an-^ 
to have recommended a repeal of the acts when the 
people FIRST comolained of them. But he, hav- 
in»been criminally deaf to the cries of the injured, 
to terrify tbeminto silence, havin,-^ burnt their towns 
— restrained their trade — seized and confiscate'' 
their vessels — driven them into enormous expenses 
— sheathed his sword in their bowels — and adornefl 
the heads of their aged, women and children, with 
a cincture made by the scalping knife of his ally 
the Indian savage — you 7iow tell these injured peo- 
ple, that "the king is gracioiis'y pleased to direct a 
revision!" — His very mercies are insults! 

And so your excellencies, besides your military 
commands as admiral and gene.-iil, aro also "com- 
missioners for restoring peice." Is there not some 
error in this title? Ought we not instead of "peace" 
to read tyranny? You seem armed at all points 
for this purpose; and your very language detects 
the latent design. But you are commissioners, 
and for the i important purpose of "restoring peace," 
you are honored with a power — "to confer:" And 
you hove condescended to be 7ncre machines through 
which, as ihrougii speaking trumpets, words are to 
be sounded from America to Britain! How much 

tOWKR tS IT POSSIBLE FOR YOUR EXCELLENClliS TO 
BEKRADE YOURSELVES IN TUE EXES OF THE WORLd! — 

By this, it is most evident, the British king has 
not one generous thought respecting America. No; 



does he mean to grant terms upon the true priaci- 
nles of the constitution. For, if to grnnt such 
terms was bona fide the in ention of your master, 
ivithout doubt yod .vouM have been vested with 
competent powers. But he pi linly means to grant 
nr)thing that he can possibly avoid; and therefore 
he would have the matter of negociation drawn 
into length under his own eye. Can we place any 
confidence in such a prince? His aim is to divide, 
not to redress, and your excellencies declaration 
is but a continuation of lord North's conciliatory 
plan. 

Thus, while we remember that lord North 
declared, on the 20*h of February, 1775, that hi.s 
famous co'iciliatory plan was rather calculated to 
break a link in the American chain of union, tlian to 
give satisfaction to the people: and that the exer- 
cise of the right of taxing every oarL of the British 
dominions must by no means be given up: that 
lord Mansfield, on the third reading of the bill 
declaring war against the united colonies, affirmed 
tha' he did not consider -who was originally in the 
wrong, thev -ver ■ now ti consider only where -hey 
were, and the justice of the cause must now ^ive -may 
to their oresent situation: when we consider the 
king of Great Britain's speech to the parliament 
on the last of November, and the commons address 
indhis answer on the 7th of December, 1774 — the 
comrno'-.s address of the 9th of February, 1775, and 
tlie roy .1 answer: and the speech from the throne 
at the last opening of the parliament, October the 
26th, 1775— all declaring an unalterable purpose to 
maintain the supreme authority of *hat legislature 
over all the dominions of the crown — in other 
words, their unalterable purpose, ro bind us in 
ALL cASBs WHATSOEVER: whcn wc See your hostile 
array and operations, in consequence of those 
declarations: I say, when we consider these things, 
we can be at no loss to form a just idea of the inten- 
tions of your king; or to conceive what your excel- 
lenciee mean, by "the true principles of the con* 
stitution." Nor are we to be caught by any allure- 
ments your excellencies may throw out — you con- 
fess, and we know that you, as commissieners, have 
not any power to negociate and determine any 
thing. 

But, unanswerable as the reasons are against 
America returning to a subjection under the Bri- 
ush crown, now in fact become despotic — and Ame- 
rica, after unheard of injuries, infinite toil, hazard 
and expense, her inhabitants csUed cowards by 
your masters servants, civil and military, having 
declared herself independent— did not yoi'r excel- 
lencies feel a little for our honor, when you at the 



PRINCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



119 



but I love ttie memory of llie men, and it is my 
hope, that, the afTection which I feel, will be to me 
instead of genius, and give me warm words to ad- 
vance their praises. 

I conceive it as tlie first honor of these men 
that, before they engaged in the war, t!;ey saw it to 
be just and necessary. Tliey were not the vassals 
of a pro«d chieftain rousing iherii, in baibarous 
times, by the blind impulse of att?xhment to his 
family, or engaj'ing them to espouse his quarrel, 
by he music and entertainment of his hall, 'l^ey 
were themselves the chieftains of their own cause, 
highly instructed in the nature of it, and from the 
best principles of patriotism, resolute in defence. 
They had heard the declaration of the court and 
parliament of Great Dritain, claiming the authority 
of binding them in all cases whatsoever. They 
, had examined this claim, and foimd it to be, as 



hea ' of y0!ir {.rTiies, held out to us, mbjectmi and 
pe'ce.' Did not y&u feel the dignity of your charac- 
ters affectei-^ w'-.en you, under the guise of a security 
upo!i tiie true principles of the constitution, recom- 
mend 'o "the ■"..habiti.nts at large" to rescind their 
decree, a.ul ar XHBiR owt mouths dkclaue ihem- 
se!ve« the most contemptible people in his'ory, wiiich 
gives no exiiiplc of such baseness^— REivDEa their 

namt a te-m of refiroach among all nutions-and 

lOHBiD each other f: o.nn placing any, the least degree 

o: confidence in, and all foreign states from paying 

the least degree of credit to, their most solemn 

declarations! In short, to submit to a government 

abandoned to corruption, lost to a sense of justice. 

and already but a step bcliind absolute despotism 

—a government that has long been and ever must 

be jealous of our rise, and studious to depress our 

natnyul groiuth!-- Did not your excellencies blush 

&n^ shrink ivithin yourselves, ■whtn yon zs\tt.A msi'A^Q its foundation, groundless; as to its nature, 

who had been almost ruined by your gracious mas- j tyrannical, and in its consequences, ruinous to the 

ter, to abandon the honorable and natural station peace and happi;iess of botii countries. On this 



of independence, and stoop to kiss Ida hand, now 
duili/ BATHED in, and w!>ich ever must continue 
stained by the blood of a friend! a brother! a son! a 
father! 

That your excellencies may "reflect seriously" 
upon "the unjust cause in which you are engaged;" 
and that the i>ame of Howe may be enrolled with 
the names of xMAftLBOBOuea and Effingham, are the 
wishes of, 

A CAROLINIAN.* 
South Carolina, 

Charleston, October 22, 1776. 

*'**' ' ' *^ 

All Eulogiiiin 

Of the brave men who have fallen in the contest 

with Great Britain: Delivered by judge Bhac- 

KKXKincfE, on Monday, July 5, 1779, before a 

numerous and respectable assembly of citizens 

and foreigners, in the German Calvinist churchy 

Phdadelpiiia. 

Heroes then arose; 

Wild, scorning coward self, for others liv'd, 
Xoil'd lor Uieir eaie, aud tor tUeiv safely bind. 

'I'llOittSOX. 

It is the high reward of those who have risked 
their lives in a just and necessary war,-] that their 
names are sweet in the mouths of men, and every 
age siiall know their actions. I am happy in hav- 
ing it in my power, before a polite assembly, to 
express what I think of those who have risked 
their lives in the war of America. I know my 
abilities rise not to a level with so great a subject, 



••'Ju.lge Brayton."---EDiTOH. 
|Tacuus. 



clear apprehension and decided judgment of the 
cause, ascartained by their own reason, and col- 
lected from the best writers, It was the noble pur- 
pose of their minds to stand forth and assert it, 
at the expense of fortune, and the hazard of theic 
lives. 

These brave men were not soldiers by profes- 
sion, bred to arms, and frora a liabit of military 
life attached to it. They were men in the easy 
walks of life; mechanics of the city, merchants of 
the counting house, youths engaged in the literary 
studies, and husbandmen, peaceful cultivators of 
the soil. Happy in the sociability and conversa- 
tion of the town, the simplicity and innocencee of 
the country village, or the philosophic ease of 
academic leisure, and the sweets of rural life, tliey 
v.i^iied not a change of these scenes of pleasure, 
for tlie dangers and calamities of war. It was the 
pure love of virtue and of freedom, burning bright 
within their minds, thai alone could engage them 
to embark in an undertaking of so bold and perilous 
a nature. 

These brave men were not unacquainted with 
the circumstances of their situation, and their un- 
prepared state of war. Not a bayonet was anvilted 
out, not a firearm was in their possession. No 
redoubt was cast up to secure the city, no fort was 
erected to resist invasion, no gun mounted on the 
battery, and no vessel launched Hpon the stream. 

The power of Britain, on the other hand, waS 
well known, and by the lightning of her orators, 
, in a thousand writings and harangues, had been 



1£0 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



thrown, in full foi— .e, upon thei'- mi'ds. They \vere|V.iiiC(..i vii-.h i slow and suspicious step Ui^on the 
taught to believe her, (what indeed she was) old [liostlle lerniory. War is again arisen, and it liaa 
in arts aad i:i ams and enric'iel \v\l\\ the spoils ] been fought from sprin.^ to autumn, and from 



of a thousand victories. Esobraced with the ocea^< 

as her favorite, her coiimerce was extensive, and 

she sent her ships to every sea. Abounding in 

;iien, her armies were in full force, her fleets were 

coMipietely manned, her disciplne was r.^gular, and | What ground has not been cut wilh trei.chps? 

ihe spirit of her enterprize, by sea and laud, had, I What hill has not been covered with redoubts.? 



jutumn to spring, througli t'le heat of summer and 
the inclemencies of winter, v.ith unabated ardor, 
and unshaken pirssverance. What tract of coun- 
try has not been uiariLed with the vestiges of war? 



in most cases, insured her successes. 

The idea of resistance to the power of Brit,4ln 
was indeed great — but the mighty soul of the 
patriot dranli it in, and, like the eagle on the moun- 
tain top, collected magnanimity from the very pros- 
pec^ of the height from which he meant to soar: 
Lilce the steed who swallows the distant ground 
with his fierceness,* he attempts the career, and 
poured himself upon the race. 

The patriot quits his easy independent walk of 
life, his shop, his farm, bis office and Ids counting 
house, and with every hope and every ansious 
thought, prepares himself for war. The materials 
of gun pov/Jer are extracted from t!ie earth; the 
bayonet is anvilled out; t!ie fire-arm is manufactur- 
ed in the shop; the manual exercise is taught; the 
company is furmed in battalion; the battalion is 
instructed to manoeuvre on the field; the brigade is 
drawn forth; and the standard sf defiance is planted 
on the soil. 

Shall I mention the circumstances of the day 
when the sword was drawn, and the first blood was 
bhed; and shall I trace the progress of the war in 
the course of five campaigns.? The narraiion would 
require the space of an entire day: I can mention 
but the sum of things; and only tell you, that the 
inroad of the foe has been sustained upon the plain, 
and the forward and impetuous bands have been 
driven over the disdaining ground which they had 
measured in advance. The hill has been defended, 



What plain has not been made the scene of the 
engagement.? What soil of our whole earth has 
not been sowed with bill.? 

These have been the toils of the heroes of oui* 
army; but the brave men whom we this day cele- 
brate, have added to their toils the loss of life. 
They have fallen in the contest: These of them 
in the long and Itiborious march: These by the 
fever of the camp: These have fallen when, ad- 
vancing on the enemy, they have received the 
beyonet in their breast; or high in hope, and anxious 
of victory, they have dropt by the cannon or the 
musket ball. 

For what cause did these brave men sacrifice 
their lives.? For that cause which, in all ages, 
has eng8ged the hopes, the wishes, and endeavors 
ot the breast of men — the cause of liberty. Libeiitt! 
thou art indeed valuable; the source of all that is 
good and great upon t'.ie earth!— For tliee, the 
patriot of America has drawn his sword, and has 
fought and has fallen. 

What was in our power we have done with re- 
gard to the bodies of these men; we have paid 
them military honors; we have placed them in their 
native earth; and it is with veneration that we yet 
view their tombs upon the fuizy glade, or on the 
distant hill. Ask me not the names of these. The 
muses s'lall tell you of them, and the bards shall 
woo* them to their sons. The verse which shall 
be so happy as to embrace the name of one of these 
shall be immortal. The names of these shall be 
and the repulsed and rallying foe has been taught read with those of Pelopidas, Epaminondas, and 
to understand, thatthe valor of America was worthy the worthies of the world. Posterity shall quote 



of the cause which her freemen have espoused. The 
Wilderness has been surmounted in the march. 1. 
has been fought, foot to foot, and point to point, 
in skirmishes, and night surprises, and in pitched 
battles, with alternate hope and dubious success. 
The enemy, beaten in one state has retired to a 
second, and beaten in the second, he has returned 
to the first; beaten in every state he has sought the 
water, and like a sea monster rolling to the deep, 
has washedbis wounds in the brine of ocean. Rising 
from the ocean he has sought the land, and ad- 



»Bockof Job. 



them for parallels, and for examples. When they 
mean to dress the hero with the fairest praises, 
they shall say he was gallant and distin;^ui shed in 
his early fall, as Warren; prudent and intrepid as 
Montgomery, faithful and generous as Mac^herson; 
he fell in the bold and resolute advance, like Haslet 
and like Mercer; he saw the honor which his val&r 
had acquired, and fainted in the arms of victory, 
like Herkimer: having gallantly repulsfid the foe, 
he fell covered with wounds, in his old age, like 
Wooster. 



*Piiao. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



isi 



The names of these brave men shall be read; 
and the eart!* shall be sensible of praise where 
their bodies afe deposited. Hill of Boston,* where 
the God of arms gave uncommon valor to the 
patriot! Here the muses shall observe the night, 
and hj'mn heroic acts, and trim their lighted lamps 
to the da*^!) of morning: The little babbling mystic 
brook, shall bear the melody, and stealing with a 
silver foot, shall tell it to the ocean. Hills within 
prospect of the York city, where the enemy, rejoic- 



anaestral honor; but we love the youth, and trans, 
fer to him the reputation of his father, who, when 
the rich and haughty citizen shall frown upoo him 
as ignobly descended, shall say, "I had a father whe 
has fallen in the service of his country." 

When after titnes shall speak of those who have 
risen to renown, I will charge it to the golden 
winged and silver tongued bards, that they recol- 
lect and set in order every circumstance; the 
Causes of the war; early and just exertions, the 



ing at his early strength, adventured and fought,, toils, hazardous achievements, noble resolution, 
or where, refusing the engagement he fled, withLn^haken perseverance uhabated ardor; hopes in 
precipitation to his ships.! On you the tomb of theLhe worst of times, triumphs of victory; humanity 
hero is beheld, and fancy walking round covers it| ^^ ^^ ^^^^^.. ^^ ^j^^^^ ^jjj j ^j^^^^^ .^^ ^,^^^ ^^^^ 
with shades. Grounds in the neighborhood of this j recollect and set in drder, and give them bright 
eity.t where the foreigner sh^ll enquire the field | ^^^ unsullied to the coming ages. The bards I 
of battle, and the citizen shall say with conscious , ^now will hear me, and you, my gallant country, 
pride, as if the honor ".,,s his own, this is the tomb j n^^n, shall go down to posterity with exceeding 
of Witherspoon; that is the ground where •^f ash | ijo^or. Your fame shall ascend on the current of 
fell! Plains washed by the Ashley and Cooper, and the stream of time: It shall play with the breezes 



before the walls of Charlestow'n! — Here has the here 
fallen, or rather he has risen to eteraal honor, and 
his birth place shall be irnmoltal. His fame, like 
a vestal lamp, is lighted up: It shall burn, with 
the world for its temple — and the fair assemblies of 
the earth shall trim it with their piaise. 

Having paid that respect to the memory of these | 
men, which the anntial return of this day demanded, 
it remains that we soothe the grief of those who 
have been deprived of a father, bereaved of a son 
or who have lost a brother, a husband or a lover 
in the Contest. Fatliers, whose heroic sons have 
offered up their lives in the cbntest; it is yours to 
recollect, that their lives were given them for the 
service of their country. Falhers! dismiss every 
shade of grief; you are happy in having been the 
progenitor of him who is written with the heroes of 
his country. 

Sons! whose heroic fathers have eafly left you, 
and in the conflict of the war, have mixed with 
departed heroes; be congratulated on the fair 
inheritance of fame which you are entitled to 
possess* If it is at all lawful to array ourselves 
in borrowed honor, surely it is best drawn from 
those who have acted a distinguished part in the 
service of their country. If it is at all consistent 
with the feelings of philosophy and reason to boast 
of lineal glory, surely it is most allowable in those 
who boast of it as flowing from such source. We 
despise the uninstructed mind of that man who 
phall obtrude upon our ears the ideas of a vain 



of the morning. Men at rest, in the cool age of 
life, from the fury of a thousand wars finishfd by 
their flithers, shall observe the spreading ensign. 
They shall hail it, as it waves with variegated 
glories; and feeling all the warm rapture of the 
heart, shall give their plaudit from the shores. 



•Bunker's hill. 
fPhiladf Iphia. 
-—16. 



George Mason, of Virginia. 

Mr. Nilss, 

Sir: Theemanclpatiohof the States of North Ame 
rica, must ever be regarded as one of the most me- 
morable events recorded in the annals of the human 
race. The revolutions, which have embroiled and 
desolated thejgreatnations from which they sprang, 
are acknowledged to have received their first im 
pulse from the principles and events of the Ameri- 
can struggle. The grkve has closed upon a great 
majority of the leaders in the American revolution; 
and the characters of the founders of our indepen- 
dence and freedom are beginning to be contem* 
plated with the severe impartiality of a distant pos- 
terity. The passions Which buoyed, annoyed, or 
infested their individual fame have subsided. Each 
is receiving a settled and mellow lustre; and a just 
judgment is already busily engaged in assigning 
the degree of estimation and respect which a grate- 
ful posterity should continue to render to the ma 
mory of each of those whcstf efforts have obtained 
so many blessings and suCh everlasting glory for this 
nation. 

Among the conductors of those important events, 
the name of George Mason, must always hold a 
clistinguish'id place. An .^thibition of char.icter; 



i'. 



T»RLNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTiOlN, 



in a public station, may be calculated to give sn 
impression of the profoundest respect; but, the si;, 
cerest, and best affections of the heart can only be 
won by those traits, which are developed when the 
irdividud hss been divested of the imposing forms 
and cirumstances of place and office. It is for 
tht se reasons, as well as for the rays of light which 
they shed upon the most interesting portion of the 
history of our country, that I send you the follow- 
ing papers. 

George Mason, their author, was an independent 
pla.iter, resident in Fairfax county, Virginia, his 
na'ive state, when the revolution commenced. 
He was a man endowed by nature with a vigor- 
otis understanding, which had been well culti- 
vated by a liberal education. He was a sound 
constitutional lawyer, although he had not prac- 
tised or beeB bred to the profession. His mind 
had, evidently, been well stored from the best po- 
litical writers of his time. In temperament he was, 
like the younger Cato, constitutionally stern, firm, 
and honest; and in all the .■affairs of life, in which 
be was engaged, as well private as public, he was 
habitually, minutely, and critically clear, punctual, 
exact, and particular. He was a member of the 
first conventions and assemblies elected by the peo- 
ple independently of the colonial authorities. He 
chose and valued most, the station of a representa- 
tive of the people; because he thought it most ho- 
norable, and one where he could be most useful; 
nor did he ever consent to accept of any other, but 
once, when he acted as a commissioner to adjust 
the navigation and boundary, between Maryland 
and Virginia. He was a man of the people in spi 
rit and in truth; and every act of his life incontes- 
tibly evinces, that in their cause he never once, or 
for a single moment, trembled, hesitated or wa- 
vered. 

Many intelligent foreigners, and some of our own 
country men, whose judgments have been con fused or 
perverted by arislocra'ic principles, entertain a be- 
lief, and propagate the opinion, that our liberties 
were principally established by the integrity, wis 
dorn, and forbearance of our military leaders. To 
such it will be particularly instructive to attend 
to the first of the following letters fro.ti this vene- 
rable pitriot; written at a time, and under circum- 
stances singularly impressive and aff-cting. In s 
ripe old age, ch istened by experience, when the 
hai.d of Providence had visited his household with 
such an affliction as to induce him to desire r.o more 
the return of hilarity to his heart, he seats him- 
self in his closet to unbosom himself to liis friend; 



fto tell liim of his political opinions and principled 
and to spi-ak of the sentiments, feelings, and pro- 
bable fortunes of his country. This letter, which 

lis so highly honorable vo its author, furnishes con- 
clusive proof, that all the chiefs, as well mlitary i% 
civitj were guided and controuled by the people, 
and bears ample testimony to their virtue aiid their 
glory. 

He was a member of the convention wlijch form- 
ed the present consiitution of the United States, 
and appears to have been deeply, and sincerely im- 
pressed with the magnitude of the undertaking. 
He was afterwards a member of the convention of 
Virginia by which it was ratified, which he actively 
and firmly opposed, without previous amendments. 
He was a roost decided enemy to all cmstruciiv^ 
and imftHed powers. And it is remarkable, that he 
was the author of some, and the warm advocate of 
every amendment since made to it. His friend 
and coadjutor, the illustrious Henry, poured forth 
the boundless v/ealth of his impassioned eloquence 
in opposition; he charmed, enchanted, or won over 
many of his auditors to withhold their assent from 
the proposed plan of government. But, when JT/a- 
son spoke, he seemed to cite his hearers severally 
to the bar of reason and truth, and imperatively to 
demand of them to produce the i-easons and grounds 
upon which they proposed to tolerate the pernicious 
principles he denounced. Henry delighted, asto- 
nished, and captivated. JMason stirred the house, 
and challenged every friend of the new constitu- 
tion to stand forth; at the same time, that he made 
them feel, they would have to meet an antagonist 
whom it w.<is difficult to vanquish, and impossible 
to put to flight; such wns the clear, condensed, and 
dauntless vigor he displayed. 

George Mason was a member of that convention 
of Virginia, which, on the fifteenth day of May 
1776, declared that state independent and formed 
the constitution by which it is still governed. And 
to him belongs tlie honor of having draughted the 
first declaration of rights ever adopted in Ame- 
rica, of which the following is a copy. The few 
alterations made by the convention, which adopted 
it unanitnously on the twelfth day of June, 1776, 
and made it a part of the constitution of Virginia, 
where it yet reni«ins, are no'ed. This declaration 
contains principles more extensive, and much more 
perspicuously expressed than any then to be found 
m the supposed analogous instruments of any other 
age or country. 

The English magna charta was, strictly speak- 
ing, a contract between an asseiiiiblage of feudal 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



123 



lords and a king, not a declaration of the rights of 
man, and the fundamental principles on which ai: 
government should rest. "Ic w^s not so much 
their intention to secure the liberties of the peo- 
ple at large, as to establish the privileges of a few- 
individuals. A great tyrant on the one side, and 
a set of petty tyrants on the other, seem to have 
divided the kingdom; and the great body of the 
people, disregarded and oppressed on all hands, 
were beholden for any privileges bestowed upon 
them, to the jealousy of their masters; who, by li 
miting the authority of each other over their de- 
pendents, produced a reciprocal dimunitiou of their 
power." 

The articles drawn up by the Spanish junta, in 
the year 1522, under the guidance of the celebrat 
ed Padilla, are much more distinct and popular in 
their provisions than those of the English magna 
charta. But, although it is admitted, that the prin 
clples of liberty were ably defended, and better 
understood, at that time in Spain, than tliey were 
for more than a century after, in England, the 
power of Charles 5th proved to be irresistable, the 
people failed in their attempt to bridle his prero- 
gative, and their liber ies were finally crushed. 

The famous English bill of rights, sanctioned by 
"William and Mary on their ascending the throne, 
and which, under the name of the petition of rights, 
appears to have been projected many years before 
by that profound lawyer, sir Edward Cok.% like 
magna charta, and the articles of the Spanish jun- 
ta, is a contract with nobility and royalty, a com- 
promise with despotism, in which the voice of the 
people is heard in a tone of disturbed supplication 
and prayer. But in this declaration of Mason's, 
man seems to stand erect in all the majesty of his 
nature — to assert the inalienable rights and equali 
ty with which he has been endowed by his Creator, 
and to declare the fundamental principles by which 
all rulers should be controuled, and on which all 
governments should rest. The contrast is striking, 
the difference prodigious. And when I read, at the 
foot of this curious original, the assertion of its au 
thor, that "This Declaration of lliglits was the first in 
America;" I see a manly mind indulging its feel- 
ings under a consciousness of having done an aci 
so permanently and extensively useful. And what 
feeling can be so exquisitely delightful.'' what pride 
more truly virtuous and noble.' 

The principles of liberty filled and warmed the 
bo3om of this venerable patriot in thai last hour, 
which is an awful, and an honest one to us all; ii 
his last will, he spt^ka in his dying hour, and 



charges his sons, on a father's blessing, to be true 
.0 freedom and their counWy. He was indeed and 
in truth, one of the fathers of this nation. T' ere- 
fore, let every son of free America, as he enters 
upon the busy scenes of life, hear and solemnly be- 
seech Heaven to fortify him in the faithful observ- 
<ice of this sacred charge of one of the most wor- 
thy fathers of this country. 

DECLARATION OF RIGHTS. 

fCopy of the first draught by George Mnton.J 
A declaration of rights made by the represent*. 
lives of the good people of Virginia, assembled 
in full and free convention; which rights do per. 
tain to them and their posterity, as the basis and 
foundation of government. 

1. That all men are created equally free and it- 
dependent, and have certain inherent natwrd/ rights, 
of which, Uiey cannot, by any compac:, deprive, or 
divest their posterity; (a) amongivldch are the enjoy= 
ment of life and liberty, with the means of acquir- 
ing and possessing property, a d pursuing and ob- 
taining happpiness and safety. 

2. That all power is by God and nature vested itt 
and consequently derived from the people; that 
magistrates are theirtrustees and servants, and at 
all times amenable to them. 

3. That government is, or ought to be, instituted 
for the common benefi , protection and security of 

he people, nation, or community. Of all the va-' 
rious modes and forms of government, that is best, 
which is capable of producing the greatest degree 
of happiness and safety, and is most effectually se- 
cured against the danger of mal-administration; and 
that whenever any government shall be found in- 
adequate or contrary to these purposes, » majority 
of the community hath an indubitable, unalienable, 
and indefeasible right, to reform, alter, or abolish 
it, in such manner as shall be judged most condu- 
cive to the public weal. 

4. That no man, or set of men, are entitled to ex- 
clusive or separate emoluments or privileges froin 
the community, but in consideration of public ser- 
vices; which not being descendible, neiiher ought 
die offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge, to 
be hereditary. 

5. That the legislative and executive powers of 
ihe state should be separate and distinct from the 

judicial; and that the members of the two first may 

be restrained from oppression, by feeling and par. 

icipating the burthens of the people, they should, 

•. fixed periods, be reduced to a private station, 

and return unto that body from which they were 



124 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



originally taken, and the vacancies be supplied by 
frequent, certain and regular elections, (a) — 

6. ThJit elections of members, to servs as re- 
presentatives of the people in the legislature, ought 
to be free, and that all men having sufficient evi- 
dence of permanent common interest with, and at- 
tachment to the community, have the right of suff- 
rage; and cannot be taxed, or deprived of their 
property for public uses, without thejr own con- 
sent, or that of their representatives so elected, nor 
bound by any law to which they have not, in like 
juanner, assented for the common good. 

7. That all power of suspending laws, or the 
execution of laws, by any authority, without con- 
sent of the representatives of the people, is inju- 
rious to their rights, and ought not to be exer- 
cised. 

8. That in all capital or criminal prosecutions, a 
roan hath a right to demand the cause and nature 
of his accusation, to be confronted with the ac- 
cusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his fa- 
vor, and to a speedy- trial by an impartial jury of 
his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he 
cannot be found guilty, nor can he be compelled 
to give evidence against himself; and th^t no man 
be deprived of his liberty, except by the law of 
the land, pr the judgment of his peers. 

9. That excessive bail ought not to be required, 
nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual 
punishments inflicted. 

10. (This article was inserted by the conven- 
tion.) 

II That in controversies respecting property, 
and in suits between man and man, the ancient trial 
by jury is preferable to any other, and ought to be 
held sacred. 

\ 12. That the freedom of the press is one of the 
great bulwarks of liberty, and can never bp re- 
strained but by despotic governments. 

13. That a well regulated militia, composed of 
the body of the people trained to arms, is the pro- 
per, natural, and safe defence of a free state; that 
standing armies in time of peace, should be avoid- 
ed, as dangerous to liberty; and that, in all cases, 
the military should be under strict subordination 
to, and governed by the civil power. 

14. (This article also was inserted by the con- 
vention.) 

15. That no free government, or the blessing of 
liberty, can be preserved to any people, but by .i 
firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperanccj 



frugality and virtue, and by frequent recurrence ta 
fundamental principles. 

16. That religion, or the duty which we owe ta 
our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can 
be directed only by reason and conviction, not by 
force or violence, and, therefore that all men should 
enjoy thefiiUesl toleration in the exercise of religion, 
according to the dictates of conscience, unpunished 
and unrestrained by the magistrate; unless under color 
of religion, any man disturb the peace, the happiness, 
or the safety of society: And that it is the mutual 
duty of all to practise Christian forbearance, love, 
and charity towards each other. 

"This declaratio7i of rights was the first in Ame- 
rica; it received few alterations or additions ia 
the Virginia convention, (some of them not for the 
better,) and was afterwards closely imitated by the 
other United States." 

The foregoing was copied verbatim from the 
original, in the hand writing of the author, col. 
George Mason, of Virginia, left in the possession 
of bis son, gen. John Mason, of Georgetown. In 
order to facilitate the comparison of it with that 
which was adopted by the convention, and is still 
in force, it has been thought proper to niimber the 
articles as in the adopted declaration, omitting the 
10th and 14th which were inserted entire by the 
convention; and to place those \vorda in italics 
which wer& either expunged or altered, and to put 
a caret where others were added, 

"Virginia, Gunston-Hall, Oct. 2d, 1778. 
J^Iy dear sir. — It gave me great pleasure, upon 
receipt of your favor of the 23d of April, (by Mr. 
Digges) to hear that you are alive and well^ in a 
country, where you can spend your time agreeably^ 
not having heard a word from you, or of you, for 
two years before. I am much obliged, by the friend- 
ly concern you take in my domestic affairs, and 
your kind enquiry after my family: great altera- 
tions have happened in it. About four years ago 
1 had the misfortune to lose my wife: to you, who 
knew her, and the happy manner in which we lived, 
I will not attempt to describe my feelings: I was 
scarce able to bear the first shopk, a depression of 
spirits, a settled melancholy followed, from which 
I never expect, or desire to recover. I determined 
to spend the remainder of my days in privacy and 
retirement with my children, from whose society 
alone, I could expect comfort. Some of them, are 
now grown up to men and women; and I have the 
satisfaction to see them free from vices, g©Qd-i)a- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TfiE REVOLUTION. 



125 



tured, obliging and dutiful: they all still live with 
me, and remain single, except my second daughter, 

who is lately married to my neighbor son. 

My eldest daughter (who is blessed with her mo- 
ther's amiable disposition) is mistress of my fami- 
ly, and -nanages my little domestic matters, with 
a degree of pradence far above her years. My 
eldest son engaged early in the American cause, 
and ivas chosen ensign of the first independent com- 
pany formed in Virginia, or indeed onthecont\. 
pen"; it was coiimanded by the present general 
Wasaington as captain, and consisted entirely of 
gentlemen. In the year 1775, he was appointed a 
captain of foot, in one of the first minute-regiments 
raised here; but was soon obliged to quit the ser- 
vice, by a violent rheumatic disorder; which has 
followed him ever since, and, I believe will force 
him to try the climate of France or Italy. My 
other sons have not yet finished their education: as 
soon as they do, if the war continues, thCy seem 
strongly inclined to take an active part. j 

In the summer of '75, 1 was, much against my in- 
clination, drag'd out of my retirement, by the peo 
pie of my county and sent a delegate to the gene- 
ral convention at Richmond; where I was appoint- 
ed a member of the first committee of safety; and 
have since, at different times, been chosen a mem- 
ber of the privy-council, and of the American con- 
gress; but have constantly declined acting in any 
other public character than that of an independent 
representative of the people, in the house of dele- 
gates; where I still remain, from a consciousness 
of being able to do my country more service there, 
than in any other department, and have ever sincQ 
devoted most of my time to public business; to 
tue no small neglect and injury of my private 
fortune: but U I can only live to see the American 
union firmly fixed, and free governments well es- 
tablished in our western world, and can leave to 
my children but a crust of bread and liberty, I 
shall die satisfied; and say, with the psalmist, "Lord 
now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace." — 
To show you that I have not been an idle spectator 
of this great contest, and to amuse you with the 
sentiments of an old friend upon an important sub- 
ject, I enclose you a copy of the first draught of the 
declaration of rights, just as it was drawn and pre- 
sented by me, to the Virginia convention, where it 
received few alterations; some of them I think not 
for the better: this was the first thing of the kind upon 
the continent, and has been closely imitated by all 
the states. There is a remarkable sameness in all 
the forms of government throughout the American 



Pennsylvania; the first having three branches of 
legislature, and the last only one; all the other 
states have two: this difference has given general 
disgust, and it is probable an alteration will soon 
take place, to assimilate these to the constitutions 
of the other states. We have laid our new go- 
vernment upon a broad foundation, and have en- 
deavored to provide the most effectual securities 
for the essential rights of human nature, both in 
civil and religious liberty; the people become every 
day more and more attached to it; and I trust that 
neither the power of Great Britain, nor the power 
of hell will be able to prevail against it. 

There never was an idler or a falser notion, than 
that which the British ministry have imposed upon 
the nation, that this great revolution has been the 
work of a faction, of a junto of ambitious men 
against the sense of the people of America. On 
the contrary, nothing has been done without the 
approbation of the people, who have indeed out- 
run their leaders; so that no capital measure hath 
been adopted, until they called loudly for it: to 
any one who knows mankind, there needs no 
greater proof than the cordial manner in which 
they hsfve co-operated, and the patience and per- 
severance with which they have struggled under 
their sufferings; which have been greater than you, 
at a distance can conceive, or I describe. Equally 
false is the assertion that independence was origi- 
nallydesigned here: things have gone such lengths, 
that it is a matter of moon-shine to us, whether in- 
dependence was at first intended, or not, and there- 
fore we may now be believed. The truth is, we 
have been forced into it, as the only means of self- 
preservation, to guard our country and posterity 
from the greatest of all evils, such another infernal 
government (if it deserves the name of govern- 
ment) as the provinces groaned under, in the latter 
ages of the Roman commonwealth. To talk of 
replacing us in the situation of 1763, as we first 
asked, is to tlie last degree absurd, and impossible; 
they obstinately refused it, while it was in their 
power, and now, that it is out of their power, Ihey 
offer it. Can they raise our cities out of their ash- 
es? Can they replace, in ease and aUluence; tlie 
thousands of fiimilies whom they have ruined.' Can 
they restore the husband to the widow, the child 
to the parent, or the father to the orphan? In a 
word, can they reanimate the dead?— Our country 
has been made a scene of desolation and blood — 
enormities and cruellies have been committed here, 
which not only disgrace the British name, but dis- 
honor the human kind, we can never again trust a 



uniOD, except in the states of South Carolina and 1 people \v.>.j have thus used us; human nature re- 



126 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



volts at the idea!— The die is cast — the Rabicon is 
passed — and a reconciliation with Great Britain, 
upon the terms of returning to her government, is 
impossible. 

No man was more warmly attached to the Hano- 
ver family and the whig interest of England, than 
I was, and few men had stronger prejudices in fa^ 
vor of that form of government under which I was 
born and bred, or a greater aversion to changing il; 
it was ever my opinion that no good man would 
wish to try so dangerous an experiment upon any 
speculative notions whatsoever, without an abso- 
lute necessity. 

The ancient poets, in their elegant manner of ex- 
pression, have made a kind of being of necessity, 
and tell us that the Gods themselves are obliged 
to yield to her. 

When I was first a member of the convention, 1 
exerted myself to prevent a confiscation of the 
and altho' I was for putting the country imme- 
diately into a state of defence, and preparing for 
the worst; yet as long as we had any well founded 
hopes of reconciliation, I opposed to the utmost of 
my power, all violent measures, and such as might 
shut the door to it: but when reconciliation became 
a lost hope, when unconditional submission, or ef- 
fectual resistance were the only alternatives left 
us, when the last dutiful and humble petition from 
congress received no other answer than declaring us 
rebels, and out of the king's protection, I, from that 
moment, looked forward to a revolution and inde- 
pendence, as the only means of salvation; and wil' 
risque the last penny of my fortune, and the last 
drop of my blood upon the issue: for to imagine that 
we could resist the efforts of Great Britain, still 
professing ourselves her subjects, or support a de- 
fensive war against a powerful nation, without the 
reins of government in the hands of America (what- 
ever cur pretended friends in Great Britain may 
say of it) is too childish and futile an idea to enter 
into the head of any man of sense. I am not sin- 
gular in my opinions; these are the sentiments 
of more than nine tenths of the best men in Ame- 
rica. 

God has been pleased to bless our endeavors, in 
a just cause, with remarkable success. To us 
upon the spot, who have seen step by step the pro- 
gress of tills great contest, who know the defence- 
less state of America in the beginning, and the 
numberless difficulties we have had to struggle 
with, taking a retrospective view of what is passed, 
we seem to have been treading upon enchanted 
ground. The case is now altered. Amcican pros- 



pects brighten, and appearances are strongly in 
our favor. The British ministry must and will wc- 
knowledge us independent states." 

yiji extract from the copy of a letter from col. George 
Mason to his ion JMr. George Mason, then in 
France, dated 1781, the original of -which -was put 
into the hands of the Count de Vergennes by Dr. 
Franklin. 

"Our affairs have been, for som? time, grov;ing 
from bad to worse. The enemy's fleet commands 
our rivers, and puts it in their power to remove 
their troops, from place to place, when and where 
they please without opposition; so that we no sooner 
collect a force sufficient to counteract them in one 
part of the country, but they shift to another, 
ravaging, plundering, and destroying every thing 
before them. Our militia turnout with great spirit, 
and have, in several late actions, behaved bravely; 
but they are badly armed and appointed. General 
Green with about 1200 regular troops and some 
militia, is in South Carolina; where he has taken 
all the enemy's posts, except Charleston. The 
enemy's capital object, at this time, seems to be 
Virginia. General Philips died lately in Peters- 
burg; upon which the command of the British 
troops then devolved upon Arnold. But lord Corn- 
wallis, quitting North Carolina, has since joined 
Arnold, with about 1200 infantry and 300 cavalry, 
and taken the chief command of their army in 
Virginia, now consisting of about 5000 men. They 
have crossed James river, and by the latest ac- 
counts were at Westover; their light horse having 
advanced as far as Hanover court house. They 
have burnt Page's warehouses, where the greatest 
part of the York River tobacco was collected; they 
had before burned most of the tobacco upon James 
river, and haveplundered great part of the adjacent 
country: The Marquis de la Fayette is about 
twenty miles below Fredericksburg with about 
1200 regulars and 3000 militia, waiting the arrival 
of general Wayne, with about 1500 regular troops 
of the Pennsylvania line. 

"We have had various accounts of the sailing o f 
a J'rench fleet, with a body of land forces, for Ame- 
rica; should they really arrive it would quickly 
chnnge the face of our affairs, and infuse fresh 
spirits and confidence; but it has been so long 
expected in vain, that little credit is now given to 
reports concerning it. 

"You know, from your own acquaintance in this 
part of Virginia, that the bulk of the people here 
are staunch whigs; strongly attached to the Ameri- 
can cause, and well affected to the French nHiaucc-i 



PllINClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. l%7 



yet they grow uneasy and restless, and begin to. and two crops uninspeced; so that if a peace hap- 
think, that our allies are spinning out the war, in pens, it will find me plentyful handed in the arti- 



cle of tobacco, which will then be very vuluable. 
The money it has cost you to relieve the distresses 
of your unfortunate countrymen was worthily ex- 
pended, and you will receive retribution, with large 
interest, In Heaven — but in order to shorten the 
time of credit and also to entitle myself to some 
proportion of the merit, I shall insist upon replac- 
ing to you every shilling of it here; I hope you will 
therefore keep an exact account of it. 

I beg you will freely communicate to me the 
situation of your affairs; and if there should be a 
necessity of making you remits ances, 1 will endeavor 
to do it at all events, though it must be by selling' 
some of the produce of my estate at an under value. 
I am no'V pretty far advanced in life, and all my 
views are centered in the happiness and welfare 
of my children— you will therefore find from me 
every indulgence which you have a right to ex- 
pect from an affectionate parent. 

I have been for some time in retirement and shall 
not probably return again to public life; my anxiety 
for my country, in these times of danger, makes 
me somelimes dabble A little in politics, and keep 
up a correspondence with some men upon the 
public stage. You know I am not apt to form opi- 
nions lightly and without due examination. And 
I can venture to say that the French court and 
nation, may confide in the honor and good faith of 
Xmerica; we reflect with gratitude on the import- 
ant aids France has given us; but she must not, 
and I hope will not, attempt to lead us into s 
war of ambition or conquest, or trail us around 
the mysterious circls of European politics. We 
i.ave little news worth communicating — nothing 
of consequence has happened here this campaign; 
the enemy having generally kept close within 
their lines, and the American army not strong 
enough to force them. We have a long lime ex- 
pected the evacuation of Charlestown; the enemy 
liaving dismantled their out-works and embarked 
their heavy artillery and some of their troops. — 
However, by tlie last accounts (in December) they 
liad still a garrison there. By late accounts from 
Kentucky, we are informed that g^eneral Clarke 
v/ith 1200 volunteers, had crosed the Ohio river 
and destroyed six of the Shawnese towns, destroy- 



brder to weaken America, as well as Great Britain, 
and thereby leave us at the end of it, as dependent 
as possible upon themselves. 

"Howeverupjustthis opinion may be^ it is natural 
enough for planters and farmers, burthened with 
heavy taxes, and frequently dragged from their 
families upon military duty on the continual alarms 
occasioned by the superiority of the British fleet. 
They see their property daily exposed to destruc- 
tion, they see with what facility the British troops 
are removed from one part of tlie continent to ano- 
ther, and with what infinite charge and fatigue 
our's are, too late, obliged to follow; and they see 
too, very plainly, that a strong French fleet would 
have prevented all this* 

"If our allies had a superior fleet here, I should 
"have no doubt of a favorable issue to the war; but, 
without it, I fear we are deceiving both them and 
ourselves, in expecting we shall be able to keep 
our people much longer firm, in so Unequal an 
opposition to Great Britain. 

'•France surely intends the separation of these 
states, forever, from Great Britain. It is highly 
her interest to accomplish this; but, by drawing 
out the thread too fine and long, it may unex- 
pectely break in her hands. 

"God bless you, my dear child; and grant that 
we may again meet, in your native country, as 
freemen; — otherwise, that we may never see each 
Other more, is the prayer of 

Your affectionate father, 

G MASON." 

Extract of a letter Ji'om col. George Mason to Ids 
So7i, then in France, datedJan. 8th 1783. 

"As to the money you have spent in Europe, 
provided you can satify me that has not been spent 
in extravagance, dissipation or idle parade, I don't 
regard i*. It is true, I have a large family to provide 
for; and that I am determined from motives of 
morality and duty to do justice to them all; it is 
certain also that I have not lost less than i£ 10,000 
sterling by the war, in the depreciation of paper 
money and the loss of the profits of my estate; but 
think this a cheap purchase of liberty and indepen- 
dence. I thank Gofl, I have been able, by adopting Ing also about 2,000 barrels of their corn and bring- 
principles of strict economy and frugality, to keep ing off furs and oiher plunder to the value of 
my principal, I mean my country estate, unimpaired 1^3,000, wlilch was sold and the money divided 
and I have suffered lit le by the depredations ofi among his men; this will probably drive these 
the enemy I have at this time, two years rents i savages near the Lakes or the Mississippi. Upoa 
(you know mine are all tobacco rents) in arrear ' Clark's return the Chickasaws sent deputies t» 



128 



PRINCIPLES AND AtTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



him to treat for peace. Every thing was quiet in 
the new settlements, and upwards of 5,000 souls 
have been added to them since last September. 
The people there are extremely uneasy l«st the 
free navigation of the river Mississippi to the sea 
should not be secured to them upon a treaty of 
peace; if it is not, it will occasion another war in 
less than seven years; the inhabitants think they 
have a natural right to the free, though not the 
exclusive navigation of that river; and in a few 
years they will be strong enough to enforce that 
i'ight." 

Extract of a letter from colonel George Mason, of 
Virginia Ciuhile serving in the general convention J, 
to a friend in that state. 

PniLADELPHiA, Junc Ist, 1787. 

"The idea I formerly mentioned to you, before 
the convention met, of a great national council, 
consisting of two branches of the legislature, a 
judiciary and an executive, upon the principle of 
fair representation in the legislature, with powers 
adopted to the great objects of the union, and con- 
sequently a controul in these instances, on the state 
legislatures, is still the prevalent one. Virginia has 
had the honor of presenting the out lines of the 
plan, upon which the convention is proceeding; 
but so slowly, that it is impossible to judge when 
the business will be finished; raost probably not 
before August— /e«f/7!a lente may very well be called 
our motto. When I first came here, judging from 
casual conversations with gentlemen from the dif 
ferent states, I was very apprehensive that soured 
and disgusted with the unexpected evils we had 
experienced from the democratic principles of our 
governments, we should be apt to run into the 
opposite extreme, and in endeavoring to steer too 
far from Scylla, we might be drawn into the vortex 
of Charybdis, of which I still think, there is some 
danger; though I have the pleasure to find in the 
convention, many men of fine republican principles. 
America has certainly, upon this occasion, drawn 
forth her first characters; there are upon this con- 
vention many genllemen of the most respectable 
abilities; and, so far as I can yet discover, of the 
purest intentions; the eyes of the United States are 
turned upon this assembly, and their expectations 
raised to a very anxious degree. 

May God grant, we may be able to gratify them, 
by establishing a wise and just government. For 
my own part, I never before felt myself in such a 
situation; and declare, I would not, upon pecuniary 
motives, serve in this convention for a thousand 
pounds per day. The revolt from Great Britain, 



New York 

FnOM THE ALBANY AKGU3: 

Mr. Buel — Permit me to solicit to treat your 
readers and patrons with the publication of the fol- 
lowing address. The journal of the assembly of 
the year 1781, at their second meeting, was never 
printed: it appears that the state printer for that 
year could not procure the necessary paper for the 
purpose. Three hundred copies of this address 
were printed in a pamplilet form for the whole 
state, and the same was ordered to be printed in the 
friendly news-papers. New- York city being then 
in the possession of the enemy, this latter means 
of circulation must have been small. In the 
manuscript journal of 1781, above mentioned, is 
the original state address, from which I have made 
this exact copy. It appears from this journal, that 
previous to the publication of this interesting docii" 
ment, the great body of the people of this siate» 
although they loved their country and still wished 



and the formations of our new governments at that 
time, were nothing compared with the great business 
now before us; there was then a certain degree of 
enthusiasm, which inspired and supported the minds 
butto view, through, the calm sedate medium of rea- 
son the influence which the establishments now pro- 
posed may have upon the happiness or misery of 
millions yet unborn, is an object of such magnitude, 
as absorbs, and in a manner suspends the operations 
of the human understanding." 

"P. S. All communications of the proceedings are 
forbidden during the sitting of the convention; this 
I think was a necessary precaution to prevent mis- 
representations or mistakes; there being a material 
difference between the appearance of a subject in 
its first crude and indigested shape, and af'er it 
shall have been properly matured and arranged." 

.An extract from the last will and testament of col 
George Mason, of Virginia, 

"I recommend it to my sons, from ray own ex-= 
perience in life, to prefer the happiness of inde- 
pendcHce and a private station to the trou'oles and 
vexation of public business; but if either their own 
inclinations or the necessity of the times should 
engage them in public affairs, I charge them, on 
a father's blessing, never to let the motives of 
private interest or ambition induce them to betray, 
nor the terrors of poverty and disgrace, or the fear 
of danger or of death, deter them from asserting 
the liberty of their country, and endeavoring to 
transmit to their posterity those sacred rights to 
which themselves were born." 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



129 



and prayed for iiberty, yet found themselves 
fatigued, distressed, embarrassed, drained of pro 
perty and deprived of the servicfs of llieir use 
ful, hardy hiisbandmer.i — surrounded and daily 
encroached upon by ll>e rava^inp^ enemy, and 
pressed by a merciless sava,'^e foe. Tlie record of 
their complaints and entreaties for relief, trans- 
mitted to the legislature from every part of the 
state, prove them to have been greatly disquieted, 
and anxious to put a speedy ierminalion to taxes, 
impresses, assessments, and levies of militia. By 
the history of th? succeeding year, this admirable 
address seems to have had the desired efiect. The 
committee for drafting and preparing the same 
vi^ere Mr. L'Mommedieu, Mr.^ Tayler, and Mr. Ben^ 
Don, of the assembly, and Mr. Schuylef, Mr. Y.»tes, 
and Mr. Plait, of the senate. It v/as first reported 
to the assembly by Mr. Benson. 

By its publication in your slate paper, you will 
deserve the thanks of the present generation, and 
preserve to posterity an iir.portant item of the his 
tory of the meH:ouable amebican nEvoLUTioN. 

I have the honor to be sir, your very humble ser- 
vant, AARON CLARK. 

Albany, J\''uv. 3, 1819. 

«<AN ADDRESS 

From the legislature of the state nf .Vevo- Yorh, to their 
C'unstitti'jnts. 

"Friends Asn fellow-citizk^s — While govern- 
trent is without corruption, the representatives of 
a free people cannot be inattentive to the opinions 
of their constituents; They will hear tiieir com- 
plaints and examine into (he causes of them; if they 
proceed from errors in government, they will 
endeavor to correct such errors; if they originate 
in evils which arise from their peculiar situation, 
ihey will explain the necessity which gives them 
birth— ^well satisfied that such evils will be borne 
with patience, by those virtuous citizens, who count 
temporary inconveniences as dust in the balance 
when weighed against their own freedom, and the 
happiness of posterity. 

The weight of taxes, the rigorous measures that 
have been used to restrain the dis-dfrcted, exer- 
tions oppressive to individuals, by which supplies 
have been obtained, the wants of the ai'my, the 
calls upon the militia, and the destrtiotion of our 
frontiers, are the principnl sources fiotn which the 
present discontents are supposed to flovv. At first 
viesv, it will appear that most of these complsints 
militate against each other, and that to diminish 
the cause of some evils, others must be increased: 
Thus, to nrocui-e nupptic;:. without force, tnoney 



must be obtained ;md tax- rrndered -^ore burthen- 
ome; to relieve the frontfprs, great demands must 
le made upon the miliii;,; to conduct military 
operations wiih success, vigor and energy must be 
given to government, and temporary restraint be 
imposed upon the liberty of the suKject. Those 
■A-ho candidly admit these truths., w-ll judge of the 
e.'iibarr.issments which pe-p!ex the legislature— 
vill make proper allowances for them, and by aiding 
uid supporting government, enable their rulers to 
lislinguish between the manly representations of 
freemen and real patriots, and'heinsidiousmurmurs 
of those grovelling souls, whom the flesh pots of 
Egypt would lure back to the land of bondage. 

But to enter more minutely jnlo particulars: 
With respect to the weight and inequality of taxes, 
let the sincere and zealous friend of his country, 
for to such characters only we mean to address 
ourselves, look back to the beginning of this con- 
troversy, and test the justice of present complaints 
by past promises. Greater evils than any we have 
yet experienced, were apprehended when we enter- 
ed into the present contest. Cowards shuddered 
and attempted to fly from themi you set them at 
defiance; und animated with the spirit of freedom 
in your public assemblies, at your private meet- 
ings, by your solemn acts, and in your fitmiliar con- 
versationsj repeatedly pledged your lives and for- 
unes to prosecute the war '. ith vigor. 

That the taxes are burthensome, will readily be 
admitted; but on the other hand, we submit to your 
candor, whetiier they are not far short of what you 
had reason to expect: especially when you consider 
t!ie real and not the nominal sum demanded; and 
take into the account, tiiat the war had been carried 
on for several campaigns, at a considerable expense, 
before any taxes were collected, and we are per- 
suaded your jusiice will not permit you to ascribe 
to the legislature, hardships arisi.ig from taxes 
which it was their duty to lay, in conformity to the 
resolutions of that august body, whom tiie common 
voice of America has rendered supreme in matters 
relative to the war. If congress, urged by their 
necessities, have unhappily called for more than 
you are in circumstances togrant— if they have not 
duly weighed the various events which have im- 
poverished and distressed this state, it becomes 
us, without deranging the general .'system, faithftdlv 
to represent o;u- situation, while we endeavor to 
comply will) their requisitions. This we have done; 
and have reason to hope for every relief vvliich thff 
present em:rgencits will permit tlicm to affjrd. 
In this expectation we have also taken measures 
to suppend the opera ion of ihp law for raising* 



J so 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



sum equal to one hundred and fifty thousand dol- 
lars in specie. 

As the vast debt due to individuals of this state 
from the United States remHins unpaid, and there- 
fore you are destitute of a circulating' medium; and 
also because the desolation on the froniiers in the 
last campaign, has compelled os to require you to 
raise an extraordinary, but necessary number of 
men for tlieir security, we have given further time 
for the payment of the tax, which will be due on 
the first of April, and we propose in the mean time 
to digest some plan for a more just und equal 
distribution of that and the other burthens of the 
war. To this, your representatives eng:ige to turn 
their earne&t attention. They lament that the 
Wiitits of the army, and the negligence of states 
v/ho have built too much upon our efforts, have so 
frequently rendered it necessary to disturb the 
common eo-arse of trade; and in some measure to 
violate the rights of property: we trust, however, 
that this necessity will justify us in the opinion of 
those who sincerely believe the re'iefofihe troops 
a national object, and their wants a national griev- 
ance. 

We have stated to congress the difficulties into 
winch we are involved, and flatter ourselves that 
they will take measures to procure from every state 
its just quota, and thereby render exertions beyond 
our proportion, unnecessary in future. And we 
presume so much on your attachment to the causf 
of freedom, as not to doubt that you will cheepfuUy 
submit to every equitable mode which the legisla 
ture may devise to draw forth the resources of this 
state, and by that means prevent us from bein^ 
exposed to the censure of those whom we charg* 
with neglect. 

\{^e have already hinted, that we feel the incon- 
' venience to which the non payment of the con- 
tinental debts, as well as those contracted by the 
Slate, has sKhjected many of you. To this suL 
ject we have again earnestVy entreated the atten- 
tion of congress, and pointed out a mode of redress 
We have now under consideration, a plan fur callj: g 
to account such persons as have been entrusied 
with public money, and thereby to restrain impro- 
per expenditures. We sincerely wish that the 
charge against public officers bad been eo par- 
lieu'., r as to direct us in our enquiries to the per 
sons aimed at, and still hope that where abuses 
have crept into any department, the same zeal 
which dictated the complaint, will, by regular in- 
formation to the prosecutor for the public, to ^ 
grand jury, composed of the body of each county, 



or to your representatives, in assembly, enable 
liiem to bring the offenders to justice. 

The extraordinary powers given to commission- 
ers for defeating conspiracies, may undoubtedly 
be justified by our peculiar situation, and by the 
practice of all nations under similar cii'cumstances. 
On thid occasion, we are again impelled to call on 
your candor, and to ask, beset as we are by avov/ed 
enemies, and infested with concealed traitors, who 
with facility maintam criminal intercourse, scatter 
the seeds of disaffection, and take advantage of 
the credulity of the honest but misinformed — v,he- 
ther it is r.ot absolutely necessary to be attentive 
to their motions— to compare intelligence received 
from diflerent quarters — to counteract the varioQs 
machinations they are incessantly practising to 
subjugate us to British tyranny — that the legisla- 
ture should delegate such powers as these com- 
missioners are invested with. From a persuasion 
that you conceived their proceedings may, in some 
instances, have been improper, we do you the jus- 
tice to believe, that hence your complaints have 
originated; and we flatter ourselves that in a more 
serious consideration, yon, as friends to your coun- 
try, will be impressed with the necessity of such 
powers, and that they will be obn'jx' jus to none but 
the disiiffected. The proceedings of these com- 
missioners will, however, be submitted to the 
mspection of a committee of both houses, in order 
to discover whether they have abused their au- 
thority. 

We have already taken measures for the defence 
of the frontiers, which, if successful, will greatly 
relieve the militia; and we indulge ourselves in a 
'lope that our endeavors will be warmly seconded 
by those, at least, whose zeal has justly led them 
to consider the destruction of the frontiers as a na- 
tional misfortune. 

We see with pain, many of the inljabitants of 
;he state remonstrating against that as a grievance, 
.vhich, as a part of the original constitution, is sty 
intimately interwoven theiewith, as not to be rent 
from it without d^"Stroying the fa ■>ric, namely, the 
share which the representat ives of the southern part 
of the state have in legislation. We find ourselves 
cor..strained to declare, that we cannot consider this 
«s a proper subject of complaint. A convention 
was chosen for the whole state, and consisted of 
deputies from every county, with imlimited po«vers 
to institute and establish a government which 
should conchide the -whole. W^liilst this great busi- 
I ess was ui agitation, the southern cou ties be- 
.came under a restraint from the enemy, andthe 



PRINCIPLES AND AGTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



151 



pointed at the embarrassments which surround 
us, and the means we have pursued to remove 
them; but wliile (^uty dictated this line of conduct 
on our part, it becomes 7is, the temporary representa- 
tives of the majesty of the people, to prosecute this 
address in a style which freemen ought to use to 
iheir equals; and we therefore cannot hesitate ta 
issert, that it is incumbent on you candidly to dis- 
tinguish between errors in the general system of 
the laws themseh'es, and the persons employed in 
the execution of them; between those which care 
and attention in your legislature and magistrates 
may remedy, and those which your situation and 
circumstances render unavoidable. Your repre- 
sentations have been useful in pointing out defects, 
but in your fortitude, in a due obedience to the 
laws, and in a determination to support the au- 
thority of government, ean relief only be obthined 
against partial burthens, and although we cfiunot 
suspect that you will be remiss in these great duties 
of the good citizen, yet it behoves us to advise you. 



convention made provision for affording to the 
inhabitants of those counties as much of the bene- 
fits of the constitution as their situation and cir- 
cumstances would admit. We presume the con- 
vention were convinced, that as legislation and 
representation is the leading principle in our con- 
stitution, it would, therefore, be highly unjust, if 
because our brethren were unfortfiuiate and conlr] 
not enjoy the whole of their inheritance, we should 
deprive them of that in vhich they could panici 
pate. To prevent this injustice, and influeRced by 
motives of necessity and expediency, the conven- 
tion passed the ordinance which we cannot, with- 
out violating the rights of the people, consider 
otherwise than as part of the constitution, from 
which we derive our powers, and therefore not to 
be altered or annulled by us. Independent of these 
conclusions, which we have drawn from the strict 
principles of the constitution, we find our conduct 
supported by the example of the great council of 
the United States. Congress has allowed, and doth 
still permit the delegates from Georgia and South | that a criminal negligence has been lately too pre- 
Carolina to sit, debate, and votej although the valent with some; that i. is your duty to interfere. 



former is entirely in possession of the enemy, and 
the capital of the latter, with a great part of the 
state, experience the same misfortune. Indeed, 
should the delegates of those states, or the re- 
presentatives of those counties be deprived of their 
seats, the fjrmer might of right, and agreeable to 
the law of nations, separate from tlie federal union, 
enter into compacts with other nations, and even 
imite v/ith Great Britain^and the latter might on 
the same principle^ hold a similar conduct with 
respect to us. We forbear to enter into a further 
detail of reasoning on this subject, presuming that 
the least reflection will discover that, as in the one 
case, the jurisdiction of congress could not, of 
right, extend to Georgia and South Carolina, so in 
the other, our sovereignty would be restricted in 
point of territory, and our act could not rightfully 
bind the inhabitants of the counties in the power 
of the enemy. Consequences so" detrimental to 
both, we are persuaded, were not foreseen by those 
amongst our constituents who wish well to the cause 
of their country, otherw'se we flatter ourselves 
that this matter would not have been suggested as 
a grievance. 

Thus, friends and fellow citizens, impelled b 



especially whilst the British tyrant insults you 
with his unmeaning offers of peace and pardon, 
and whilst his infamous emissaries industriously 
attempt to excite the honest, but credulous friend 
of his country, to unwarrantable commotions, and 
induce him to mix with well founded grievances, 
those that do not exist. We mention this to sound 
the alarm to you, whose zeal and firmness have 
remained unshaken in every vicissitude of the pre- 
sent contest, that the weak and unwary may, by 
your example, be led to the better policy of remov- 
ing the difficulties and embarrassments which lay 
between us and the great objects we have in view, 
lainKPKSDENCB, T.IBERTT and PEACE, and not, by 
throwing fresh difiiculties in the way, remove to a 
more remote period the completion of your wish. 
Listen, friends fellow-citizens, and countrymen, 
to the recommendations of that great and good 
man, whose virtues and patriotisn;, as the soldier 
and the citizen, have drawn down the admiration 
not of America only, but all Europe; whoss well- 
earned fame will roll down the tide of time until 
it is absorbed in the abyss of eternity: Listen to 
vvliat he recommended to your army on a recent 
and an alarming occasion, and seriously apply it to 



the laudable principle that the public weal only jyourselves and to us: "The general is deeply sensi- 
ought to influence the conduct cf its servants, have " ble of the sufferings of the army; he leaves, no 
we admitted the justice of some of your cam-]" expedient unused to relieve them, and he is per. 
plaints, promised our endeavors to lessen the cause " suaded that congress and the several states are 
of others, submitted to your candor our observa-" doing every thing in their power for the same 
tions on t'lose which we cannot deem grievousj-' purpose. But v/hile we look to th.e public for 



132 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



" II e f"u;f' .1 • • c.i . > ei.gwtjen ents, tee should do it 
"with proper al o-u^ance fi.r the emhurrassments of 
"public oJI'airs; \vc. I'tgan a com est for liberty and 
"independence, ill provided for willi >l)f mfuns ot 
*' war, relying on our patriotism tc supply deficien- 
"cies? we expecit'd "o encouafer mafiy wants and 
" diflicuhie.s, nnd \^"e sEiculd ntitli'T shrink from 
*♦ them when they happen, m r fly in the. face of 
*• hnv and gorarnmeiit 'n ptocure redress. There 
"is no doubt the public '.vjll, in the event, do 
"ample justice to the ntn figliting and sufftring 
" in their defcr.ce; but it is our duly io dear present 
" evils 7i'i!h fortitude, looking forward to the period 
"when our country will have it more in its power 
"to reward cur services. History is full of exam- 
*' pies f)f armies sufierlng, with patience, the ex 
•' trcraities of distress which exceed those we have 
" experienced, and those in the cauie of ambition 
" and conquest, not in that of the rights of hu- 
" m.'.nity, of their country, of their families, and 
" of thfinstlvcs SI'hU we, who aspire to the distinc- 
" tion ef u J airioi arn.y, ivho are coutending fur every 
*' tiijig preciovs in society, neaiJist every thing hate- 
"fnl and dcgrudiiig in slavery,- shall we, who call 
" ourselves citizens, discover less constancy, and 
*' mill ary virtue, than the mercenary instruments 
" of ambltiot:?" 

These are the sentiments of a Washington, and 
allhoiig!) he hud noc us immediately in view, yet 
every sentence is replete with wholesome admoni- 
tion to all orders of men in these slates. The force 
and artliice of the enemy have hitherto proved 
equally abortive. Britain's proud boasts of con- 
quf St are no more, and all Eiuope detests her 
cause. You are already within sight of the promised 
land, and, by the blessing of Heaven, and adequate 
eflbrts on your part, you may shortly hope, under 
your owr. vine and your own fig tree, to spend the 
remainder of your days in trarq'jility and ease; 
when the dangers you have passed, and the difficul- 
ties you sustain, will only seem to heighten your 
enjoyments; when you will look forward to the 
app'iiiises of succeeding ages, and extend your 
happiness to the tnosi rer ,o1e period, by anticipat- 
ing that which your exertions shall transmit to 
your poslciity. 

But, friends, fellow citizens and countrymen, 
vain is your hope to experience these glorious re 
wards, for all your toils, and quaff the cup of bliss; 
in vain has owr hardy ancestor traversed the 
IracklefS ocean to seek in the wilds of the new 
voi'l''- a refuge from the oppressions of the old; ir, 
vain for our takes has he fled from that tyranny? i 



v'hich, by taxing industry, transir.i.s poverty as an 
inheritance from one generation to another; in vain 
lias he strove with the ruthless barbarian, and with 
the vsnous difficulties incident on the emigration to 
.•onntries untrodden by civilized man; if, by inernal 
liscord, by a pusillanimous impatience under un. 
avoi;labie burthens, by an immoderate attachment 
to perishable property, by an intemperate jealousy 
of those servants whom each revolving year may 
displace from your confidence, by forge^tting those 
fundamental principles which induced America to 
separate from Britain, we pl.iy into the liands of » 
haughty nation, spurred on to perseverance in inju- 
ry, by a despairing yet imrelsnting tyrant, and hi.s 
rapftcious minions. 

Your representatives feel themselves incapable 
of believing that any but the misguided, the weak 
and the unwary amongst our fellow-citizens, can be 
guilty of so foully staining the honor of the state, 
and wantonly becoming parricides of their own, 
and the pea(>e and happiness of their posterity.— 
Let us then all, for our interest is the same, with 
one heart and one voice, mutually aid and support 
each other. Let us steadily, unanimously, and vigor- 
ously, prosecute the great business of establishing 
©ur independence. Thus shali we be free our- 
selves, and leave the blessings of freedom to mil- 
lions yet I'.nborn. 

By order of the senate, 
(Signed) PIERRB VAN CORTLANDT, ;>resV 

By order of the assembly, 
(Signed) EVERT BANCKER, speaker ^ 

Albany, JMarch 13, 1781. 



Declaration of Indepeiideiice. 

FnOMTUE RALEIGH RECISTKR. 

It is not probably known to many of our readers, 
that the citizens of Mecklenburg county, in this 
state, made a declaration of independence more 
than a year before congress made theirs. The 
following document on the subject has lately 
come to the hands of the editor from unques- 
tionable authority, and is published that it may- 
go down to posterity. 

Nohth-Caholina, 
Mecklenburg county, jMay 20, 1775. 
In the spring of 1775, the leading characters of 
Mecklenburg county, stimulated by the enthusias- 
tic patriotism which elevates the mindabove consi- 
derations of individual aggrandisement, and scorn- 
ing to shelter themselves from the impending 
storm, by submission to lawless power, &c. &.c. 
leld several detached meetings, in each of which 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



IJS 



the individual sentiments were "that the cause of 
Boston was the cause of all; that their destinies 
were indissolubly connected with those of their 
eastern fellow-citizens— and that they must either 
submit to all the impositions which an unprinci- 
jiled and to them an unrepresented parliament might 
impose-or support their brethren who were doomed 
to sustain the first shock of that power, which, if suc- 
eessfuUhere, would ultimately overwhelm all in the 
common calamity. Conformably to these principles, 
ool. Adam Alexand.er, through solicitation, issued 
an ordeFlo'each captains's company in the county 
of Mecklenburg, (then comprising the present 
county of Cabarrus) directing each militia company 
to elect two persons, and delegate to them am- 
ple power to devise ways and means to aid and as- 
sist their suffering brethren in Boston, and also ge- 
nerally to adopt measures to extricate themselves 
from the impending storm, and to secure, unim- 
paired, their inalienable rights, privileges and li- 
berties, fiom the dominant grasp of British impo- 
sition and tyranny. 

In conforming to said order, on the 19th of May, 
177S, the said delegation met in Charlotte, vested 
with unlimited powers; at which time official 
news, by express, arrived of the battle of Lexing- 
ton on that day of the preceding month. Every 
delegate felt the value and importance of the prize, 
and the awful and solemn crisis which had arrived 
— every bosom swelled with indignation at the 
malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge develop- 
ed in the late attack at Lexington. The universal 
sentiment was — let us not flatter ourselves that 
popular harangues — or resolves; that popular va- 
poor will avert the storm, or vanquish our common 
enemy — let us deliberate— let us calculate the is- 
sue — the probable result: and then let us act with 
energy as brethren leagued to preserve our proper- 
ty — our lives, — and what is siill more endearing, 
the liberties of America, ^dam Alexander was 
then elected chairman, and Johi J\TKnitt Alexander, 
clerk. After a free and full discussion of the va- 
rious objects for which the delegation had been 
convened, it was unanimously ordained — 

1. Resolved, Tiiat whosoever directly or indi- 
rectly abetted, or in any way, form, or manner, 
countenanced the unchartered and dangerous in- 
vasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, 
is an enemy to this country — to America — and to 
the inherent and inalienable rights of man. 

2. Resolved, That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg 
county, dohereby dissolve thepolitical bands wl-ich 
have connected us to the mother country, and here- 



by absolve ourselves from allegiance to the British 
crown, and abjure all political connection, contract, 
association with that nation, who have wantonly 
trampled on our right and liberties— and inhumanly 
shed the innocent blood of American patriots at 
Lexington. 

3 Resolved, That we do hereby declare our- 
selves a free and independent people; are, and of 
right ought to be, a sover'?ign and self-governing 
association, under the control of no power other 
than that of our God and the general government 
of the congress: to the maintenance of which inde- 
pendence, we solemnly pledge to each other our 
mutual co-operation, our lives, our fortunes, and 
our most sacred honor. 

4. Resolved, That, as we now scknowledge the 
existence and control of no law or legal officer, ci- 
vil OP military, within this county, we do hereby 
ordain and adopt, as a rule of life, all, each, and 
every of our former laws — wherein, nevertheless, 
the crown of Great Britain never can be consider- 
ed as holding rights, privileges, immunities, or au- 
thority therein. 

5. Resolved, That it is also further decreed, that 
all, each, and every military officer in this countv 
is hereby reinstated to his former command and 
authority, he acting conformably to these regula- 
tions. And that every memher present of this de- 
legation shall henceforth be a civil officer, via: a 
justice of the peace, in the character of a 'Comndl- 
tee man* to issue process, hear and determine nil 
matters of controversy, according to said adopted 
laws, and to preserve peace, and union, and har- 
mony, in said county; and to use every exertion to 
spread the love of country and fire of freedom 
throughout America, until a more general and or- 
ganized government be established in this pro- 
vince. 

A number of by laws were also added, merely to 
protect the association from confusion, and to re- 
gulate their general conduct as citizens. Afier 
sitting in the court house all night, neither sleepy, 
hungry or fatigued, and after discussing every pa- 
ragrapb, they were all passed, sanctioned, and de- 
creed, unanimously, about 2 o'clock, A. M. May 
20. In a few days, a deputation of said delegation 
convened, whencapt. Jamis Jack, of Charlotte, v>'»s 
tleputed as express to the congress at P illadel- 
phia, with a copy of said resolves and proceedings, 
together with a letter addressed to our three re- 
presentatives, viz: Richard Caswell, Urn. Hooper, 
and Joseph Hughes, under ^xpi'^ss i'.ijunction, per- 
sonally, and through the state representation, to 



134 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



use all possible means to Lave said proceedings t 
sanctioned and approved by the general congress. 
On the return ofcapt. Jack, the delegation learned 
that their proceedings were individually approved 
by the members of congress, but that it was deem- 
ed premature to lay them before the house. A joint 
letter from said three members of congress was 
also received, complimentary of the zeal in the 
common cause, and recommending perseverance, 
order, and energy. , 

The subsequent harmony, unanimity, and exer- 
tion, in the cause of liberty and independence, 
evidently resulting from these regulations, and the 
continued exertion of said delegation, ajjparently 
tranquilized this section of the state, and met with 
the concurrence and high approbation of the coun 
cil of safety, who held their sessions at Newbern 
and Wilmington, aliernately, and who confirmed 
the nomination and acts of the delegation in their 
official capacity. 

From this delegation originated the court of en- 
quiry of thi<^ county, who constituted and held their 
first session in Charlotte; they then held their 
meetings regularly gt C!)arlotle, at col. James Har- 
ris's, and at col. Phifei's, alternately, one week at 
each place; I. was a civil court founded on milita- 
ry process. Before this judicature all suspicious 
persons were made to appear, who were formally 
tried, and banished or continued under guard, lis 
jurisdiction was as unlimited as toryism, and its 
decrees as fiaal as the confidence and patriotism 
of the county. Several were arrested and brought 
befor-' tiicn from Lincoln, Rowan, and the adja- 
cent counties. 

[The foregoing is a true copy of the papers on 
the above subject, left in my hands by John Mat- 
thew Alexander, deceased. I find it mentioned on 
file, that the original book .vas burned in April, 
1800; that a copy of the proceedings was sent to 
Hugh Williamson, in New Y rk, then writing a 
a history of North Carolina, and that a copy was 
sent to gen. W. R Davie. 

J. M'lvNITT.] 

The following hotal pkoclamatios was com- 
municated at the same time, and is published as a 
curiositt/.- 

NORTIICVUOLINA. 

JBj/ hit excellency Josir-h Hartin, his majesty^ s cap- 
tain general, und ^'jvenior in chief of the said pro- 
vince, &c. &c. &c. 

A PROCLAMATIOX. 

Whereas the king, ever anxious for the welfare 



and happiness of all his people, and sensible to the 
representations which have been constantly made 
to him of the stea<Iy and unshaken loyalty, and of 
the inviolable fidelity and attachment of his faith- 
ful subjects in this province to his person and go. 
vernment, and confiding entirely in their re- 
peated assurances to his majesty of their own ut- 
most exertions in co-operation with his arms when- 
ever they should be directed to their support: And 
whereas his majesty, moved by these considera- 
tions, by every the most tender and paternal feel- 
ing of concern and regard for the sufferings and 
misery of his faithful people, under the intolerable 
yoke of arbitrary power, which his majesty, with 
indignation, sees imposed by the tyranny of the 
rebel congress upon his free-born subjects, hath 
been pleased to send an army to their aid and r£- 
lief— I have, therefore, thought it proper, by this 
proclamation, to inform his majesty's loyal and 
faithful subjects in this province, of this great 
proof and instance of his majesty's gracious atten- 
tion to them, and at the same time to advertise 
them that the royal army, under the command of 
lieut. gen. earl Cornwallis, is thus far advanced to 
their support, leaving it to themselves to compute 
its power and superiority from the great, signal, 
and complete victory wliich it obuioed when in 
force very inferior to its present, strength, over the 
rebel army on the 16tU of August: And whereas, 
while his majesty, on the one hand, holds forth 
grace and mercy to his deluded subjects who shall 
immediately, and with good f<«th, return to their 
duty, to which tijey have been invited, in vain, b,y 
every reason and argument, and by every conside- 
ration of interest, of freedom, and happiness, he is 
detei'mined, on the other, to employ, in the mo^t vi- 
gorous and effectual manner, the force of his arms, 
and the united strength of his faithful people, to 
restore and maintain to tliem tliat genuine liberty, 
peace, and prosperity, wliich they formerly enjoyed 
in such full security, under the mild government 
and protection of Great Britain, and to compel the 
disobedient to submission to the laws, and to a 
participation of those blessings of a free constitu- 
tion, wliich, through ignorance, infatuation, delu- 
sion, blindness, and fraud, they have been hitherto 
led to resist, notwithstanding liis majesty's most 
gracious and merciful endeavors to raclaim them. 
Having thus signified to the king's loyal and f.*ith- 
ful subjects the arrival and progress of his majes- 
ty's army to their aid and support, which they have 
so long and eagerly wished for, it becomes my duty 
to remind them that the time is now arrived in 
which they are to evir.ce the sincerity of their pro- 



MINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THft REVOLUTION. 



iS5 



fessions of loynUy and attachment to his mnjesty's 
person and govern rr:ent; they are to consider them- 
selves in this hour most seriously and solemnly cal- 
led upon by every duly of the subject to the sove- 
reign, and by every tie and consideration of family, 
liberty, and property, of present and future wel- 
fare and interest, with heart and hand, to join and 
unite their strength with that of his majesty's 
forces, in order to deliver themselves from that in- 
tolerable yoke of slavery and arbitrary power, 
(which the tyranny of the rebel congress, lost to 
every sense of truth and virtue, is evidently aim- 
ing to rivet upon them, by calling in the aid of 
the two Roman Catholic powers of France and 
Spain, whose policy and incessant labor it has been 
for ages to subvert the civil and religious liber- 
ties of mankind,) and to restore themselves to that 
state of perfect freedom which is acknowledged 
throughout the world to be found only in the en- 
vied rights and condition of British subjects: 

And whereas I have the entire confidence, that it 
is the wish, inclination, and ardent desire of his 
majesty's faithful and loyal subjects in this pro- 
vince, to employ their strength on this great occa- 
sion for the redemption of every thing that can 
be dear to men, in the way that is likely most effec- 
tually and certainly to accomplish the great objects 
of pelice and happiness which they have in view: 
I do hereby exhort and invite allthe young and able- 
bodied men to testify the reality of their loyalty 
and spirit, by enlisting in the provincial corps, 
which ar2 forthwith to be raised and put under my 
command, as his majesty's governor of the pro- 
vince, hereby informing and assurincr them that 
they are and will be required to serve only during 
the rebellion, and within the provinces of North 
and Souih Carolina aad Virginia, under officers of 
their own recommendation; that each man will re- 
ceive the bounty of three guineas at the time ol 
enlisting, and all the pay, clothing, appointments, 
allowances, and encouragements of soldiers of his 
majesty's army; and will be entitled, at the end of 
the rebellion, when they are to be discharged, to 
free gra.Us of land. And I have such full assu- 
rance that his majesty's loyal and faithful subjects 
of this province will so clearly see the propriety 
and necessity of forming their strength upon this 
plan, which experience hath p. oved can alo.ie ren 
der it useful and effectual, to the speedy suppres- 
sion of the tyranny which has fur years past de- 
prived them of every blessing, right, and enjoy- 
joyment of life, that 1 am confiient their houest 
-eal will lead them to contend and vie with eaci. 



they shall choose to enlist, from a just sense )f" the 
merit and applause that will be due to such as are 
soonest completed. 

Given under my hand, and the great seal of the 
said province at head quarters, in 
CharloHetown, this third day of October 
in the year of our Lord one thousand se- 
ven hundred and eighty, and in the twen- 
tieth year of his majesty's reign. 

JO. MARTIN. 
By his excellency's command: 
RioDON BnicE, P. Sec'y. 

God save the king!, 

THE MECKLENBURG RESOLUTIONS. 

rnOM THE RALEIBH HEGISTEB. 

Declaration of independence.— T\xq following pa- 
ragraph appears in the Essex Register of the 24tli 
ult. in relation to the declaration of independence 
made by the citizens of Mecklenburg county, in 
this state, as early as May, 1775, which was origi- 
lally published in this paper on the 30th ofApril, 
1818, and which has been copied into most of the 
newspapers printed in the United States. 

"The Mecklenburg resolutions, as copied frona 
the Raleigh Register, have not had universal credit-' 
It has been surprising that they had been so long 
unknown. Though the publisher says tkey rest 
upon high authority, the public would be pleased 
to know more about them. If they are forgeries , 
they are highly criminal, and we agree, that "fic- 
tions of til is kind, five and forty years after the pre- 
tended fact, ought to be discountenanced by every 
man of honor, and this in particular ought to be 
hunted from the dark cavern from which it origi- 
nated. Tiie more ingenious the invention, the 
more detestable." We can only say that^ from 
the specious form in which they appeared, we were 
induced to copy them. They had so many cir- 
cumstances that they could easily be exposed, if 
fictionsi and, being printed in the state in whica 
the resolutions are said to have been taken, they 
originated where these circumstances might be ex. 
plained. We kRow not what part the representa- 
tives of Nortii Carolina took in congress, and how 
far they availed themselves of the spirit they found 
in their constituents. With us, it was no objectioni 
that ihey were not published. We knew the state 
of the press at that time, and tli« general inability 
to take a fair estimate of local opinions. As some 
doubty have arisen respecting the documents, it is 
of ihe greatest importance th^t the documents be 

xamined and traced to their true history. These 



QCher m h\hv.s the respective baitaiiona in whiculdou'jts involve somw' serious questions. We copie, 



136 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



them from the press, and they have no object in 
northern policy. They are, if true, favorable to 
the south, in which they appear. As they re 
gard a period of our history in which every thing 
should be clear and certain, we hope the publisher 
will assist to more satisfactory knowledge of their 
true character." 

For the satisfaction of the respectable editor of 
the Essex Register, we are desirous of giving him, 
and others, who may have doubts as to the correct 
ness of the'se documents, all the information in our 
power; and we feel confident, after we shall have 
done so, no longer doubt will remain as to the truth 
and reality of the proceedings in question. 

It appears, this Mecklenburg declaration of in- 
dependence had, during last winter, been the sub- 
ject of conversation at Washington, amongst mem- 
bers of congress; and that, in order to put the mat- 
ter out of dispute, one of our senators, and the 
representative from the Mecklenburg district, in 
congress, wrote to gentlemen in that part of the 
country, most likely to give it, for satisfactory in- 
formation in relation to this matter. 

Our senator received the following answer to the 
letter which he wrote on this occasion: 

"Alexandriana^ Mecklenburg county, JV*. C. 

February 7, 1819. 
MSrn—Your application to gen. Joseph Graham, 
of Lincoln county for information respecting the de. 
claration of independence by the county of Meek 
lenburg, previous to the declaration by the United 
States, induced him toforward your letter to me for 
the like purpose, with a request to furnish you, 
from my father's old papers, every thing on that 
subject that could be found; but, previous to the 
reception of your letter, William Davidson* had 
addressed my brother on the same subject, 
and he has furnished all that could be found 
amongst my father's papers on thatsubject. But, on 
looking again, I found an old proclamation,! which 
I herein enclose to you— if it should be of any 
service, you can use it. 

•'Nearly all my father's papers were burned in 
the spring of 1800; which destroyed the papers 
now wanting, as I believe he acted as secretary to 
the the committee that declared independence for 
this county in 1775. 

"lam, sir, with respect and esteem, your. Sec. 
"WM. B. ALEXANDER. 

•'Hon. Nathatiiet. Macon." 



T'lL -leclaration an I resolutions published, -vera 
rfefeived by M'- Davids..- fro-'i J M'Knitt, (bro- 
ther of Mr. Alexander, the writer of the above 
letter) accompanied wiih the following certifi- 
cate: 

"The foregoing is a true copy of the papers on 

the above subject, left in the hands of John 

M'Knitt Alexander, deceased. I find it mentio-ied 

on file, that the original bonk was burned, April, 

1800; that a copy of the proceedings was sent to 

Hugh Williamson, in New York, then writing the 

history of North Carolina, and that a copy was 

sent to gen. W. R. Davie. 

"J. M'KNITT." 

And the papers, thus certified, were sent to us 
for publication, by the senator who had collected 
the information. We trust, therefore, that the 
most sceptical will no longer entertain a doubt of 
the authenticity of this declaration of indepen- 
dence of Mecklenburg county. If further evi» 
dence of these facts were wanting, it is believed, 
the testimony of one the most respectable inhabi« 
tants of this city, who was present when the do-* 
claration was resolved upon might, be added. 



*Mr- Davidson is the representaiivein congress 
from that district. 

fThis was the proclamation of George 3d. pub- 
lished with the declaration. 



Revolutionary Document. 

We have recently procured a copy of the instru- 
ment by which GAGE, in 1775, proclaimed a par- 
Ion to all Americans who should "lay down their* 
arms and return to their duty," with the exception 
of SAMUEL ADAMS and JOHN HANCOCK. We 
find by the introduction, that it was published by 
the Whigs, from the British original. It is in the 
hand-bill form, and we believe has never before ap- 
peared in a news-p^per. — Ed Boston Patriot. 

Cambrtbge, June 14, 1775. 
The following is a copy of an infamous thing hand' 
ed about here yesterday, and now-reprinted to 
satisfy the curiosity of the public. As it is replete 
with consummate impudence, the most abomin- 
able lies, and stuffed with daring expressions of 
tyranny, as well as rebellion against the estiib- 
lished constitutional authority of the AMERI- 
CAN STATES, no one will hesitate in pr.innun- 
cing it to be the genuine production of that 
perfidious, petty tyrant, Teomas Gage. 

BT HtS EXCELlEIfCT THE HOJf . THOMAS SAGE, ESa. 

Governor and commander in chief in and over bis ma' 
jesty^s'lProvince of JIass:;chusettS'Bay, and vice- 
admii-al of the same. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

WuEHEAS the infatuated multitudes, who have 
long sufi'ered themseltes to be conducted by cer- 



JPRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



1S7 



tain well-known incendiaries fnd traitor?, in a fatal 

progression of crimes, against the constitutional 

authority of the state, have at length proceeded 

to avowed rebellion; and the good effects which 

were expected to arise from the patience and 

lenity of the king's government, have been often 

fsustrated, and are now rendered hopeless, by the 

influence of the same evil counsels; it only re- 
mains for those who are entrusted with supreme 

rule, as well for the punishment of the guilty, as 

the protection of the well affected, to prove they 

do not bear the sword in vain. 

The infringements which have been committed 
upon the most sacred rights of the crown and peo- 
ple of Great Britain, are too many to enumerate on 
one side, and are all too atrocious to be palliated 
M. on the other. All unprejudiced people who have 
^cen witnesses of the late transactions, in this 
and the neighboring provinces, will find, upon a 
transient review, m;irks of premeditation and con- 
spiracy that would justify the fulness of chastise- 
ment: And even those who are least acquainted 
with facts, cannot fail to receive a just impression 
of their enormity, in proportion as they discover 
the arts and assiduity by which they have been 
falsified or concealed. The authors of the present 
unnatural revolt, never daring to trust their cause 
or their actions, to the judgment of an impartial 
public, or even to tiie dispassionate reflection of 
their followers, have uniformly placed their chief 
confidence in the suppression of truth: And while 
indefatigable and shameless pains4iave been taken 
to obstruct every appeal to the real interest of 

the people of America, the grossest forgeries, ^jj^^^jg ^^,^ jqjj^, FIANCOCK, whose offence 
Calumnies and absurdiiies that ever insulted hu- 



armed persons, to the amount of many thousands, 
assembled on the 19th of April last, and from 
b«hind walls and lurking holes, attacked -a detach- 
ment of ihe king's troops, who, rot expecting so 
consummate an act of frenzy, unprepared for ven- 
geance and willing to decline it, mude use or their 
arms only in their own defence. Since that period 
the rebels, deriving confidence from impunity, have 
added insult to outrage; have repeatedly fiied up- 
on the king's ships and subjects, with car.non and 
small arms; have possessed the ro,ids and other 
communications by which the town of T'^'ston was 
supplied with provisions; and, with a preposterous 
parade of military arrangement, they affect to hold 
the army besieged; while part of their body maki^ 
daily and indiscriminate invasions iip»n piivate pro- 
perty, and, with a wantonness of cruelty ever 
incident to lawless tumult, carry depredation and 
distress wherever they turn their seeps. The ac- 
tions of the 19th of April are of such notoriety, as 
must baffle all attempts to contradict them, and 
the flames of buildings and other property, from the 
inlands and adjacent country, for some weeks pnst, 
"pread a melancholy confirmation of the subsequent 
assertions. 

In this exigency of com.plicated calamities. I 
Avail myself of the last effort within the bounds of 
my duty to spare the effusion of blood; to offer, 
and I do hereby in l:i<i mi^jesty's name, offer and 
promise his most gracious pardon, to all persons 
who shall forthwith lay down their arms, and re- 
liirn to the duties of peaceable subjects, exceptino- 
only from the benefit of such pardon, SAMUEL 



man understanding, iiave been imposed upon their 
credulity. The press, that distinguished appen- 
dage of public liberty, and when fairly and im- 
partially employed, its best support, has been 
invariably prostituted to the most contrary pur 
poses: the animated language of ancient and vir'u 
ous times, calculated to vimlicate and promote 
the just rights and interests of mankind, have been 
applied to countenance the most abandoned viola- 
tion of those sacred blessings; and not only from 
the flagitious prints, bu'. tTom the popular harangues 
of the times, men have been taught to depend up- 
on activity in treason for the security of Iheir per- 
sons and properties; till, to complete the horrid pro- 
fanation of terms and of ideas, the name of God has 
been introduced in the pulpits to excite and justify 
devastation and niabsacre. 



Tiie minds of men having been thus gradual!. 

prepared for the norst cxir.^'mities, a number oi .vith them by letter, ine-Jsage, 
IH. 



are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other 
consideration than that of condign punishment. 

And to the end that no person within the limits 
of this prr.ffTed mercy m:iy plead ignorance of the 
cons?quences of r^fitsing it, I by these presents 
poclaim, not orly the persons above-named and 
excepted, but also all their alherents, a.ssocia es 
and abettors, meaning to coniprehend in those 
terms all and every p-rsnn, and persons of w'.itt 
class, denominatir'n or de-cripfion soever, \v!io 
lu.ve appeared in arms against the king's govern- 
ment, and shall not I ,y down tlie sane as afore- 
mentioned; and like.vise all such as sliall so take 
arms after the dale hereof, or who shall in iny-vvise 
protect or conceal such oflender';, or assist them 
with money, provision, cattle, arms, aminuniion, 
carriages, or any other necessary for suhsi?ienoe 
or ofl'ence; or shall hold secret correfjnonclence 

ai, or (il)ie.r- 



138 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



wise, lo be rebels and traitors, and as such to bejby landing in uiHerent parts of the country, we 
treated. | k?rp them in continual hot water; but as captain 

And whereas, during the continuance of thel'-esHe tells me he means to give you particulars 
present unnatural rebellion, justice cannot be ad-1 enough, 1 shall say no more on that subject. Among 
ministered by the common law of the land, the | the prisoners, we have taken one Oliver, Porter 
course whereof has, for'a long time past, been land Ueane, two natives of Boston, bringing 

violently impeded, and wholly interrupted; fiom!>" gunpowder to North Carolina. The latter was 
whence results a necessi y for using and eserc>s-|seia from Boston to influence the minds of the peo- 
ing the law martial; I have therefore thought fit.jple, in wl.ich he has been but too successful. He 
by the authority vested in me, by the royal char- was taken from on board a schooner going from 
ter to this province, to publish, and I do hereby i this place to the Western Islands, to bring powder 
publish, proclaim and order the use and exercise I to this colony; and the others have carried arms 
of the law mariiai, within and throughout this i against his majesty in this province. I have sent 



province, for so long time as the present unhappy 
occasion shall necessarily require; whereof all 
persons are hereby required to take notice, and 



them more with a view of intimidating others than 
to punish them, as they expect here that, so sure 
as they are sent to Boston, they are to be hanged. 



govern themselves, as well to mainiaiTi order and i Kobinson is a delegate of our convention. Matthews 

regulariiy among the peaceable inhabitants of the was a captain of their minute-men. Perhaps they 

province, as to resist, encounter and subdue the j may be of some use to you, in exchanging them 

rebels und traitors above- Ici-cribed by such as shall j*or good men. The sloop not sailing so soon as I 

be called upon for those purposes. expected, I have to inform you that, on the llth 

linst. I had infornnation that a party of about a 
To these inevitable, but I trust salutary ™ea- ,,^^^^^^^j ^^^,^^ ^^^^,^ ^.^^^,.^^^^^(^^,^ .^^^ ^^^^,^^^ 

suies. it is a far more pleasing part of my duty i ^ ^,^^ assistance of those in this colonv, and were 
to add the assurances of protection and support, jp^^^^^ ^, ^ pj^^^ ^^j^^^ ^^^ Great -Bridge, a very 
to all who, in so trying a crisis, shall manifest j ^^^^^^^j^j p^^^ j^ the country. I accordiugly em- 
their allegiance to the king, and affection to theij,^^.^^^ ^^^ jj,^j^ ^^,,pg ;^ ^^^^^^ j^ ^^^ ^.^^^^ ^. 
p.rent state. So that such persons as may haveL^^ ^^^^ ^.^j^ between twenty and 2(J volunteers 
been intimidated to quit their habitations in the! f^^^ Norfolk. We landed within four miles of 

the bridge, and arrived there a little after day- 
light; but, to our groat mortification, found the 
birds hail fljvva the evening before. But hearing 
that a body, between 2 and 300, of our rebels were 
within about ten miles of us, we determined to 
beat up their quarters, and accordingly proceeded 
aboui eight miies, when they Sred on our ndvanced 
guards from the woods: on which I immediately 
ordered our people to rush in upon them, and at 
the same time sent a party of the regulars, with the 
volunteeri!, to out-flank them. The enemy im- 
mediately fl d on all quarters, and our people 
pursued them for a mile or more, killed a few, 
drove others into a creek, where they were drown- 
ed, and took nine prisoners, among whom is one of 
their colonels. We only had one man wounded, 
wlio is recovering. I imiaedialely upos thio is.^ued 



course of this alarm, may return to their respec- 
tive Callings and professions, and stand distinct 
and separate from the parricides of the covistitu- 
tion, till God, in his mercy, shall restore to his 
creatures, in t!:is distracted land, that system of 
happiness from wliich they have been seduced, the 
religion of peace, and liberty founded upon law. 

Given at Boston, this twelfth day of June, in 
tlie hfieenth year of the reign of his ma- 
jesty GKOiiGE the third, by the grace of 
GOD, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, 
KING, defender of the Faith, he. Annoque 
Domini, 1775. 

THOMAS GAGE. 
By his excellency's command: 

Tuo's FuTCKKB, secretary. 

God save the kino. 



I tlie enclosed poclama'ion; which hashadawonder- 

liOrcl DuBinorC to GreilCral Howe, jful eflecc, as there are no less than 300 who have 

\ViLLiA.»isiiUHGH, Viv.RiNiA, Jan 25 taki-ii and signed the enclosed oath. The blacks 

Tlw ful'owing- is an extract of a eiter from lonl I)u?i' I are also fl.ickiiig in from all quarters, which I hope 

more to general ILwe, dated JSi^veinber 30, 1775. j will oblige the rebfls to disperse, to take care of 

"I musi iiilorm you, that with our lillle corps iktieir tiunilies and property, and had I but a few 

tl'.ink wc have done wonders. We have '.aken and inore men here, I would immediately march to 

destroyed above fourscore pieces of ordnuncCj and- Williuaisburgh, my former place of residence., by 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



1S9 



w*>ic!i I sliould soon compel the w'lOle ciloriy to 
suri-nit. We are in jjreat want of small arms; an-' 
if two or three field pieces and their c*rria(|es 
could be spared, they would be of great service 
to US; also some cartridije paper, of which not a 
sheet is to be got in this country, and all our 
r.artri Ij^es are expended. — Since the 19lh of Mav 
last. I have not received a single line from any one 
in administration, though I have wrote volumes to 
them, in each of which I have prayed to be instruct, 
ed, but to no purpose. I am therefore determined 
to go on doinj the best of my power for 'lis na 
jesty'i service. I have accordingly ordered a regi 
ment, called the Queen's own loyal regiment, of 
500 men, lo be raised immediately, consisting of a 
lieutenant-colonel commandant, major, an-A ten 
companies, each of wliich is to consist of one 
captain, two lieutenants, one ensign, and fifty pri- 
vates, with non-commissioued officers in propor- 
tion. You may observe, by my proclamation, thai 
J offer free (hm to the blacks of all rebels that join me, 
in consequence of whicii there are between 2 and 
300 already come in, and those I farm into corps as 
fast as they come in, giving them white oflicers and 
non-commissioners in proportion. — And from these 
two plans, I make no doubt of getting men enough 
to reduce this colony to a proper sense of their 
duty. My next distress will be the want of arms, 
accoutrements and money, all of which you may 
be able to relieve me from. T!ie latter I am sure 
you can, as there are many merchants here who 
are ready to supply me, on my giving them bills 
on you, which you will have to withdraw, and give 
your own in their room. I hope this mode v/ill be 
agreeable to you; it is the same that general Gage 
proposed. I have now, i.i order to carry on the 
recruiting business, victualling, clothing, &,c. drawn 
en you for ^5009 sterling, and have appointed a pay- 
master, who will keep exact accounts. I wish you 
vould infom me, by the return of the sloop, what 
boimty money maybe given to those who enlist. — 
Having heard that 1000 cliosen men be'onging to 
the rebels, a great part of whom were riflemen, were 
on their march to attack us here, or to cut off our 
provisions, I determined to take possession of the 
pass at the Great-Bri Ige, wliich sectires us the 
greatest part of two couities, to supply us with 
provisi ms. I accordingly ordered a stockade to 
be erec'ed there, whicU v,is done in a few day-; 
and I pit an officer and 25 men to garrison it, with 

some volunteers and , who have defended ii 

ag:iinst all the eff)rts of the rebels fur these eight 
days past. We have killed several of their men, 



id I mak no doubt wesb.til now be able to main- 
tain our ground there; but should we be obliged 
to abandon it, we have thrown up an intrenchment 
on the land side of Norfolk, which 1 hope they 
never will be able to force. Here we are contend- 
ing-, with only a very small part of a regiment, 
against the extensive colony of Virginia. If you 
wiuld but spare me, for a few months, the 64-th 
regimen? now in the castle, and the remaining part 
of the 14t!i, I really believe we sHould reduce this 
colony to a proper sense of their duty." 



Convention in Virginia. 

Resolved, unanimously, that this convention do 
hig'^ly apprive of col. Woodfor I's conduct, mani- 
fesied, as weP in the success of the troops under 
his command, as in the humane tre-atment of, and 
kind atien'ion to, the unfortunite, though brave 
officers and soldiers, who were made prisoners in 
the late action near the Grsat B-idgp, and that the 
president communicate to col. Woodford the sense 
of his country on this occasion. 

Whereas lord Dunmore, by his proclamation, 
dated on board the ship William, the 7lh day of 
November, 1775, h.ah presumed, in direct violation 
of the constitution, and the laws of this country, 
to declare martial law in force, and to be executed 
throughout this colony, whereby our lives, our li- 
berty, and our property, are arbitrarily subjected 
to his power and direction: and whereas the said 
lord Dunmore, assuming' powers which the king- 
hi.nself cannot exercise, to intimidate tlie good 
people of this colony into a compliance with his 
arbitrary will, hath declared those who do not im- 
mediately repair to his standard, and submit in all 
thi'igs to a government not warranted by the con- 
stitution, to be in actu.al rebellion, and thereby to 
have incurred the penalties inflicted by the laws 
for such off.-nces; and hath offered freedom to the 
servants and slaves of those he Is pleased to term 
rebels, arming them against their masters, and 
destroying the peace and happiness of his ma- 
jesty's good and faithful subjects, whose property 
is rendered insecure, and whose lives are exposed 
ta the dangers of a general insurrection: We, as 
guardians of the lives and liberty of the people, 
our constitueii'vs, conceived it to be indispensably 
our duty to protect them against every species of 
despo'isra, and to endeavor to remove those fears 
wiih which they are so justly alarmed. 

If it were possible the understandings of men 
could be so blinded, that every gleam of reason 



140 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



might be lost, the hope, his lordship says, he hath 
eVer entertained of an accommodation between 
Great Britain an;l this colony, might now pass 
unnoticed; but truth, justice, and common sense, 
must ever prevail, when facts can be appealed to 
in their support. It is the peculiar liappiness of 
this colony, that his lordship can be traced as the 
source of innumerable eviis, and one of the princi- 
pal causes of the misfortunes under which we now 
labor. A parlicuUr detail of Iiis conduct, since his 
arrival in tins colony, can be considered only as a 
repetition, it having been already fully published 
to the world by the proceedings of the general 
assembly, and a farmer convention; but the un- 
remitting- violence with which his lordship endea- 
vors to involve this country in the most dreadful 
calamities, certainly affords new matter for the 
attention of the public, and v/ill remove every 
imputation of ingratitude to his lordship, or of 
injustice to his character. His lordship is pleased 
to ascribe the unworthy steps he hath taken against 
this colony to a necessity arising from the conduct 
of its inhabitants, whom he hath considered in a 
rebellious state, but whoknow nothin^^ of rebellion 
except the name. Ever zealous in support of 
tyranny, be hath broken the bonds of society, and 
trampled justice under his feet. Had his lordship 
been desirous of affecting an accommodation of 
these disputes, he hath had the most ample occa- 
sion of Qxerting- both his interest and abilities; but 
that he never had in view any such salutary end, 
most evideatly appears from the whole tenor of 
his conduct. The supposed design of the Canada 
bill having been to draw down upon us a merciless 
and savage enemy, the present manoeuvres amongst 
the Homan Catholics in Ireland, and the schemes 
concerted witli Doctor Connelly, and other vile 
instruments of tyranny, which have appeared by 
the examination of the said Connelly, justify the 
supposition, and most fully evince his lordship's 
inimical and cruel disposition towards us, and can 
be.it determine whether we have been wrong in 
])reparing to resist, even by arms, that system of 
tyranny adopted by the ministry and parliament ol 
Great Britain, of which he is become the rigid 
executioner in this colony. The many depreda- 
tions committed also upon the inhabitants of this 
colony, by the tenders and other armed vessels 
employed by his lordship for such purposes; the 
pilfering and plundering the property of the peo- 
ple, and the actual seduction and seizure of their 
slaves, were truly alanning in their effects, and 
called aloud for justice and resistance. The per- 
sons of loany of our peaceable brethren have been 



seized and dragged to confinement, contrary to 
the principles of liberty, and the constitution of 
our country: yet have we borne this iijurious treat- 
ment with unexampled patience, unwilling to shed 
the blood of our fellow-subjects, who, prosecuting 
the measures of a British parliament, would sacri- 
fice our lives and property t9 a relentless fury and 
unabating avarice. If a governor can be authorised, 
even by majesty itself, to annul the laws of the land, 
and to introduce the most execrable of all systems, 
the law martial; if, by his single fiat, he can strip 
us of our property, can give freedom to our ser- 
vants and slaves, and arm them for our destruction, 
let us bid adieu to every thing valuable in life; let 
us at once bend our necks to the galling yoke, and 
hug the chains prepared for us and our latest pos- 
terity! 

It is with inexpressible concern we reflect upon 
the distressed situation of some of our unhappy 
countrymen, who had thought themselves too im- 
mediately within the power of lord Dunmore, and 
have been induced thereby to remain inactive. We 
lament the advantage he hath taken of their situa- 
tion, and at present impute their inactivity, in the 
cause of freedom and the constitution, not to any 
defection or want of zeal, but to their defence- 
less state; and whilst we endeavor to afford them 
succour, and to support their rights, we expect 
they will contribate every thing in their power to 
effect their deliverance: yet if any of our people, 
in violation of their faiUi plighted to this colony, 
and the duty they owe to society, shall be found 
in arms, or continue to give assistance to our ene- 
mies, we shall think ourselves justified, by the 
necessity we are under, in executing upon them the 
law of retaliation. 

Impressed with a just and ardent zeal for the 
welfare and hnppiness of our countrymen, we trust 
they will, on their part, exert themselves in de- 
fence of our common cause, and that we shall ail 
acquit ourselves like freemen, being compelled by 
a disagreeable, but absolute necessity, of repelling 
force by force, to maintain our just rights and 
privileges; and we appeal to God, who is the 
Sovereign Disposer of all events, for the justice 
of our cause, trusting to his Mncrring wisdom to 
direct our councils, and give success to our arms. 

Whereas lord Dunmore, by his proclamation, 
dated on board the ship William, oft" Norfolk, the 
7th day of November, 1775, hath offered freedom 
I to such able bodied slaves as are willing to join 
him, and take up arms against the good people of 
this colony, giving thereby encouragement to a 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



T41 



general insurrection, which may induce a necessity 
of infli'-ting ihe severest punishments upon those 
unhappy people already deluded by his base and 
insidious arts, and whereas, by an act of the gene- 
ral assembly now in force in this colony, it is 
enacted, that all negro, or other slaves, conspiring 
to rebel or make insurrection, s'lal! suffer death, 
and be excluded all benefit of clergy— we think 
it proper to declare, that all slaves who luive been, 
or shall be, seduced by his lordship's proclama- 
tion, OP other arts, to desert their m..ster's servicR, 
and take up arms agiinst the inhabitants of this 
colony, shall be liable to such punishment as shall 
hereafter be directed by the convention. And 'n 
the end that all such, who have taken this unlaw- 
ful and wicked step, may retarn in safety to their 
duty, and escape the punishment due to their 
crimes, we hereby promise pardon to them, t'^ey 
surrendering themselves to colonel WilliaiO Wood- 
ford, or any other commmder of our troops, and 
not appearing in arms after the publication hef^nf. 
And we do further earnestly reco"nmend it to all 
humane and benevolent persons in this colony, to 



this country, wherever born, ought to be exempted 
from any of the burthens or dangers to which the 
colony is exposed; but that, as good citizens, it is 
incunabent on them to use every exertion of their 
power and abilities in the common defenc; and 
should any persons of ability decline- or shrin^^ <ro\n 
so necessary a duty to the community, that all such, 
except those who have taken up arms against our 
iuhiibitants, or shewn themselves to us, m-ty be 
p emitted, under a license of Ike comTaittee of 
safety, to leave the country. 

(Cj'One of Id. Dunmore's tenders went to a place 
clled Mulberrv-island, in Warwick county, md 
lii'ded her men, who went to Mr. Benjamin Wells's 
hou«e, with rheir faces blacked like negroes, whose 
companions fhey are, and robbed the house of all 
the fur;iiture, foar negroes, a watch, and stock- 
buckle. The inhuman wretches even took the bed 
on which lay two sick infants. 

v'J ropv of Che oath (fxtortedfrom the people of JK'or. 
folk and Princess Anne, by lord Dnnmore. 

«'We the inliabitants of being fully sensible 

explain and make known this our offer of mercy to j of the errors and guilt into which this colony hath 
those unfortunate people. } be^n mish-d, under color of seeking redress of 

And whereas, notwithstanding the favorable | g-fievances, and that a set of factious men styling 
and kind dispositions shewn by the convention an ' 
the natives of this colon}', and the extraordinary 
and unexampled indulgence by them held out to 
the natives of Great Britain, residing in this colony, 
(the Scotch who gave themselves this title in their 
petition) many of these have lately become strict 
adherents to the lord Dunmore and the most active 
promoters of all his cruel and arbitrary persecu- 
tions of the good people of this colony, not onlv 
by violating the continental association, to which 
they had solemnly subscribed, in many the most 
flagrant instances; not merely by giving intelligence 
to our enemies and furnishing them with provisions, 
but by propagating, as well in Great Britain as in 
this colony, many of the most mischievous false- 
hoods, to tlie great prejudice and dishonor of this 
country: And moreover, many of these natives of 
Great Britain, instead of giving their assistance in 
suppressing insurrections, have contrary to all faith, 
so'emnly plighted in their petition, excited our 
slaves to rebellion, and some of them have daringly 
led those slaves in arms against our inhabitants; t!ie 
committee having these things in full proof, and 
considering their alarming and dangerous tendency, 
do give it as their opinion, and it is accordingly 
resolved, that the former resolution in their favor 
ought from henceforth to be totally abrogated and 



themselves cumtnittees, conventions, and con- 
gresses, have violently, and under various pre- 
tences, usurped the legislative and executive pow- 
ers of government, and are thereby endeavoring 
to over. urn our most happy constitution, and have 
incurred the guilt of actual rebellion against our 
most gracious sovereign: We have therefore taken 
an oath abjuring their authority, and solemnly 
promising, in the presence of Almighty God, to 
bear faith and true allegiance to his sacred ma- 
Jesty George the third; and that we will, to the 
utmost of our power and ability, stipport, main- 
tain, and defend his crown and dignity, against all 
traitorous attempts and conspiracies v/hatsoever. 
And whereas armed bodies of men an; collected 
in various parts of t'lis colony, withon.t any legal 
authority, we wish them to be informe*!, tliat how- 
CA'er unwilling we slioidd be to shed the blood of 
ouf countrymen, we must, in (lischargeM)f o'.tr duty 
to God and the king, and in support of the con- 
stiiulion and laws of our country, ofjpose their 
marching into this county, where thvir coining 
car answer no good end, bur, one theontrary, mu.st 
expose us to the ravages and horrors ■ ►f a civil war; 
and, for that purpose, v»e are determined to take 
advantage of our hap[:>y situation, aai will defend 
the passes into our county, and neigLborhood, to 



rescinded; that none of the freemen, inhabitants of • the last drop of our blood." 



142 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Massachusetts-Bay. 

Jiy the great and general court of the colony of 

Massachusetts Bay: 

A PROCLAMATION. 

The frailtj' of human nature, the wants of indivi- 
duals, and the numerous dangers which surround 
them, tlirough the course of life, have, in all ages, 
and in every country, impelled them to form socie- 
ties and establish governments. 

As the happiness of the people is the sole end 
of government, so the consent of the people is the 
only foundation of it, in reason, morality, and the 
natural fitness of thin^. And therefore every 
act of government, every exercise of sovereignty, 
against, or without, the consent of the people, is 
injustice, usurpation, and tyranny. 

It is a maxim that in every government, there 
STiust exist, somewhere, a supreme, sovereign, 
absolute, and uncontrolable power; but this power 
resides always in the body of the people; and it 
never was, or can be delegated to one man, or a 
few; the great Creator having never given .-> men 
a right to vest others with authority over them, 
unlimited either in duration or degree. 

When kings, ministers, governors, or legislators, 
therefore, instead of exercising the powers entrust- 
ed with them, according to the principles, forms 
and proportions stated by the constitution, and 
established by the original compact, prostitute 
those powers to the purposes Of oppression — to 
subvert, instead of supporting a free constitution; 
— to destroy, instead of preserving the lives, liber- 
ties and properties of the people;— they are no 
longer to be deemed magistrates vested with a 
sacred character, but become public enemies, and 
ought to be resisted. 

The administration of Great Britain, despising 
equally the justice, humanity and magnanimity of 
their ancestors; and the rights, liberties and 
courage of AMERICANS, have, for a course of 
years, labored to establish a sovereignty in Ame- 
rica, not founded in the consent of the people, but 
in the mere will of persons, a thousand leagues 
from us, whom we know not, and have endeavored 
to establish this sovereignty over us, against our 
consent, in all cases whatsoever. 

The colonies, during this ppriod, have recurred 
to every peaceable resource in a free constitution, 
by petitions and remonstrances, to obtain justice; 
which has been not only denied to them, but thev 
hiive been treated with unexampled indignity and 



contempt; and at length, onen war of the most 
atrocious, cruel and sanguinary kind, has been com- 
menced against them. To this an open, manly 
and successful resistance has hitherto been made; 
thirteen colonies are now firmly united in tlie con- 
duct of this most just and necessary war, under the 
wise councils of their congress. 

It is the will of Providence for wise, righteous, 
and gracious ends, that this colony should have 
been singled out, by the enemies of America, as the 
first object, both of their envy and their revenge; 
and after having been made the subject of several 
merciless and vindictive statutes, one of which was 
intended to subvert our constitution by charter, is 
made the seat of war: 

No effectual resistance to the system of tyranny 
prepared for us, could be made without either 
instant recourse to arms, or a temporary suspen- 
sion of the ordinary powers of government, and 
tribunals of justice. To the last of which evils, in 
hopes of a speedy reconciliation with Great Bri- 
tain, upon equitable terms, the congress advised us 
to submit: — And mankind has seen a phenomenon, 
without example in the political world, a large and 
populous colony, subsisting in great decency and 
order, for more than a year, und :r such a suspension 
of government. 

But as our enemies have proceeded to such bar- 
barous extremities, commencing hostilities upoa 
the good people of this colony, and with unpre- 
cedented malice exerting their power to spread 
the calamities of fire, sword and famine through 
the land, and no reasonable prospect remains of a 
speedy reconciliation with Great Britain, the con- 
gress have resolved: 

"That no obedience being due to the act of par- 
liament for altering the charter of the colony of 
Massachusetts-Bay, nor to a governor or lieutenant- 
governor, who will not observe the directions of, 
but endeavor to subvert that charter, the gover- 
nor and lieutenant-governor of that colony are to 
be considered as absent, and their offices vacant. 
And as there is no council there, and inconvenien- 
cies arising from ;he suspensinn of the powers of 
e^overnment are intolerable, especially at a lime 
when general Gage hath actually levied war, and 
is carrying on hostilities against his majesty's 
peaceable and loyal subjects of that colony: that, 
in order to conform as near as may be to the spirit 
and substance of the charier, it be recommended 
'O the provincial convention to write letters to the 
^habitants of the several places which are entitled 
10 representation in assembly, requesting them to 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



14S 



choose such representatives; and that the assembly, 
when chosen, do elect counsellors; and that such 
assembly and council exercise the powers of go- 
vernment, until a governor of his majesty's appoint- 
ment will consent to govern the colony according 
to its charter." 

In pursuance of which advice, the good people 
of this colony have chosen a full and free repre 
sentation of themselves, who, being convened in 
assembly^ have elected a council; who, as the-execu. 
live branch of government, have constituted neces- 
sary officers through the colony. The present 
generation, therefore, may be congratulated on the 
acquisition of a form of government more imme- 
diately, in all its branches, under the influence 
and controul of the people, and therefore more 
free and happy than was enjoyed by their ancestors. 
But as a government so popular can be supported 
only by universal knowledge and virtue in the 



worship of G >d, at all time.s acknowledging with 
gratitude his merciful interposition in their be- 
half, devoutly confiding in him, as the God of ar- 
mies, by who-e favor and protection alone they 
may hope for success, in their present conflict. 

And all judges, justices, sheriffs, grand jurors, 
tything-men, and all other civil officers within this 
colony, are hereby strictly enjoined and command- 
ed that they contribute all in their power, by theii* 
advice, exertions and examples, towards a gene- 
ral reformation of manners, and that they bring to 
condign punishment every person who shall com- 
mit any of the crimes or misdemeanors aforesaid, 
or that shall be guilty of any immoralities whatso- 
ever; and that they use the utmost endeavors to 
have the resolves of the congress, and the good 
and wholesome laws of this colony, duly carried into 
execution. 

And as the ministers of the gospel, within this 



body of the people, it is the duty of all ranks to ; colony, have, during the late relaxatian of the pow. 
promote the means of education, for the rising I grs of civil government, exerted themselves for 
generation, as well as true religion, purity of man- jour safety, it is hereby recommended to them, 
ners, and integrity of life, among all orders and j still to continue their virtuous labors for the good 

of the people, inculcating by their public ministry, 
and private example, the necessity of religion, 
morality, and good order. 

In couNcii,, January 19, 1776. 
Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be 
read at the opening of every superior court of 



degrees. 

As an army has become necessary for our de- 
fence, and in all free states the civil must provide 
for and controul the military power, the major 
part of the council have appointed magistrates and 
courts of justice in every county, whose haj)piness 
is so connected with that of the people, that it is 
difficult to suppose they can abuse their trust, jj"'^''^'*'"^^' ^'^^ ^"^ '"f^'"'^'' <=»"'"' o^«=o"»i"on Pie^s, 
The business of it is to see those laws enforced ! ^""^ ^°"""'^ of general sessions for the peace within 
which are necessary for the preservation of peace, ^^'^ ''^'■'"J'' ^y ^^^'^ respective clerk; and at the 
virtue and good order. And the great and gene- j^"""^' ^"*" meetings in March, in each town.— 
ral court expects and requires that all necessary p^"'^ '^ '^ '^^^^^^ recommended to the several 
support and assistance be given, and all proper p'"^'*^'"^ °^^^^ Sospel, throughout this colony, to 
obedience yielded to them; and will deem every ''^^"^ ^^'^ *'''"'■• »' their respective assemblies on the 
person, who shall fail of his duty in this respect P"'"'^'* ^^^ "^^' *'''^'' ^''^''^ '^^'^^'^•"S ^^' ^"''"^di^tely 

, ,u„™ „ ,i:.,..._i c .u -- ./• ,,.. 1 after divine service. 

Sent down for concurrence. 



towards them, a disturber of the p='ace of thi 
colony, and deserving of exemplary punishment. 



That piety and virtue, which alone can secure 
the freedom of any people, may be encouraged, 
and vice and immorality suppressed, the great 
and general court have thought fi. to issue this | William Coopkr, speaker, pro tem. consented to. 



PEREZ MORTOX, deputy sec. 

In the house of represenliitives, January 23, 1776 
— Read and concurred. 



proclamation, commanding and enjoining it upo. 
the good people of this colony, that they leac'ii 
sober, religious and peaceable lives, avoiding all] 
blasphemies, contempt of the holy sciipiures, and! 
of the lord's day, and all other crimes and mis- 
demeanors, all debauchery, prophaneness, corrup- ■ 
tion, venality, all riotous and lumuituous proceed-! 
ings, and all immoralities whatsoever; and th . j 
they decently and reverently attend the public 



WiUi'im Sever, Walter Spooner, Caleb Gush- 
ing, John Winthrcp, Tnomas Gushing, Moses 
Gill, Michael Farley, Samuel Holten, Charles 
Chauncy, Joseph I'almer, John Whetcomb, 
Jededjuh Foster, Eldad Taylor, John Taylor, 
Benjamin Wliiie, James Prescot. 
By ordi-r of the general court, 

PEREZ MORTON, deputy sec- 

Goj) SATE TKK rtVl'lh: 



144 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



To the Earl of Dartmouth. 

"Mt/ lord— li constitutional allegiance t;) my 
kin^, a warm attachment to my coumry,* and the 
most f.anguine emotions for peace and permanent 
union between the parent state and her colonies, 
will sufKciently expiate for epistolary freedom, 
pernni'c a minister of the king of kings to address 
a tnia'ister of the king of Great Britain, France, 
Ireland, and North America: for it is the language 
of mj soul, that the precious .\merican jewel may 
spewlily and immoveably be set in the most 
effulgent diadem. 

Your lordship sustains a twofold character: a 
soldier of 'he lord of lords, and secretary of state 
for t'lC nortiiern department, under our rightful 
sovereign. High ai'd honorable offices indeed! but 
every soldier is not an intrepid warrior, or as a 
noble lord once expressed it, "There are many 
professors, but few possessors;" nor is every ser 
van I of the crown infallible: in both these, every 
mail at best is but a fallible beings This doctrine 
yotir lordship once loved, being then a real follotver 
of the Lamb: for Tivell remember siveral opportimities, 
and the happy and precious momentu of each, -when toe 
boived together at the sacred altar;-\ at which, when 
I beheld the right honorable communicant, with his 
livery servants on his right hand and left, my soul 
M'as raised almost to the third Heaven, and my 
Sipirits filled with evangelical love! For not many 
Jnighty, not many noble, are truly Godly. As your 
lordship's condescension was so laudable, honor- 
sible, and scriptural, as to appear a professor of 
Christianity, a witness for God, and the truly hum- 
ble soul, I trust, and firmly believe, that "the most 
fine gold is net yet become dim." To whom then 
shall I write, or speak in behalf of the naiserable 
convulsed empire; for your lordship hath fl trust J 
eternal life at heart, and everlasting felicity, bj 
faith, in fall view. 

The parliament of Great Britain say, they have 3 
right to tax or bind the Americans in all cases 
whatsoever, to which they answer, "As they were 
born free, free they will be, or die," and upon many 
of iheir hats there is this motto, ^freedom or death." 
Upon others, "God and our rights." 

Since the battle of L,€xingt0B, I have been twice 
in eight of the thirteen united colonies, namely, 
Massachusetts-Buy, Rhode Island, Cmnecticut, 
New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, New Castle, 



*Born in the city of Oxford, 
jor the Lock Chapel. 



Scu* vnd M iryland, all wiiich, except New-York, 
tt: almost unanimous in the voice of liberty. — 
indeed none (save a few officers under the crown) 
are willing to be bound by the British parliament, 
in all cases whatsoever. The Americans declare, 
a master can lay no grater burden on a slave than 
to bind him in all cases whatsoever. — Taese things 
the united colonies have imbibed, and before this 
en reach yeur lordship, Canada will, in all human 
probability, be added to the thirteen, for St. John's 
and Montreal have, upon capitulation, surrendered, 
I and the rest of the province, in every other re- 
spect, bids fair for a general surrender, or subjec- 
tion to the American side. In New-York city and 
province, although there are, I verily believe, more 
friends to guvernment (as they call themselves) 
than all the rest of the colonies together can pro- 
duce, yet in the city and province there is, on the 
other side of the question, a majority large enough 
to SKbdue them at any time: for instance, a few 
weeks ago some of these friends appeared in the 
province in opposition to the American voice; 
whereon a small party went out immediately, who 
subdued and disarmed them. These freinds, my 
lord, are not worthy of the appellation; they are 
only sycophants; they flitter with their lips and 
pens, and deceive (I fear) your lordship and others 
in administration, from packet to packet. They 
have repeatedly insinuated, that the New England 
governments have nothing else in view but inde- 
pendence. It is totally repugnant to truth. Be- 
fore the sword was drawn, there could not possibly 
be greater loyalists In the ye'ir 1769, I arrived 
first in America; and they daily manifested what 
oving subjects they were: and the dissenting 
clergy also, in every opportunity, were particularly 
anxious to invoke the Great Jehovah in behalf of 
their dread sovereign, of whom they spake in terms 
the most pathetic; also for all his governors and 
officers, as well as for others^ that peace and hap- 
piness, truth and justice, religion and piety, might 
s'ill be and flourish under his sceptre. Add to 
this, I justly may, the several conversations I have 
had with, and the private prayers I have heard by 
tiiose gentlemen concerning his majesty, his crown 
ind dig lity; with all which every loyalist could 
out be perfectly well pleased. To these facts, my 
lord, I have not only been an eye witness in one 
ciilony, but in many, nay even in Massachusetts* 
B'Av, and her r.ipiol. 

*Alt!iougli New Cus le, &c. belong to Pennsyl- 
vania, yet as they in assembly are disiinctly reore- 
rented, and also in tlie congress, those counties 
iiierefore are viewed as, and called one of the unit- 
ed colonies. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS O^ THE REVOLUTION. 



t43 



Now, my lord, for Clirisl's sake, ultend iitith- 
fuliy. 

About two months ago I viewed the camps, 
JRoxbury and Cnmbridge. The lines of »bolh are 
impregnable; wiUi forts (many ©f which are bomb 
pfoof) and redoubts, supposing them to lie all in a 
direction, are about 20 miles; the breastworks of 
a proper lieijyht, and in m*ny pl;tces 17 feet in 
thickness, the trenches wide and deep in propor- 
tion, before wiiich lay forked impediments, and 
many of the forts, in every respect, are perfectly 
ready for battle; the whole, in a word, an admira- 
tion to every spectator: for vsrlly tli'^ir fortifica- 
tions appear to be the works of seven years, instead 
of about as many mo>iths. At these camps are 
about 20,000 men, well disciplined. The gene- 
rals and other otniers, in all their military under- 
takings, solid, discreet, and cotir.igeous, tjie men 
daily raving for action, and seemingly void of fear. 
'1 here are many floating batteries, and also balteatis 
in abundance; besides this strength, 10,000 militiii 
are ordered in that government to appear on the 
first summons. Provisions and money there are 
very plen'}', and the soldiers fi»ithfally paid. 'J'he 
army in great order, and very healthy, and about 
six weeks ago lodged in comfortable barracks. — 
Cliaplains constantly attend the can^ps, morning 
and night. Prayers are often offered up for peace 
and rciconcillation, and the soldiers very attentive. 
The roads, at the time I viewed the camps, were 
almost lined with spectators, and thousands with 
me can declare the above, respecting the camps, to 
be a just de.sci iptioii; but, my lord, I have more 
facts to mention. 

Continental and provinciiil ctirrencie.s, to facilitate 
this great uaderlaking, are ernitted, which cir- 
culate freely, and are daily cxclianged for silver 
and gold. Th€ir harbirs, by spring, will swarm 
with privateers: an admiral is appointed, a court 
established, and on the 2d instmil the continental J! tig. 
On board Che Black Prince, ol)l)osite Philadelphia, -tvas 
hoisted. Many of the captains of tkose vessels, in 
the lait war, proved their intrepidity to the world 
by their prizes, and some of them have already 
taken many valuable prizes which goverumeiit had 
ordered to Boston, and tiiereby must have much 
distressed the troops: all wliich tiie prints will 
particularize. 

The appointment of the contihental and pro- 
vincial congresses and committees, your lordship, 
without doubt, before now, must be fully ao<ir|uaint- 
ed with. These sets of gentlemen, by virtue of 
the great privilPj^es with which the colonies have 



eastrusted them, claim now the foliowing prcrogu, 
tives over the united colonies. The continental 
congress is over all, under the king; the provincials 
over th.e committees, and the committees over the 
counties. The congresses and cominittees have su 
raised and regulated the miliii.i and minutemen, 
whom they have raised almost in every coun'tv, 
that they make, in every city and town, the mobt 
warlike appearance. Salt-petre is made in abun- 
dance, and powder-mills constantly employed I.i 
many provinces; and many believe that there is no.v 
in th.e possession of the Americans, powder enough 
for three years. This to me is very obvious. Sooa 
after general Gage collected the troops from the 
several provinces into one b )dy at Boston, the con- 
gresses ordered all tiie shop-keepers not to sell 
their powder to fowlers and hunters, but to keep 
the same for the use of the colonies. Which in ge- 
neral was faithfully observed. Before this, a per- 
son might get a large quantity of powder almost 
a. every large store, or mere hant's shop, in every 
city, town, and county oh the continent. Now, 
all this collected together, and what the mills have 
made, together witli the great quaatities taken at 
St. John%-, Montreal, other forts, and on the seas, 
must make an immense quantity: add to this, tiie 
constant employment of the mills, and a great num- 
ber of privateers faithfully looking out for yours. 
And, my Ion!, how is it possible for all store ships 
to escape a fleet so large, whichj at this time, I 
firmly believe, is composed of 50 sail, and by ne.vt 
spring I shall riot marvel if their fleet be doubled. 

Iron guns of the best quality have been made in 
America, and as they have plenty of iron and lead 
minesj they can m<.ke what quantity of cannon, 
shot, and bullets tliey please; but admiiiistratiou 
have lately supplied them with a very valuaule 
assortment of such stores.* Rifles, infinitely belter 
than those imported, are daily m;ide in many places 
in Pennsylvania, and all the guii-smitha every where 
conrslantly employed, in this country, my lord, 
the boys, as soon as they can discharge a gun, fre- 
quently exercise themseives therewith, souse a 
fowling, and others a hunting. 'I'he great qaantuies 
of game, the many kinds and the great privileges 
of killing, make the Americans the best marksmen 
in the wo.-ld, and thousands supp^)rt their families 
principally by the same, particularly riflemen on 
the frontiers, whose objects are deer and turkeys. 
In miircliing through woods, one thousand of these 
riflemen would cut to pieces ten thousand of your 

♦Store vessels bovtnd to B.>sion, t«.veo by tWe 
lcoiitlne»!tai C«:.t,iilie< 



14o 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



best, troops. I don't, my lord, speak at random, or 
write partially; I have Iraveilel too much among 
these men to be i:i.sensible of their abilities. — Oli, 
my lord! if your lordship knew but one lialf what 
I know of America, your lordship would no", persist, 
but be instantly ft^r peace, or resign. But, my lord, 
construe this epistle as you please, nevertheless, 
my meaning is, that ii siioulJ not in the least 
convey, or even hirit, any tiling about the legality 
or illegality of the unhappy dispute. Many great 
and celebrated writers have moved every nerve, 
but hitherto In vain. What then can I do, 1)9110 
am but a babr-? Not mucli truly, but when a hcusf 
is in flames, all rv.n, without distinction, some with 
buckets, some witli grapplings, and otiicrs with 
engines, wishing they providentially maj' extinguisii 
the fire. Now, my lord, the British empire is really 
in flames! I catmot therefore be inactive. Sutter 
then the insignificant with the most siguificant, to 
help forward with something. I present therefore 
for your lordship's acceptance, an engine of facts; 
the carved works are but homely, but the. essentia) 
parts are sound, and substantial: try them lawfully 
and faithfully, and I (by God's permission,) will 
pledge my life they will stand the test; facts are 
at ail times proof against the most inveterate foes. 
By \''ay of appurtenances, I must add— up the 
north river, in the province of New- York, there is 
erected an impregnable fort, again-jt which vessels 
cannot possibly many minutes survive. In the New 
England governments, batteries are already made 
before most of their sea-ports. The minutemen, 
beforemsntioned, like firemen, have all things pro- 
per and ready to attend on the first alarm. The 
American coast, long as it is, both by land and sea, 
is faithfully watched, and posts are every where 
established. Whether, therefore, admhiistration 
have in view the east or west of the continent, it 
matters not; set but a foot ashore to e.^ecute their 
plan, and the same will instantly find enemies; nay^ 
let thousands be landed, and they will immedinteiy 
find swarms of fues; for the electrical posts riding 
day and night will soon make them sensible there- 
of. My lord, admhiistration have not one friend 
th y can call their's, in every respect, that is a 
resident among the Amf-ricHns; they have several, 
it is true, who, for sordid gain, act under the rose; 
but woe to them if they should be discovered. — 
Many a.Ximples have been already made, and this 
may be relied on, that in a few months (as ways 
aiul means are now under consideration) administra- 
tion will in every respect m Amei-ica be friendless. 
The destroying of P'almouth, and lord Duirnore's 
proclamation, proclaiming a jubilee to the slat^es 



and convicts in Virginia, provided they repair to 
tlse royal standard in due time, have exasperated 
the Americans beyond description, and ma'e the 
breach infinitely wider. — A few days ago his lord- 
ship's party was repulsed with great loss. His lord- 
ship, my lord, can do no'hing but c^use tlie men and 
treasure now under his command to be sacrificed 
and expended in vain; for he is surrounded by 
hundreds of the best riflemen, who have driven 
his troops out of their intrehohments, &c. .Most, if 
not all, by this time, of his majesty's governors arc 
afloat, and rendered incapable of fulfilling your 
lordships commands.* 

The most celrbrated military authors are re- 
printed for the use of the young ofHcers, that they 
m.iy be furnished with every pre-requisite sg'^in.st 
spring. The ship-carpenters are very busy in 
getting the rest of the privateers ready, and also 
other hands to equip them wholly for sailing. 

Now, right honorable sir, what will you do?— 
Where will your lordship look.'' Wliere can ad- 
ministration fix their ideas with the least view of 
success.? Say, my lord, that their troops are good; 
the Americans have again and again repulsed them; 
not one plan of administration hath had the wished 
for success; in general t!iey have turned out abor- 
tivei"— Say further, that 20 or 30,000, nay double 
the numbers, shall be sent to subdue the Ameri- 
cans — 20,000 (descending to the camp phrase) may 
ne.irly serve for a breakfast, or rather do far a 
relish, and so, from time to time, British troops may 
be transported ybr tlie Americaii sacrifice. Bur ad- 
ministration can destroy all their sea-ports: I reply, 
a few months ago they might have wrouglit such 
devastation, but now they will find it impracticable. 
Some harbors are blocked up, batteries before 
others erected, as aboveroi-ntioned, and when the 
ice impediments M-e dissolved in their harbors, no 
marvel, my lord, if some of the Briiish armament, 
as well as transports or store-ships, be taken: about 
an hundred privateers, with th« most intrepid 
marines, and those persons who, last naturU war, 
immortalized theirnames, agamchosen for c^.p rains, 
are (touching Jielr schemes) no contemptible ene- 
my by sea. Convinced I am fuliy, that an hundred 
'housand of the best troops Europe can raise will 
not subdue the Americans, nor mako then ac- 
vjuiesce in the parliamentary ciaims — L.et govern- 
ment say what they please in favor of ilieir forces 
— remember, my lora, the Americans have just 
such blood, the like courage, the same spirits, and 

*Each riding; at ancior be^Grr. his government, 
or as near as conveflience will admit. 



PRrNCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



147 



are equal in coior and stature, and as well dis- 
cipline. Soroe oF their fathers, gi'and-fathers, and 
great-grand-fathers, are to British dust returned, 
and in silent repose, wliile their sons arid erand 
sons are struggling for their birth-rights: for they 
traditionally or constitutionally retain the idea of 
liberty, and with him of old say, "God forbid that! 
we should sell the inheritance of our fatliersi" — 
Whether this be believed or not, I don't know ; 
but one thing I know, albeit the king requesleth, 
nevertheless, like Naboth, they will resist even 
unto death. — Blessed be God, we have no Jezebel 
to stir up his majesty, for his consort is the best 
of queens, and as such the Americans extol her 
majesty daily. Perhaps, my lord, this niay be 
viewed as partiality; but I can assure your lord 
ship, I write from conviction, aad not frotn ft 
partial spirit. If I am charged any where herein 
with partiality, as it is most natural and a'so very 
fashionable now to act the sycophant where one's 
interest is, I certainly flatter your lordship (as 1 
fear too many have), for I have ho interest nor 
kindred here, nor hopes of interest for, or reward 
for any thing of this nature that I have done or can 
do. But I have immense hopes and views. My 
time here is very short, and ere long I sliall be in 
a world of spirits, where the most noble, the riglit 
honorable and reverend persons must all appear; 
•'I know not therefore how to ^l/e flattering titles 
unto man: for in so doing my Msker would soon 
take me away." 

If, figuratively, two persons may represent both 
parties in dispute, there is a striking similarity in 
sacred writ, with which your lordsliip is perfectly 
acquainted, and by which I beg permission to 
mention the following tilings. 

I view both sides, as to their precious blood, as 
good old Jacob viewed his sons, Joseph and Benja- 
min, and am equally with liim unwilling that either 
should be slain. If the Britisli troops must be 
represented by the elder brother, grieved to my 
very iieart I must be to hear that he is s.acrificed; 
and if the American forces may be compared to the 
younger, I shall equally lament his death.— Msy 
God, of his infinite mercy, save both by a speedy 
accommodation. Ben j amin hath repeatedly petition 
ed Joseph for redress of grievances; but Josepli 
would not receive his petitions, but made himself 
strange, and sp..ke roughly unto hirn, charj-inghini 
Willi having and Isoiding unjustly Pharaoh's ciip,* 
of which the poor lad is perfectly innocent.— Oh! 



*Not readering uuto CxsAr the things which be 
Csesar's, 



that Joseph woul'' take Beijamin in his arms and 
embrace him, for chey are brovhers! If Benjamin 
'laveerr'd, let the :.ge and wisdom of Joseph over 
look ftnd obliter:<te J.i: let him no longer refraiii^ 
bul fail on his neck and Kiss him, and let love and 
virtue re-uniif= tliem. As Jos.pb embraced and 
owned Benjamin as his brother, and returned his 
money, so let t!>p parent st.'ite embrace i.nd own 
the Kolonips •without fee or reward, and instantly 
ihe sword on both sides will be sheathed; and then 
Benjamin, as usual, will go and carry corn and 
money to Joseph, and take his superb clothing in 
exchange. But if Joseph will yet refrain ard not 
bo reconciled, Benjamin is determined to clothe 
hinri^flf with his own wool, mkI keep his money and 
sand l»is corn to other mercliantmen. Let facts, 
my lo'-d, apologize for prolixity; I will conclude 
nc'v with a few lines. 

The Americans may be le/l\<:-A> ,i fiuir,- but they 
have too much English blood iti then, a'e too well 
disc?prined, and too numerous to be driven, even 
by an hundred thous;>"d of the best forces govern- 
ment can raisf. W'i:re goveranieat can produce 
one thousand en the continent, America, with as 
much ease and expense, can produce ten thousand 
in opposition: for men, women and chddren are 
against the proceedings of administration tlirough- 
out the united colonies to a wounderful majority. 
The women, both old and young, being greatly 
irritated at the inflexibility of administration, are 
not only willing their sons an^l brothers .-Sould turn 
out in the field, but also declare that they will 
give them up and theirselves likewise as a sacrifice 
before they will bow to Pharaoh's task-.masters; 
this makes the raising of troops on the continent 
very easy. Lei a person go into any province, city, 
town, or county, and ask the females, "Are you 
willing your sons or brothers should gn for soldiers 
and defend their liberties?" they wo'.ild severally 
answer, "Yes, with all my soul, and if they won't 
go I won't own them as my sons, or brothers; for 
I'll help myself if there should be any need of mine; 
if I can't stand in the ranks, I can help forward 
with powder, balls, and provisions," and presently 
this will appear more pellucid. Last summer I 
saw in Philadelphia a company of school boys, 
called tjie Academy company, in their uniforms, 
with real arms and colors. Upon this, I asker' 
how ininy such companies were in the city, an ^ 
for what they were designed; to which I was an- 
swered by a gentlewoman, the mother of two of 
this company, «nhere are thre,e companies, and 
as to the design, they are to learn the art or theory 
of war; and if there should be any occasion for 



HS 



riUNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ihcm in ijie field of battje, tliey will go, for they 
«;'e all volim^eprs; but I for my part am, I do aver, 
Rir, heartily 'illing- to sacrifice my sons, believing 
that with siJLch sacrifice Gofl is well pleased: for 
lie has hitherto marvellousty blessed our arms and 
f o!iq ifrc'd our enemies for us, and he who, in the 
days of his ficsh, spoiled principalities and povvers, 
find made a sliew of them openly, will in the end, I 
('oubtnot, evince to the world that heis conqueror." 
This, rr.y lord, is the language of the Anrjerican 
women; yo'ir 1 »rdship knows it is generally the 
reverse with the English, themotlicr's and sister's 
lives are bound up in t!ie boys; but I am afraid I 
shall trespass on your lordship's patience: There- 
f^ire. 

In the great nnrr.e, and for the sake of the ever 
blessed Trinity, I now beseech your lordship to 
vej'rh thoror.ghly, and with patience, impartiality, 
pnd love, this narrative of facts; and may that ever 
Messed adoruule person, Jesus Christ, the wonder 
ful couuc.ellor and prince of peace, give your lord- 
ship a right judgment and understanding in all 
ti)iii!»s, and council and influer.ce administration to 
jict 'vlsely, and repeal the acts in dispute, and so 
mnke ppace. T am, n.y lord, your lordship's ready 
and M-.i!ing servu..t, i'.n- Christ's sake, B. P. 

^lurylund, Dec. ?D, \TIi. 

Tow 11 of Boston. 

The foUoioin^ pincUi:fiution icas prihUshed by gene- 
ral IVasninqioii, on his taking'' possession of the 
to-jii of Hoslon: 

|3y his excellency George Washington, esq. gene- 
ral and commander in chiei of tlie thirleen unit- 
ed colonies. 

•'Whereas t';ie niinisterial ai my }ias abandoned 
the town of Uoston, and the forces of the united 
colonies, under my command, are in possession of 
the game: I have therefore thougitl it necessary 
for the preservation of peace, good order and 
«U^cipliiip, to i)ublish the following orders, that no 
person offend^iig therein, miy plead ignorance as 
fin excuse for tlieir miscontjuct. 

All officers and soldiers are lierehy ordered to 
live in the siriciest peace and amity with the 
inhabitants; and no inhabitant, or other person, 
t'mployed in his lawful business in the town, is to 
he molested in his person or proper'y, on any 
pretence whatever. 

If any ofF*ce,- or soldier shall [iresume to striiie, 
j-np'-ison, fir otherwise ili-treat any of the iiiha- 
hitanls, they may depend on being punished with 
the utiiiost severi'iy; aaJ if any officer or soldier 



shall receive any insult from any of the inhibitants, 
he is to seek redress in a legal way, and no other. 

Anynoncommissionedofficer or soldier or others 
tmder my command, who shall be guilty of robbing 
or plundering in tlie town, are to be immediately 
confined, and will be most rigidly ptmished. All 
officers are therefore ordered to be very vigilant 
in the discovery of such offenders, and report their 
names and crime to the commanding officer in the 
town, as soon as may be. 

The inhnbitants and others, are called upon to 
make known to the qiuuter master general, or any 
of his deputies, all stores belonging to the minis- 
terial army, that may be remaining or secreted in 
the town: any person or persons whatever, that 
shall be known to conceal any of the said stores, 
or appropriate them to his or their own use, will 
be considered as an enemy to America, and treated 
accordingly. 

The seleet men and other magistrates of the 
tow^, are desired to return to the commander in 
chief, the names of all or any person or persons, 
they may suspect of being employed as spies upon 
the continental army, that they may be dealt with 
accordingly. 

All officers of the continental arm)', are enjoin.ed 
to assist the civil magistrates in the execution of 
their duty, ap.d to promote peace and good order. 
They are to prevent, as much as possible, the 
soldirt'S from frequenting tippling-houses, and 
strolling from their posts. Particular notice will 
be taken of such officers as are inattentive and 
remiss in their duty; and on the contrary, sucU 
only as are active and vigilant will be entitled to 
future favor and promotion. 

Given under my hand, at head quarters, i,n 
Cambridge, the 21st day of March, one 
tliousand seven hundred and seventy-six. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON." 

Bostov, March 29. 

TJte adJresi of the hvnorable council and bouse of re- 
presentatives to his excellency George Washington, 
esq. general and commtuider in chief of the f Axes 
of the united colonies. 

J\r<ui it please your excellency-- 
"When the liberties of America were attacked 
by the violent hand of oppression — when troops, 
hostile to the i-ights of humanity, invaded this 
colony, seiiied our capital, and spread havoc and 
destruction around ii; when our virUious sons were 
murdered, and our houses destroyed by the troops 
of Britain, the inhabitants of this and the other 
American colonies, impelled by self preservation 



PRINCIPLES AI^D ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



149 



and the bve of freedom, forgetting their domestic 
concerns, determined resolutely and unitedly to 
oppose the sons of tyranny. 

Convinced of the vast importance of having a 
g-entleman of great military accomplishments to 
discipline, lead, and conduct the forces of the 
colonies, it gave us the greatest satisfaction to hear 
that the honorable congres.s of the united eolonies 
had made choice of a gentleman thus qualified; 
v/ho, leaving the pleasure of domestic and rural 
life, was ready lo undertake the arduous task. And 
your nobly declinicg to accept the pecuniary emolu- 
ments annexed to this high office, fully evidenced 
to us that a warm regard to the sacred rights of 
hnmanity, and sincere love to your country, solely 
influenced you in the acceptance of this important 
trust. 

From your acknowledged abilities as a soldier, 
and your virtues in public and private life, we had 
the most pleasing hopes; but the fortitude and 
equanimity so conspicuous in your conduct; the 
wiadom of your councils; the mild, yet strict go- 
vernment of the army; your attention to the civil 
constitution of this colony, the regard you have at 
all times shewn for the lives and health of those 
under jour command; the fatigues you have with 
cheerfulness endured; the regard you have shewn 
for the preservation of our metropolis, and the 
jjreat address with which our military operations 
have been conducted, have exceeded car most 
sanguine expectations, and demand the warmest 
returns of gratitude. 

The Supreme Ruler of the universehavingsmjled 
on our arms, and crowned your labors with re- 
markable success, we are now, without that effu- 
sion of blood we so much wished to avoid, again 
in the quiet possession of our capital; the wisdom 
and prudence of those movements, which have 
obliged the enemy tg abandon our metropolis, will 
ever be remembered by the inhabitants of this 
colony. 

May you still go on approved by Heaven, revered 
by all good men, and dreaded by those tyrants who 
claim their fellow men as their property. May the 
united colonies be defended from slavery by your 
victorious arms. May they still see their enemies 
flying before you: and (ihe deliverance of your 
country being effected) may you, in retirement, 
enjoy that peace and satisfaction of mind, which 
always attends the good and great: and may future 
generations in the peaceful enjoyment of that free- 
dom, the exercise of which your sword shall 
establish, raise the richest and most lasting monu- 
ments to the name of a Washington." 



Ilis eircellency's aniitver. 
"Gentlemen — I return you my most sincere and 
hearty thanks for your polite address; and feel 
myself called upon, by every principlaof gratitude, 
to acknowledge the honor you have done me in 
this testimonial of your approbation of my appoint- 
ment to the exalted station I now fill; and what is 
more pleasing, of my conduct in discharging its 
important duties. 

When the councils of the British nation bad 
formed a plan for enslaving America, and depriv- 
ing her sons of their most sacred and invaluable 
privileges, against the clearest remonstrances of 
the constitution, of justice and of truth; and to 
execute their schemes, had appealed to the sword, 
I esteemed it my duty lo tske a part in the contest, 
and more especially, on account of my being called' 
thereto by the unsolicited suffrages of the repre- 
sentatives of a free people; wishing for no other 
reward than that arising from a consciencious dis- 
charge of the important trust, and that my services 
might contribute to the establishment of freedom 
and peace, upon a permanent foundation, and merit 
the applause of my countrymen, and every virtuous 
citizen. 

Your professions of my attention to the civil con- 
stitution of this colony, whilst acting in the line cf 
my department, also demands my grateful thanks. 
A regard to every provincial institution, where not 
incompatible with the common interest, I hold a 
principle of duty, and of policy, and shall ever form 
a part of my conduct. Had I not learnt this be- 
fore, the happy experience of the advantages re- 
sulting from a friendly intercourse with your ])onor- 
able body, their ready and willing concurrence to 
aid and to counsel, wlienever called upon in cases 
of difficulty and emergency, would have taught me 
the useful lesson. 

That the metropolis of your colony isnowreliev- 
ed from the cruel and oppressive invasions of those 
who were sent to erect the standard of lawless 
domination, and to trample on the rights of hu- 
manity, and is again open and free fur its riglilful 
possessors, must give pleasure to every virtuous 
and sympathetic heart, and being effected without 
the blood of our soldiers and fellow-citizens, must 
be ascribed to the interposition of that Provi:]ence, 
vvhichhas manifestly appeared in our behalf tlirocgh 
ihe whole of this important struggle, as well as to 
the measures pursued for bringing about the happy 
event. 

May that Being who is powerful to save, and in 
whose hands is the fate of nations, look down wilSi 



150 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



an eye of tendnr pity and compassion upon the 
whole of the united colonies; may he continue to 
smile upon their counsels and arms, and crown 
them with success, whilst employed in the cause 
of virtue and mankind. — May this distressed colony 
and its capital, and every part of this wide extend- 
ed continent, through his divine favor, be restored 
to more than their former lustre and once happy 
state, and have peace, liberty, and safety secured 
upon a solid, permanent, and lasting foundation." 
GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



South Carolina. 

At a general assembly begun and holden at Charles- 
ton, on Tuesday the twenty-sixth day of March, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hun- 
dred and seventy-sis; and from thence continued, 
by divers adjournments, toThursday the eleventh 
day of ApriJ, in the year of our Lord one thou- 
sand seven hundred and seventy-six. 
An act to prevent sedition, and punish insurgents and 
disPurbers of the public peace. 
•'Wliereas a horrid and unnatural war is now 
carried on by the ministry and parliament of Great 
Britain, against the united colonies of North Ame- 
rica in general, and this colony in particular, with 
a cruel and oppressive design of robbing the colo- 
nies and good people of this colony of their dearest 
and most valuable rights as freemen, and reducing 
them to a state of the most abject slavery and op- 
pression: and whereds, also, in order further to 
accomplish the said iniquitous and unwarrantable 
designs, every means has been adopted by a wicked 
administration to sow civil dissentions and animosi- 
ties, and to create disorder, confusion and blood- 
shed amongst the good people of this colony, by 
employing secret emissaries to stir up in the minds 
of wicked and evil-disposed persons, persuasions 
and principles inimical to the ties of humanity, and 
the common rights of mankind, and thereby indue 
ing them not only to disturb the common peace, 
safety, and good order of this colony, but to take 
up arms and spill the blood of their fellow-ci'izcns, 
wlio are only acting in the defence of their lives, 
liberties, and properties, against the hands of a 
lawless and despotic power: to the intent, there- 
fore, and in order the more effectually to preserve 
and secure the peace, order, and good government 
of this colony, and to deter and prevent such evil- 
minded persons from committing such offences, 
and all such other offences declared in this act, to 
the great danger of the lives, liberties, and pro- 
perties of the inhabitants of this colony: Be it 
enacted by his excellency John liutledge, esq. pre- 



sident and commander in chief in and over tlie 
colony of Soutli Carolina, and by the honorable the 
legislative council and genei-al assembly of this 
colony, and by the authority of the same, that if 
any person or persons within this colony do, or 
shall, from, and immediately after, the passing of 
this act, take up arms with a hostile intent, and 
by force and violence, or by words, deeds, or writ- 
ing, or any other means whatsoever, cause, induce, 
or persuade, or attempt to cause, induce, or per- 
suade any other person or persons, with such hostile 
intent, to take up arms, and by force and violence 
to oppose and subvert the authority of the govern- 
ment of this colony, established by the constitu- 
tion, agre«d on and confirmed in congress at 
Charleston, on the twenty-sixth day of March, one 
thousand seven hundred and seventy-six, or to 
wound, maim, or kill any person or persons, or 
destroy any of the houses, goods, or chattels of 
any such persons, who shall under, and by virtue 
of any authority of the said governmewt, be acting 
in support and defence of th^ same, or the exr;cu- 
tion of any power, authority or office derived there- 
from, all and every of suoh person or persons, and 
the aider and abettor, or aiders and abettors of 
such person or persons so offending, in either of 
the offences aforesaid, shall, on being indicted and 
convicted of the same, by due course of law, be 
deemed and adjudged guilty of felony, and suffer 
death without benefit of clergy. 

And be it further enacted by the authority afore« 
said, That if any persons within this colony shall, 
immediately after the passing of this act, or at 
any time thereafter, by letter, writing, message, or 
I other means of intelligence, hold any correspon- 
dence or intercourse, or conspire or concert in any 
manner whaterer v/ith, or aid or abet any land or 
nav.il farce, raised or to be raised, or which shall 
be sent by Great Britain, in a hostile manner, 
against this colony, or any other force or body of 
men within this colony, who shall, in a ho<tile 
intent or maimer, oppose the power and authority 
of the present government of this colony, establish- 
ed as aforesaid, with an intent to promote the ac- 
complishments of any hostile plan of operation, 
designed by such force or forces against the lives, 
liberties and properties of all or any of the inha- 
bitants and friends to the constitution of this co- 
lony, established as aforeseid — every sv:ch perso.n 
or persons, so offending in any of the said offences, 
shall, on being indicted and convicted thereof 
by due course of law, be deemed and adjudged 
guilty of felony, and suffer death without benefit of 
clergy. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



151 



And be it further enacted by the authority afore- 
said, That if any persein or persons within this co- 
lony shall, immediately after the passing of this act, 
or at any time thereafter, furnisher supply, or cause 
or procure to be furnished or supplied, with any 
bills of exchange, monies, goods, provisions, liquors, 
or other necessary articles of subsistence, or any 
military or naval stores whatever, any of the land 
or naval forces, raised or to be raised, or sent by 
Great Britain, or any authority derived fsom tliat 
government, against this colony, or shall, in like 
manner, furnish or supply, or cause to be furnish- 
ed or supplied, any force or body of men who shall, 
in a hostile manner, oppose the government of this 
colony, established as aforesaid — every such person 
or persons, so offending in either of the offences 
aforesaid, and the aider or abettor, or aiders and- 
abettors of any of the said off"ences, shall, on being 
indicted or convicted thereof, by due course of 
law, be deemed and adjudged guilty of felony, and 
suffer death without benefit of clergy. 

And be it further enacted by the authority afore- 
said, That if any person or pers«n8 within this 
colony shall, at any time after the passing of this 
act, compel, induce, persuade, or attempt to com- 
pel, induce, or persuade any white person, or per- 
sons, or any free negro, or negroes, mulatto or 
mulattoes, Indian or Indians, to desert from their 
habitation or habitations, or any negro or other 
slave or slaves, to desert from his or their master, 
mistress, or ov/ner, and to join any land or naval 
force, raised or to be raised, or sent by Great Bri- 
tain, or any authority derived from that govern- 
ment, against the united colonies of America, or 
this colony, or to join any person or persons armed 
in a hostile manner, with intent to oppose or subvert 
the government of this colony, established as afore 
said, or with intent of killing any person or persons, 
or destroying his, her, or their goods or property, 
who shall be acting, or ready and willing to act in 
support and defence of such government, or any of 
the inhabitants of this colony and friends to the 
same — every such person or persons, so offending In 
any of the above offences, and all such as shall aid 
and abet the said offender, or offenders, in the per- 
petration and execution of any of the said offences, 
shall, on conviction thereof, by due course of law, 
be deemed and adjudged guilty of felony, and shall 
suffc death without benefit of clergy. Provided 
always, nevertheless, that nothing in this act con- 
tained shall be construed or taken to prevent the 
good peopls! Of' this colony f'-om arming of slaves 
or negroes, for the better defence of this colony 



against all enemies whatsoever, who shall invade 
or attack the same, or endanger the safety thereof. 

And be it further enacted by the authority afore- 
said. That if any person or persons within this 
colony shall, immediately after the. passing of 
this act, or at any time thereafter, collect or assem- 
ble with any body or assembly of persons, or cause 
or procure them to be so collected and assembled, 
with intent, in a riotous and seditious manner, to 
disturb the public peace and tranquility, and the 
good order of the government, and by words or 
otherwise to create and raise traiterous seditions 
or discentents in the minds of the good people of 
this colony, against the authority of the present 
government established as aforesaid — every such 
person or persons, so offending in any of the said 
offences, shall, on conviction thereof, by due course 
of law, be deemed and adjudged guilty of felony. 

And be it further enacted by the authority afore- 
said. That the lands and tenements, goods and 
shattels, and other real and personal estate of all 
such person or persons, who shall be duly convict- 
ed, by virtue of this act, of any of the crimes and 
offences thereby made felony, shall, within one 
month after such conviction, by the sheriff of each 
district respectively in which such real and per- 
sonal estate of the person or persons so convicted, 
or any part thereof, shall be found, with three free- 
holders of the said district, be appraised upon oath, 
and the said appraisement duly returned, by the 
said sheriff of such district, to the secretary's of- 
fice in Charleston, within one month after such ap- 
praisement is made, and the said sheriff of such dis- 
trict in which the appraisement is made, as afore- 
said, shall, within one month thereafter, expose 
such estate so appraised to public sale, first giving 
twenty-one days public notice of the sale; and shall, 
within three moniiis after such sale, deposite the 
amount of the same, deducting legal poundage and 
charges, in the office of the colony treasury in 
Cliarleston, and the commissioners of the colony 
treasury, or any one of them, on receipt of such 
monies from the sheriff, as aforesaid, shall give a 
receipt or voucher for the same. 

And be it further enacted by the authority afore- 
said. That if any sheriff or sheriffs, for any of the 
districts in this colony, shall in any wise transgress, 
or disobey, or neglect the putting in execution, any 
of the provisions or clauses in this act, respecting 
their duty and office — every sheriff so offending, 
disobeying or neglecting the same, shall forfeit his 
office, and incur thepenaUy of one thousand pounds 



15s 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



currciit money, to be sued for, and recovered by 
bill or plaint in any court oF record in this colony, 
wherein no essoign, privilege, protection or wager 
of law, or more than one imparlancej shall be 
allowe d. 

And be it farther enacted by the authority afore- 
said. That the monies arising from the sale of all 
such estates as shall become forfeited, by virtue of 
this act, shall be appropriated tor a fund, and shall 
become a reprisal fund, for reimbursing all such 
losses and damages which have been, or shall be i 
sustained by any person or persons who have been, i 
are, or shall be, engaged in opposition to tlie op- 
pressive measures of the British ministry, or the 
defence of the present establiahed constitution, and 
the liberties of this colony. 

And be it further enacted by the authority afore- 
said. That no person or persons shall be reimbursed, 
by virtue of this act, for any losses or damages 
sustained from persons acting in open hostility 
against the present constitution of government, 
and the liberties of this colony, unless the said 
reimbursem ent be, on application, and oath made 
of the damages actually sustained, deemed just 
aod reasonable by the general assembly of this 
colony, or such other body oj* persons as the legisla- 
tive body of this colony shall appoint: Provided 
always, nevertheless, That such person or persons, 
to whom such reimbursement shall bethought rea- 
sonable, do first, before the receipt thereof, take 
and subscribe the oath of fidelity, ordained in the 
present constitution, if such person or persons had 
not before taken and subscribed the same. 

And be it further enacted by the authority afore- 
said. That the fines and penalties to be incurred, 
by virtue of this act, shall, upon recovery thereof, 
be paid into the colony treasury, to be applied to, 
and for such uses and purposes as are herein men- 
tioned. G. G. Powell, speaker of the 
Legislative council. 
James Pausons, speaker of the 
General assembly. 
In the council chamber, the 11th day of April, 
1776 — Assented to, J. Rdtledoe. 

Jn general assembly. South Carolina, April 11, 1776. 
Ordered, That the speech this day delivered to 
both houses, by his excellency the president and 
commander in ch ief of this colony, be forthwith 
prinied and made public, as well in the newspapers 
as otherwise. 

By order of the house, 

PtrEii Timothy, clerk G. A. 



Ho7iorable gentlemen of the legislative counc'l — 
j\Ir. Speaker and gentlemen of the general assemhlUf 

It has afforded me much satisfaction to observe, 
that though the season of the year rendered your 
sitting very inconvenient, your private concern,',', 
whicli must have suffered greatly by your long 
and close application, in the late congress, to the 
affairs of the colony, requiring your presence irt 
the county, yet contlnuiag to prefer the public 
weal to ease and retirement, you have been busily 
engaged in framing such laws as our peculiar cir- 
cumstances rendered absolutely necessary to be 
passed before your adjournment. Having given 
my assent to them, I presume you are now desirous 
of a recess. 

On my part, a most solemn oath has been taker* 
for the faithful discharge of my duty; on yours, « 
solemn assurance has been given to support me 
therein. Thus, a public co mpact between u^j 
stands recorded. You may rest assured that I shall 
keep this oath ever in mind — the constitution shall 
be the invariable rule of my conduct — my ears shall 
be always open to the complaints of the injured, 
justice, in mercy, shall neither be denied, or delay* 
ed — Our laws and religion, and the liberties of 
America, shalt be maintained and defended, to the 
utmost of my power. I repose the most perfect 
confidence in your engagement. 

And now, gentlemen, let me intreat that you 
will, in your several parishes and districts, use 
your influence and authority to keep peace and 
good order, and procure strict observance of, and 
ready obedience to the law. If any persons there* 
in are still strangers to the nature and merits of 
the dispute between Great Britain and the colonies, 
you will explain it to them fully, and teach them, 
if they are so unfortunate as not to know their 
inherent rights. Prove to them, that the privileges 
of being tried by a jury of the vicinage, acquainted 
with the parties and witnesses; of being taxed only 
with their own consent, given by their representa- 
tives, freely chosen by, and sharing the burthen 
equally with themselves, not for the aggrandizing 
a rapacious minister, and his dependent favorites, 
and for corrupting tlie people, and subverting their 
liberties, but for such wise and salutary purf nses, 
as tney themselves approve; and of having their 
internal polity regulated, only by laws consented 
to by competent judges of what is best adapted to 
their situation awd circumstances, eq.ially bound 
loo by those laws, are inestimable, and derived 
from that constituiion, whicU is the birthright t)f 
die poorcol ma::, and the best inhcriiance of the 



i^lUNC[PLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



15^ 



tnosi wealthy. Relate to them the vurious^ unjust 
ind cruel statutes, which the British parliament, 
Claiming a fight to make laWs for binding tlie 
colonies in all cases whatsoever, have enacted; and 
the many sanguinary ineasures which have been, 
and are daily pursued and threatened, to wrest 
from them those invaluable benefits^ and to enforce 
such an unlimited and destructive claim. To the 
most illiterate it must appear, that no power on 
earth Can, of right, deprive them of the hardly 
earned fruits of their honest industry, toil and 
labor— even to them, the impious attempt to pre- 
vent mahy thousands from using the means of 
subsistence provided for man by the bounty of his 
Creator, and to cotinpel them, by famine, to sur- 
render their rights, will seem to call for Divine 
vengeance. The endeavors, by deceit and bribery, 
to engage barbarous nations to embrue their hands 
in the innocent biood of helpless women and child- 
ren; and the attempts by fair but false promises, 
to make ignorant domestics subservient to the 
most wicked purposes, are acta at wliich humanity 
must revolt; 

Shew your constituents, then, the indispensable 
necessity which there was for establishing some 
mode of government in this colony; the benefits 
of that, which a full and free representation has 
established; and that the consent of the people is 
the orig'in, and their happiness the end of govern- 
ment. Tlemove the apprehensions with which honest 
and well-meaning, but weak and credulous, minds 
may be alarmed; and prevent ill impressions by 
ai'tfui and designing enemies. Let it be known 
that tliis constitution is but temporary, till an ac- 
commodation of the unhappy differences between 
Great Britain and America can be obtained; and 
that such an event is still desired by men who yet 
remember former friendships and intimate connec- 
tions, though, for defending tlieir persons and 
properties, they are stigmatized and treated as 
rebeisw 

Truth, being known, will prevail ever artifice 
and misrepresentation — In stich case no man, who 
is worthy of life, liberty, or property, will, or can, 
tefiise to join with you, in defending them to the 
last extrmity, disdaining every sordid view, and 
tiie mean paltry considerations of private interest 
}.nd present emolument, when placed In competi- 
tion with the liberties of millions; and seeing that 
there is no alternative but absolute, unconditional 
submission, and the mast abject slavery, or a de- 
fence b^cO'ning men born to freedom, he will not 

hesitate about the choice, .\lt!iou;;h superior forot 
20. 



may, by the permission of Heaven, lay waste our 
towns, and ravage our country, it can never 
eradicate from the breasts of freemen, those prin- 
ciples which are ingrafted in their verjT nature. — 
Such men will do their duty, neither knowing, nor 
regarding consequences; but submitting them, 
with humble confidence, to the omniscient and 
omnipotent arbiter and director of the fate of em- 
pires, and trusting that his Almighty arm, which 
has been so signally stretched out for our defence, 
will deliver them in a righteous Cause. 

The eyes of Europe, nay of the whole World, ares 
on America. The eyes of every other colony are 
on this; a colony, whose reputation for generosity 
and magnanimity, is universally acknoivledged. I 
trust, therefore, it will not be diminished by our 
future conduct; that there will be no civil discord 
here; and that the only strife amongst brethren 
will be, who shall do most to serve and to save au 
oppressed and injured country. 

John Rutledhb. 

^ipril 11, 1776. 

To his excellency John liiiiledqe, esq. ptesident atid 
commander in chief in and over the colony of South 
Carolina. 
The addl'ess of the legislative council and general 
assembly. 
JMay it please your excellency — 
Wej the legislative council and general assembly 
of South Carolina, convened under the authority 
of the equitable constitution of government estab- 
lished by a free people in congress, on the 26th ult. 
beg leave, most respectfully, to address your excel- 
lency. 

Nothing is better known to yoar excellency thaR 
the unavoidable necessity which induced us, as 
members of congress, on the part of the people, to 
resume the powers of government, and to establish 
some mode for regulating the internal polity of 
this colony? and, as members of the legislative 
council and general assembly, to Vest you, for a, 
time limited, with the executive authority. Such 
constitutional proceedings, on oar partj we make 
no doubt will be misconstrued into acts of the 
greatest criminality by that despotism, which, lost 
to all sense of justice and humanity, has alre.idy 
pretended that we are in adtual reoellion. But, 
i'lr, when we reflect upon the unprovoked, cruel, 
and accumulated oppressions under which Ame 
rica, in general, and this colony in particular, hips 
long continued; oppressions which, gradually in- 
creasing in irijiislice and violence, are now, by \.\\e 
inexorable t; runny perpetraled aijuius'. the imiJeil 



154 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Colonies, under the various forms of robbery, con- 
fliigrations, massacre, breach of public faith, and 
open war; conscious of ovir natural and unalienable 
rig'its, and determined to make every effort in our 
power to retain them, we see your excellency's 
elevation from the midst of us, to govern this 
country, as the natural consequence of such out- 
rages. 

By the suffrages of a free people you, sir, have 
been chosen to hold the reins of government, an 
event as honorable to yourself as beneficial to the 
public. We firmly trust that you will rpake the 
constitution the great rule of your conduct; and, 



Whereas, the honorable the continental congress 
hath resolved, "that, in the present situation of 
affairs, it will be very dangerous to the liberties 
and welfare of America, if any colony should 
separately petition the king or ei:her house of 
parliament." And whereas no step should be left 
unessayed to promote the general welfare: and 
whereas the sending commissioners from Great 
Rritain to treat with the different colonies, is 
dangerous to the stability of the liberties of Ame- 
rica: Therefore — 

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this house, 
ihat no measures should be left unessayed to 



in til e most solennn manner, we do assure your establish the liberties of America, and to place 



excellency that, in the discharge of your duties, 
under that ronstitution which looks forward to an 
accommodation with Great Britain (an event which, 
though traduced and treated as rebels, we still 
earnestly desire,) we will support you with our lives 
and fortunes. 

Id the legislative council, the Sd day of April, 
1776. George Gabriel Powell, speaker. 

In the general assembly, the 3d day of April, 

1776. 

By order of the house, 

James Pahsoks, speaker. 

His excelleiici/'s avswer. 
Hovorable eevtlemen of the legislative council. Mi 

Speaker, and gentlemen of the general assembly. 

My most cordial thanks are due, and I reques 
that you will accept them, for this solemn engage 
inent of support, in discharging the duty of the 
honorable station to which, by your favor, I have 
been elected. 

Be persuaded, that no man would embrace a 
just and equitable accommodation with Great Bri 
tain more gUdly than myself; but, until so desi- 
rable an object can be obtained, the defence of my 
country, and preservation ef that constitution 
which, from a perfect knowledge of the rights, 
and a laudable regard to the happiness of the peo- 
ple, you have so wisely framed, shall engross my 
vhole attention. 

To this country I owe all that is dear and valua- 
ble, and would, with the greatest pleasure, sacri 
fice every temporal felicity to establish and per- 
petuate her freedom. J. licxLEDGE. 

In general assembly, ^9pril 6, 1776. 
Ordered, That the following resolutions beforlh 
with printed and ma')e public. 
By order of the house, 

Pi.Ti;ii TiMOTHT, clerk G. A. 



them as far as maybe, out of the reach of fraudulent 
schemes to subvert them by negociation; and that 
this colony should not enter into any treaty or cor- 
respondence with the court of Great Britain, or 
with any person or persons under that authority;, 
but through the medium of the continental con- 
gress. 

Resolved also. That it is the opinion of this 
house, that if any person or persons sent from 
Great Britain to treat with the several colonies, 
shall arrive in this colony by water, such person 
or persons, and their retinue or company, should 
not, upon any pretence, be allowed to land, or to 
remain in the colony longer than forty-eight hours, 
wind and weather permitting; or while so remain- 
ng, to hold any communication with any person in 
this colony, but through his excellency the presi- 
dent; and if any such persons shall arrive by land, 
they should be forthwith escorted out of the colony* 
and not permitted to hold conference with any per- 
son not for that purpose authorized by the presi- 
dent, and that for the mere purpose of accommoda- 
tion, 

JVetv Jersey. In Provincial congress. 

Burlington, June 14, 1776. 
Resolved, That, in the opinion of this congress,, 
tlie proclamation of William Franklin, esq. late 
governor of New Jersey, bearing date the thirtieth 
day of May last, in the name of the king of Great 
Britain, appointing a meeting of the general assem- 
bly, to be held on the twentieth of this instant, 
June, ought not to be obeyed. 

Resolved, That, in the opinion of this congress, 
the said William Franklin, esq. by such. Lis declara- 
tion, has acted in direct contempt and violation of 
die resolve of the continental congress of the 15th 
day of May last. 

Resolved, That, in the opinion of this congress. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



155 



disunite their efforts by land, which are of necessity 
liable to interruption from the enemy's fleet by 
sea. It is scarce worth while to add, that this 
province, by its vicinity, would then be expoied 
to the cruel depredations of the enemy, who, hap. 
pily, hitherto have been able to do us little or no 
mischief but by theft and rapine. It would seem 
to carry unjust suspicion of you to say any more 
on our own private interest, as we hope every 
honest man is chiefly concerned for, and will strain 
every nerve in support of, the common cause of the 
united colonies. 

We cannot help putting you in mind how signally 
Almighty God Las prospered us hitherto, and 
crowned our virtuous efforts with success. The 
expulsion of the enemy from Boston, where they 
first took possession, and began their oppressive 
measures, was an event as disgraceful to them, as 
it was advantageous to the public cause, and 
honorable to that brave and resolute army by 
which it was accomplished. It will certainly be 
no small encouragement to those who shall now 
proceed to the place of danger, that they shall 
join with many of the same soldiers, who have 
gained immortal honor by their past conduct, as 
well as serve under that wise and able leader, 
whose prudence, firmness and attention to his great 
charge, have procured him the most unlimited 
confidence, both of tliose who direct the public 
counsels, and of those who are in arms under his 
command. 

We must not forget the activity and success of 
tiie inhsbitants of the soulliern colnnies. Tliey run 
to arms in thousands the moment they heard of >xn 
attack, both in Virginia and N^rth Carolina. God 
your courage and intrepidity, as men, of your was pleased, i;i both cases, to reward their alacrity, 
unalterable attachment to the liberties of America, for they obtained a complete victory over their 
and the sincerity of your unanimous resolutions enemies with so little loss of blood, as was not 
from the beginning of this contest. Were there barely wonderful, but scarcely credible. At the 



all payments ©f money on account of salary or 
otherwise, to the said William Franklin, esq. as 
governor, ought from henceforth to cease; and that 
the treasurer or treasurers of this province, shall 
account for the monies in their hands to this con- 
gress, or to the future legislature of this colony. 
By order of the congress, 

Samuel TncKEB, president. 
Ji true copy, 
WnLiAM Pattersoit, secretary. 

Jin address to the inhabitants of JVetv Jersey, 
Conntrymen and friends — 
This province has been requested by the con- 
tinental congress to send, without delay, from their 
militia, three thousand three hundred men to New- 
York, in consequence of authentic information that 
the grand attack of our common enemy this sum- 
mer, which will probably prove the decisive cam- 
paign, is to be upon that city; and that their force 
may be expected there in a few days. — Your re- 
presentatives in this congress have, with all the 
despatch in their power, and with the utmost una- 
nimity, prepared an ordinance for raising the num- 
ber called for, as equally from the different parts 
of the province as possible. They have determined 
to raise the men by voluntary enlistment in the 
several counties, in full confidence that, in this 
war, they will be raised most speedily, as well as 
consist of persons of the greatest spirit and alacrity 
for the important service. Filled with the same 
zeal for the defence of their country, they apply 
to you by this short address — and, in the most 
earnest and affectionate manner, entreat you not 
to sully the reputation acquired on all former oc- 
casions; but to give a new proof to the public of 



time to draw up a long discourse in this hour of 
danger, the arguments that might be used are 
innumerable; at>d as some of them are of the most 
urgent, so (blessed be God) others are of the most 
encouraging and animating kind. 

The danger is not only certain, but immediate 
and imminent. It does not admit of a moment's 
delay, for our wnjust and implacable enemy is at 
hand. The place where the attack is expected I received from Europe, it is plain that not honor 
is of the last importance; not only a city of great and advantage only, but absolute necessity requires 
extent, the interest of whose numerous inhabitants us to exert our utmost efforts, for our all is at 
must be exceedingly dear to us, but situated in stake. Every one now is obliged to confess what 
the middle of the colonies, and where the success many saw long ago, that entire and unconditional 
of the enemy would separate the provinces, and submission is the point to which our enemies are 



battle of Moor-Creek Rridge, there were but few 
men killed, and at Koriolk Great-Bridge we did 
not lose a single life. 

Time does not permit us to enlarge on the past 
events of this war, in which the kindness of Pro- 
vidence is so clearly to be seen. We therefore only 
further observe, that, by the preparations in Bri- 
tain for this campaign, and by all the intelligence 



t56 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF Til E'IIE VOLUTION. 



determined to bring us, if in their power; so that; this choice is free, and the representation equal, it is 



nothing remains for us but either the ahject slavery 
of tributary states, or to maintain our rights and 
liberties by force of arms, and hand down the fair 
inheritance to our posterity, by a braye and deter- 
njjned defence. 

We desire and expect, that, in such a situation 
of thing's, all particular difference of small mo- 
ment, arising from whatever cause, whether religi- 
ous denominations, rivalship of different classes of 
snen, scarcity of some articles of commerce, or any 
other, may be entirely laid aside. The present 
danger requires the most perfect union. Let every 
enemy perceive, that the representatives of the 
colonies, assoop as they determine upon any mea- 
sure, are able to bring out the whole strength of 
this vas^, country to carry it into execution. 

That you may be under no apprehension either 
cf inequality in the burden, or that our own coasts 
will be left unguarded by the destination of this 
brigade, we have thought it be&t to inform you, 
that the continental congress have amply provided 
for the defence of this province, and have made 
such arrangement of the continental army for the 
ensuing campaign, as lays an equal burden on the 
inhabitants of the different colonies; in particular, 
that a flying camp of ten thousand men is now 
forming for the protection of the middle colonies, 
which, we are credibly informed, is to have its 
chief station in this province. We add no more, 
but that we trust and hope, that, while every 
province is making the most spirited efforts, New 
Jersey in its place s^nd duty will be second to none. 
Signed in name, and by appointment of con- 
gress, at Burlington, June 15, 1776. 

Samuel Tucuek, president. 
■/3 true copy, 

Wm. Patteuson, secretary. 



Extract Jrom the instructions to the representatives of\ 
the toxvn of Boston, 1776- 
Gevi^emen. — Touching the internal police of this 
colony, it is essentially necessary, in order to pre- 
serve harmony among ourselves, that the con- 
stituent body be satisfied that they are fairly and 
fully represented. The right to legislate is origi- 
jially due to every member of the community; 
which right is always exercised in the infancy of 
s state: but, when the inhabitants are become 
numerous, it is not only inconvenient, but im- 
practicable, for all to meet in one assembly; and 
hence arose the necessity and practice of legislat- 
ing by a few, freely chosen by the many. When 



the people's fault if they are not happy: we there- 
fore instruct you to devise some means to obtain 
an equal representation of the people of this co* 
lony in the legislature: — but care should be taken 
that the assembly be not unwieldy; for this would 
be an approach to the evil meant to be cured by 
representation. The largest bodies of men do not 
always despatch business with the greatest expedi. 
tion, nor conduct it in the wisest manner. 

It is essential to liberty, that the legislative, 
judicial, and executive powers of government be, 
as nearly as possible, independent of, and separate 
from each other; for where they are united in the 
same persons, or number of persons, there would 
be wanting that mutual check which is the princi- 
pal security against the making of arbitrary laws, 
and a wanton exercise of power in the execution 
of them. It is also of the highest importance, that 
every person in a judiciary department employ the 
greatest part of his time and attention in the duties 
of his office; we therefore further instruct you, to 
procure the enacting such law or laws, as shall 
make it incompatible for the same person to hold 
a seat in the legislative and executive departments 
of government, at one and the same time: that shall 
render the judges, in every judicatory through the 
colony, dependent, not on the uncertain tenure of 
caprice or pleasure, but on an unimpeachable 
deportment in the important duties of their station, 
for their continuance in office; and to prevent the 
multiplicity of offices in the same person, that such 
salaries be settled upon them as will place them 
aboVe the necessity of stooping to any indirect or 
collateral means for subsistence. We wish to 
avoid a profusion of the public monies on the one 
hand, and the danger of sacrificing our liberties 
to a spirit of parsimony on the other. Not doubt- 
ing of your zeal and abilities in the common cause 
of our country, we leave your discretion to prompt 
such exertions, in promoting any military opera- 
tions, as the exigencies of our public affairs may 
require: and in the same confidence of yaur fervor 
and attachment to the public weal, we readily 
submit all ether matters of public moment, that 
may require your consideration, to your own wis- 
dom and discretion. 



At a le^al meeting of the inhabitants of the town of 
Maiden, [JMass.] May 27, 1776, it -was voted un- 
animously, that the folio-wing instructions be given 
to their representative, viz. 

To Mr. Ezra Sargeant, 
Sir— A resolution of tlie hon. house of repre- 
sentatives, calling upon the several towns in this 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



157 



colony to express their minds with respect to the 
important question of American independence, is 
the occasion of our now instructing: you. The 
lime was, sir, when we loved the king and the peo- 
ple of Great Britain with an affection truly filial; 
we felt ourselves interested in their ^lory; we 
shared in their joys and sorrows; we cheerfully 
poured the fruit of all our lahors into the lap of 
our mother-country, and without reluctance ex- 
pended our blood and our treasure in their cause. 

These were our sentiments towards Great Bri- 
tain while she continued to act the part of a parent 
state; we felt ourselves happy in our connection 
with her, nor wished it to be dissolved; but our 
sentiments are altered, it is now the ardent wish of 
our souls that America may become a free and 
independent state. 

A .sense of unprovoked injuries will arouse the 
resentment of the most peaceful. Such injuries 
these colonies have received from Britain. Un- 
justifiable claims have been made by the kingf and 
Lis minions to tax us without our consent; these 
claims have been prosecuted in a manner cruel 
and unjust to the highest degree. The frantic 
policy of administration hath induced them to send 
fleets and armies to America; that, by depriving us 
of our trade and cutting thethroats of our brethren, 
they might awe us into submission, and erect a sys- 
tem of despotism in America, which should so far 
enlarge the influence of the crown as 'o enable if 
to rivet their shackles upon the people of Great 
Britain, 

This plan was brought to a crisis upon the ever 
memorable nineteenth of April. We remember 
the fatal day! the expiring groans of our country- 
men yet vibrate on our ears! and we now behold 
the flames of their peaceful dwellings ascending 
to Heaven! we hear their blond crying to us from 
the ground for vengeance! charging us, as we value 
the peace of their manes, to have no further con- 
nection with •, who can unfeelingly hear of the 

slaughter of , and composedly sleep with their 

blood upon his soul. The manner in which the 
war had been prosecuted hath confirmed us in 
these sentiments; piracy and murder, robbery and 
breach of faith, have been conspicuous in the con- 
duct of the king's troops: defenceless towns have 
been attacked and destroyed: the ruins of Charles- 
town, which are daily in our view, daily reminds us 
of this: the cries of the widow and the orphan 
demand our attention; they demand that the hand 
of pity should wipe the tear from their eye, and 



that the sword of their country should avenge their 
wrongs. We long entertained hopes that the spirit 
of the British nation would once more induce them 
to assert their own and our rights, and bring to 
condign punishment the elevated villains w'.io have 
trampled upon the sacred rights of men, and 
affronted the majesty of the people. We hoped 
in vain; they have lost their love to freedom; they 
have lost their spirit of just resentmen; we there- 
fore renounce with disdain our connexion with a 
kingdom of slaves; we bid a final adieu to Britain. 

Could an accommodation be now effected, we 
have reason to think that it would be fatal to the 
liberties of America; we should soon catch the 
contagion of venality and dissipation, which hath 
subjected Britons to lawless domination. Were 
we placed in the situation we were in 1763: were 
the powers of appointing to offices, and command- 
ing the militia, in the hands of governors, our arts, 
trade and manufactures would be cramped; nay, 
more than this, the life of every man who has 
been active in the cause of his country would be 
endangered. 

For these reasons, as well as many others whicli 
might be produced, we are confirmed in the opi- 
nion, that the present age will be deficient in their 
duty to God, their posterity and themselves, if 
they do not establish an American republic. This 
is the only form of government which we wish to 
see established; for we can never be willingly sub- 
ject to any other King than he who, being possessed 
of infinite wisdom, goodness and rectitude, is alone 
fit to possess unlimited power. 

We have freely spoken our sentiments upon tliis 
important subject, but we mean not to dictate; we 
have unbounded confidence in the wisdom and 
uprightness of the continental congress: with plea- 
sure we recollect that tliis afFair is under their 
direction: and we now instruct you, sir, to give 
them the strongest assurance that, if they should 
declare America to be a free and independent re- 
public, your constituents will support and defend 
the measure, to the last drop of their blood, and 
the last farthing of their treasure. 
• Attest. 

Sam. Meruit, town-clerk. 

Extracts fro7n tlte Jourmd nf the Provincial cofgrese 
vf South Carolina. 

Ill congress, Feb. 8, 1776. 
Resolved, That Mr. President do signify tiie 
approbation of this congress, and present their 
thanks to the hon. Henry Middleton, and John 



158 



PR[NCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Rutledge, esqrs. now present in congress, and to 
the other delej^ates of this colony at Philadelphia, 
for their important services in the American con- 
gress. 

Mr. President accordingly addressed himself to 
the hon. Mr. Middleton, and Mr. Rutledge, as 
follows: 

Gentlemen— When the hand of tyranny, armed 
in hostile manner, was extended from Great Bri- 
tain to spoil America of whatever she held most 
valuable, it was, for the most important purposes, 
that the tjood people of this colony delegated you 
to represent them in the continental congress, at 
Philadelphia. It became your business to ascer- 
tain the rights of America, to point out her violat- 
ed franchises, to make humble representation to 
the king for redress, and, he being deaf to the cries 
of his American subjects, to appeal to the King of 
kings, for the recovery of the rights of an infant 
people, by the majesty of Heaven formed for future 
empire. 

In this most important business you engaged, 
as became good citizens; and, step by step, you 
deliberately advanced through it, with a regret 
and sorrow, and with a resolution and conduct, 
that bear all the characters of ancient magnanimitv. 
Your constituents, with a steady eye, beheld your 
Progress. They saw the \merican claim of rights, 
the association for the recovery of American 
franchises, and the humble petition to the king 
for redress of grievances. They saw the Ameri- 
can appeal to the King of kings; and a second hum- 
ble petition to the British monarch, alas! as un- 
availing as the first. They have also seen the 
establishment of an American naval force, a trea- 
sury, a general post-office, and the laying on a 
continental embargo: in short, they have seen per- 
mission granted to colonies to erect forms of go- 
vernment independent of, and in opposition to, the 
regal authority. 

Your country saw all these proceedings, the 
■work of a body of which you were and are mem- 
bers; proceedings arising from dire necessity, and 
not from choice; proceedings tliat are the natural 
consequences of the present inauspicious reign; pro- 
ceedings just in themselves, and which, notwith- 
standing the declarations of the corrupt houses of 
parliament, the proclamation at the court of St. 
James's, the 23d of August, and the subsequent 
royal speech in parliament, are exactly as far 
distant from treason and rebellion, as stands the 
glorious revolution, which deprived a tyrant of bis 



kingdoms, and elevated the house of Brunswick to 
royalty. 

Worthy delegates! It is the judgment of your 
country that your conduct, of which I have mark- 
''d the grand lines, in the American congress, is 
justifiable before God and man, and that, whatever 
may be the issue of this defensive civil war, in 
which, unfortunately, though gloriously, we are 
engaged, whether independence or slavery, all the 
blood, and all the guilt, must be imputed to Bri- 
tish not to American counsels. — Hence your con- 
stituents, sensible of the propriety of your conduct^ 
and of the benefits which, with the blessing of the 
Almighty, it is calculated to shed upon America, 
have constituted me, their instrument, as well to 
signify to you their approbation, as to present to 
you their thanks: and it is in the discharge of these 
duties that I now have the honor to address you. 

In an important crisis, like the present, to receive 
the public thanks of a free people, is to receive the 
most honorable recompense for past services, and 
to deserve such thanks is to be truly great. I know 
that it is with pain such men hear their com- 
mendations. Gentlemen, with the public recom- 
pense, I mean to pay into you my mite also; and 
lest 1 wound your delicacy, when I mean only to 
do justice to your merit, I forbear to particularize 
what is already well known. I therefore confine 
myself; and I do most respectfully, in the name of 
the congress, present to you, and to each of you,, 
the thanks of your country, for your important scr^ 
vices in the American congress at Philadelphia. 

Boslo7i, Jpril 25, 1776. 
The corporation of Harvard College in Cambridge, in 

J\'Vvy England, to all faithful in Christ, to lehom 

these presents shall come greeting: 

Whereas academical degrees were originally 
instituted for this purpose, that men, eminent fop 
knowledge, wisdom and virtue, who have highly 
merited of the republic of letters, should be re- 
warded with the honor of these laurels, there is 
the greatest propriety in conferring such honor on 
that very illustrious gentleman, George Washing- 
ton, esq. the accomplished general of the con- 
federated colonies in America; whose knowledge 
and patriotic ardour are manifest to all; who, for 
his distinguished virtues, both civil and military, in 
the first place being elected by the suffrages of 
the Virginians one of their delegates, exerted him- 
self with fidelity and singular wisdom in the cele- 
brated congress in America, for the defence of li- 
berty, when in the utmost danger of being forever 
lost, and for the salvation of his cotmtry; and then. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



159 



at the earnest request of that grand council of, ry, requires an exertion of the greatest prudence 
patriots, without hesitation, left all the pleasures and abilities. 



of his delightful seat in Virginia, and the affairs 
of his own estate, that, through all the fatigues and 
dangers of camp, without accepting any reward, 
he might deliver New England from the unjust 
and cruel arms of Great Britain, and defend the 
other colonies; and who, by the most signal smiles 
of Divine Providence on his military operations, 
drove the fleet and troops of the enemy with disgrace- 
fu! precipitation from the to-wn of Sonton, which for 
eleven months had been shut, fortified and defend- 
ed by a garrison of above 7000 regulars; so that 
the inhabitants, who suffered a great variety of 
hardships and cruelties while under the power of 
their oppressors, now rejoice in their deliverance; 
the neighboring towns are also freed from the 
tumults of arms, and our university has the agreea- 
ble prospect of being restored to its ancient seat. 

Know ye, therefore, that we, the president and 
fellows of Harvard College in Cambridge, (with 
the consent of the honored and reverend overseers 
of our academy) have constituted and created the 
aforesaid gentleman, George Washington, who 
merits the highest honor, doctor of laws, the law 
of nature and nations, and the civil law; and have 
given and granted him at the same time all rights, 
privileges and honors to the said degree pertain- 
ing. 

In testimony whereof, we have affixed the com- 
aion seal of our university to these letters, and 
subscribed them with our hand writing, this third 
day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and seventy-six. 

Samuel Langbon, S. T. D. Preses. 

Nathaniel Appletobt, S. T. D. 

Johannes VVinthrop, Mat. et. Phi. P. 

Andreas Elliot, S. T. D. (Hoi.) L, L. U 

Samcel Cooper, S. T. D. 

JouANs Wadsworth, Log. et. Eth. Pre. 



Savannah, f Georgia J June 20, 1776. 

Our provincial congress met here on the 6lh inst. 
when his excellency Archibald Bullock, esq. pre- 
sident and commander in chief of the province of 
Georgia, delivered the following speech: 
Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the congress — 

The state of the province at your last meeting 
made it absolutely necessary to adopt some tem- 
porary regulations for the preservation of the pub- 
lic peace and safety; and your appointuieiit of me 

to carry these things into execution, at a time so Iporiance will claim your attention at this meeting, 
critical and important to the welfare of this coua- U will not take up too much of your time from the 



At a time, when our rights and privileges ate 
invaded, when the fundamental principles of the 
constitution are subverted, and those men whose 
duty should teach them to protect and defend us, 
are become our betrayers and murderers; it calla 
aloud on every virtuous member of the community 
to stand forth, and stem the prevailing torrent of 
corruption and lawless power. 

The many and frequent instances of your attach* 
ment towards me, and an ardent desire to promote 
the welfare of my country, have induced me to 
accept of this weighty and important trust; for 
your interest only I desire to act; and relying on 
your aid and assistance in every difficulty, I shall 
always most confidently expect it. 

Some venal disaffected men may endeavor to 
persuade the people to submit to the mandates of 
despotism; but surely every freeman would con- 
sider the nature, and inspect the designs and execu- 
tion of that government, under which he may be 
called to live. The people of this province, in op- 
posing the designs of a cruel and corrupt ministry, 
have surmounted what appeared inseparable dif- 
ficulties; and notwithstanding the artifice and ad- 
dress that for a long time were employed to divert 
their attention from the common cause, they, at 
length, by imperceptible degrees, succeeded, and 
declared their resolutions to assert their liberties, 
and to maintain them, at all events, in concurrence 
with the other associated colonies. For my part, 
i most candidly declare that, from the origin of 
these unhappy disputes, I heartily approved of the 
conduct of the Americans. My approbation was 
not the result of prejudice or partiality, but pro- 
ceeded from a firm persuasion of their having acted 
agreeable to constitutional principles, and the 
dictates of an upright disinterested conscience. 



We must all acknowledge our great obligations 
to our ancestors, for the invaluable liberties we 
enjoy; it is our indispensibleduty to transmit them 
inviolate to posterity; and to be negligent, in an 
affair of such moment, would be an indelible stain 
of infamy on the present ^ra. Animated with this 
principle, 1 shall think myself amply rewarded, if 
I can be so fortunate as to render any service to 
he cause of freedom and posterity. 

JMr. Speaker and gentlemen of the congress — 

Being sensible that colony matters of great im- 



160 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



public business. Some further regulations respect- 
ing the courts of justice, the state of the continen- 
tal battalions, and the better ordering of the 
militia of this province, will necessarily be the 
subject of your disquisitions. 

You must be convinced of the many difficulties 
we labor under, arising from the number that still 
remain among us, under the shelter of an affected 
neutrality. The arguments alleged for their con- 
duct, appear too weak to merit a refutation. This 
is no time to talk of moderation: in the present 
instance it ceases to be a virtue. An appeal, an 
awful appeal, is made to Heaven, and thousands of 
lives are in jeopardy every hour. Our northern 
brethren point to their wounds, and call for our 
most vigorous exertions; and God forbid that so 
noble a aontest should end in an infamous conclu 
sion. You will not, therefore, be biassed by any 
suggestions from these enemies of American li 
berty, or regard any censure they may bestow on 
the forwardness and zeal of this infant colony. — 
You must evidently perceive the necessity of 
making some further laws respecting these non- 
associates; and though there may be some who ap- 
pear at present forward to sign the association, 
yet it becomes us to keep a watchful eye on the 
motive and conduct of these men, lest the public 
good should be endangered through this perfidy 
and pretended friendship. 

By the resolves of the general congress, the 
inhabitants of the united colonies are permitted to 
trade to any part of the world, except the dominions 
of the king of Great Britain; and in consequence 
of which, it will be necessary to fix on some mode 
of proceeding, for the clearance of vessels and 
©ther matters relative thereto; and perhaps you 
may think it further requisite, to appoint proper 
officers to despatch this business, tliat the ad- 
venturers in trade may meet with as little obstruc- 
tion as possible. And I would at the same time 
recommend to yonr consideration, the exorbitant 
prices of goods, and otlier necessaries of life, in the 
town of Savannah, and every part of the province. 
This certainly requires some immediate regula- 
tions, as the poor must be greatly distressed by 
such alai-ming and unheard of extortions. 

With respect to Indian affairs, I hoped to have 
the pleasure of assuring you, from the state of the 
proceedings of the commissioners, that they were 
in every respect friendly and warmly attached to 
our interest, and that there was the greatest rea 
son to expect a continuance of the same friendly 



disposition; but I have received some accounts 
rather unfavorable. As this is of the highest con- 
sequence to the peace and welfare of the colony, 
I would here suggest, whether it would not be 
necessary to enter into some resolves, in order to 
prevent any future misunderstanding between them 
and onr back settlers; and to this i think I may add, 
that the putting the province in the best posture 
of defence, would be an object very requisite at 
this juncture. 

The continental congress have always beea 
solicitous to f)romote tlie increase and improve-* 
ment of useftil knowledge, and with the highest 
satisfaction contemplating the rapid progress of 
the arts and sciences in America, have thought 
proper to recommend the encouraging the manu- 
factory of salt-petre, sulphur, and gun-powder. — • 
The process is extremely eas)', and I should be 
very glad to see any of the good people of this 
province exerting themselves in the manufacture 
of these useful and necessary articles. If they once 
consider it is for the public good, they will need 
no other inducement. 
J\Ir. Speaker and gentlemen of the congress— 

Remember in all your deliberations you are 
engaged in a most arduous undertaking. Genera- 
tions yet unborn may owe their freedom and bappi. 
ness to your determination, and may bestow bles- 
sings or execrations on your memory, in such man- 
ner as you discharge the trust reposed in you by 
your constituents. Thoughts like these will influ-- 
ence you to throw aside every prejudice, and to 
exert your utmost efforts to preserve unanimity, 
firmness and impartiality in all your proceedings. 
AucHiBALD Bullock. 



The Bishop of St. Asaph's Speech^ 

The follo7uing piece, larotebythe Rev. Dr. Josatban 
SttiPtET, late bishop of St. Jlsuph, was intended to 
have been spoken in the house of lords on the bill for 
altering the charter of the co'ony of the Jlfassa- 
chusetts-Bay; and is now exhibited to the public 
for their perusal: It is the lohole of the pamphlet, 
save an advertisement that preceded the luork, tuhici), 
we thought needless to insert. 

[Maryland Gazette, Sept. 29, 1774, 
It is of such great importance to compose, or 
even to moderate, the dissensions which subsist 
at present between our unhappy country and her 
colonies, that 1 cannot help endeavoring, from the 
faint prospect I have of contributing something to 
so good an end, to overcome the inexpressible 
reluctance I feel at uttering my thoughts before 
the most respectable of all audiences. 



PRINCiPIiES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



161 



The true object of all our deliberations on this f 
occssion, which I hope we shall never lose sight of, 
is a full and cordial reconciliation with North Ame- 
Hca. Now I own, my lords, I have many doubts 
whether the terrors and punishments we hang out 
to them at present are the sorest means of produc- 
ing this reconciliation. Let us at least do this 
justice to the people of North America, to own 
that we can all remember a time when they were 
much better friends than at present to their mother 
country, they are neither our natural nor our 
determined enemies. Before the etamp-act, we 
considered them in the light of as good subjects as 
the natives of any county in England. 

It is worth while to enquire by what steps we 
first gained their affection, and preserved it so 
long; and by what conduct we have lately lost it. 
Such an enquiry m?y point out the means of restor- 
ing peace, and make the use of force unnecessary 
against a people, whom I cannot yet forbear to 
consider as our brethren. 

It has always been a most ardaous task to go- 
vern distant provinces, with even a tolerable ap- 
pearance of justice. Tlie viceroys and governors 
of other nations are usually temporary tyrants^ who 
think themselves obliged to make the most of their 
time; who not only plunder the people, but carry 
away their spoils, and dry up all the sources of 
commerce and industry. Taxation, in their hands, 
is an unlimited power of oppression: but in what- 
ever hands the power of taxation is lodged, it 
implies and includes all other powers. Arbitrary 
taxation is plunder authorised by law. it is the 
support and the essence of tyranny, and has done 
more mischief to mankind, than those other three 
scourges from Heaven, famine, pestilence and the 
sword. I need not carry your lordship out of your 
own knowledge, or out of your own dominions, to 
make you conceive what misery this right of taxa- 
tion is capable of producing in a provincial govern- 
ment. We need ofily recollect that our country- 
men in India have, in the space of five or six years, 
in virtue of this right, destroyed, starved, and 
driven away more inhabitants from Bengal, than 
are to be found at present in all our American 
colonies; more than all those formidable numbers 
which we have been nursing up for the space of 
two hundred years, with so much care and success, 
to the astonishment of all Europe. This is no 
exaggeration, my lords, but plain matter of fact, 
collected from the accounts sent over by Mr. Hast- 
ings, whose name t mention with honor and venera- 
tion. And, 1 must own. such accounts havs v"r> 
21. 



much lessened the pleasure I used to feel in think- 
ing myself an Englishman; We ought surely not 
to hold our colonies totally inexcusable for wish" 
ing' to elempt themselves frOm a grievance, which 
has caused such unexampled devastation; and, my 
lords, it would be too disgraceful to ourselvei-, to 
try so cruel an experiment more than once. Let 
us reflect, that before these innovations were 
thought of, by following the line of gOod conduct 
which had been marked out by our ancestors, we 
governed North America with mutual benefit to 
them and ourselves. It was a happy idea, that 
made us first consider them rather as instruments 
of commerce than as objects of government. It 
was wise and generous to give them liie farm and 
the spirit of our own constitution, an assembly, in 
which a greater equality of representation has beeu 
preserved them at home, and councils and gover ■ 
nors, such as were adapted to their situation, 
though they must be acknowledged to be very 
inferior copies of the dignity of this house, and the 
majesty of the crown. 

But what is far more valuable than .'ill the rest, 
we gave them liberty. We allowed them to i-^se 
their own judgment in the management of their 
own interest. Tiie idea of taxing them never 
entered our heads. On the contrary they have 
experienced our liberality on many public occa- 
sions: we have given them bounties to encourage 
their industry, and have demanded no return but 
what every state exacts from itscoloniesj the advan- 
tages of an exclusive commerce, and the regula- 
tions that are necessary to secure it. We made 
requisitions to them on great occasions, in the 
same manner as our princes formerly asked bene- 
volences of tlieirsubjects; and as nothing was asked 
but what was visibly for the public good, it was 
always granted; and tiiey some limes did more than 
we expected. The matter of right was neither 
disputed, nor even considered. And let us not 
forget that the people of New-England weretliem- 
selves, during the last war, the most forward of all 
in the national cause; that every year we voted 
them a considerable sum, in acknowledgment of 
their Zealand their sei-vices; that, in the preceding 
war, they alone enabled us to make the treaty of 
Aix la-Chapelle, by furnishing us with the only 
equivalent for the towns that were taken from our 
allies in Flanders; and that, in times of peuce, they 
alone have taken from us six times as much of our 
woolen manufactures as the whole kiugiloui of 
Ireland. Such a colony, my lords, not only i'lom 
the justice, but from the gratitude we owe iheai, 
j»ve a v\ght to !)e Le.ird in their defence; and if 



162 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



t'eir crimes ape not of the most inexpiable kind, 
I could almost say, they have a right to be forgiven. 

But in the times we speak of, our public inter- 
course was carried on with ease and satisfaction. 
We reg'arded them as our friends and f< How citi- 
zens, and relied as much upon their fidelity as on 
the inhabitants of our own country. They saw our 
power with pleasure, for they considered it only as 
their protection. They inherited our laws, our 
5anj^U8gre, and our custom^; they preferred our 
mar.afactur<f?, and followed our fashions with a |t?f^viiation at the greatest distances. It proves to 
partiality that secured our execlusive t?ade with h demonsu-alion that you may have good subjects 
them more effectually than all the regulations and '" ''^^ remotest comer of the earth, if you will but 
vigilance of the custom house. Had we suffered I ^''^^^ ^^'^^ ^^'*'^ kindness and rquiiy. If you have 
them to enrich us a little longer, and to grow a H'^^ ^"''^^^ "*" ^^^ ^'•"^^ "^ '^''^ '^'"^ "^ reasoning, 
little richer themselves, their men of fortune, like '^^ experience we have had of a dlfffrent kmd wili 
the West-lndisns, would undoubtedly have made p"^''"^'y remove them. 

this country the place of their education and resort, j The good genius of our country had led us to 
For they looked up to England with reverence and j the simple and happy method of governing free- 
afftciion, as to the country of their friends and {men, which I have endeavored to describe. Our 



it well deserves your serious consideration The 
true eause is, that a mother-country never existed 
before, who placed her natives and her colonies on 
the same equal foo'ing; and joined with them in 
fuirly carrying on one common interest. 

You ought to consider this, my lords, not as a 
mere historical fact, but as a most important and 
invaluable discovery. It enlarges our ideas of the 
power and energy of good government beyond all 
former examples; and shev,s that it can act like 



ancestors. They esteemed and they called it their 
home, and thought of it as the Jews once thought 
of the land of Canaan. 

N(jv/, my lords, consider with yourselves what 
were tlie chains arul ties that united this people 
to tlieir mother-country with so much warmth and 
aifection, at so amazing a distance. The colonies 
of other nations have been discontented with their 
treatment, and not without sufficient cause; always 
murmuring at their grievances, and some times 
breaking out into acts of rebellion. Our subjects 
at home, with all their reasons for satisfaction, have 
never been entirely satisfied. Since the beginning 
of this century we have had two rebellions, several 
plots and conspiracies; and v/e ourselves been 
witnesses to the most dangerous excesses of 
sedition. But the provinces in North America have 
engaged in no party, have excited no opposition, 
they have been utter strangers even to the name 
of whig and tory. In all changes, in all revolu- 
tions, they have quietly followed the fortunes and 
submitted to the government of England. 

Now let me appeal to your lordships as to men 
of enlarged and liberal minds, who have been led 
by your office and rank to the study of history 
Can you find in the long succession of ages, in 
the whole extent of human affs-irs, a single instance 
where distant provinces have been preserved ii 
so flourishing a state, and kept at the same timt 
in such due subjection to their mother-country? 
My lords, there is no instance; the case nevei 
existed before. It is perhaps the most singulai 
phenomenon in all caril history; and the cause of 



ministers received it from their predecessors and 
for some time continued to observe it; but without 
knowing its value. At length, presuming on their 
own wisdom, and the quiet dispositions of the 
Americans, they {Mattered themselves that we might 
reap great advantages from their prosperity by 
destroying the cause of it. They chose, in an 
unlucky hour, to treat them as other nations have 
thought fit to treat their colonies; they threatened, 
and they taxed them. 

I do not now enquire whether taxation is matter 
of right; I only consider it as matter of experiment: 
for surely the art of government itself is founded 
on experientie. I need not suggest what were the 
consequences of this change of measures. The evils 
produced by it were such as we still remember 
and still feel. We suffered more by our loss of 
trade with them, than the wealth flowing in from 
India was able to recompense. The bankruptcy 
of the East India compiuy may be sufficiently 
accounted for by the rapine abroad and the knavery 
at home; but it certainly would have been delayed 
some years, had we continued our commerce with 
ihem in the single article of tea. But that and 
many other branches of trade have been diverted 
into other channels, and may probably never return 
ent.re to their own old course. But what is worst 
of all, we have lost their confidence and friendship^ 
re have ignorantly undermined the most solid- 
foundation of our own power. 

In order to observe the strictest impartiality, it 
is but just for us to enquire what we have gained 
oy these taxes as well as what we have lost. I am 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



16S 



assured that out of all the sums raised in America 

the last year but one, if the expenses are deducted, 

^vhich the natives would else have discharged 

tlieinselves, the net revenue paid into the treasury 

lo go in aid of the sinking fund, or to be employed 

in whatever public services parliament shall think 

fit, is eighty-five pounds. Eighty-five pounds, mv 

lords, is the whole equivalent we have received 

for ail the hatred and mischief, and all the infinite 

losses this kingtlom has suffered during that year 

in her disputes with North America. Money that 

is earned so dearly as tliis, ought to be expended 

with great wisdom and economy. My lords, were 

you to take up but one thousand pounds more from 

North America upon the same terms, the nation 

itself would be a bankrupt. But the most amazing 

and most alarming circumstances are still behind 

It is that our case is so incurable, that all this 

experience has made no impression upon us. And 

yet, my lords, if you could but keep these facts, 

which I have ventured to lay before you, for a few 

moments in your minds (supposing your right of 

taxation to be never so clear) yet 1 think you must 

necessarily perceive ihat it cannot be exercised in 

any manner that can be advantageous to ourselves 

or them. We have not always the wisdom to tax 

ourselves with propriety; and I am confident we 

could never tax a people at that distance, without 

infinite blunders, and infinite oppression. And to 

own the truth, my lords, we are not honest enough 

to trust ourselves with the power of shifting our 

own burthens upon them. Allow me therefore to j governors; but we ought not to suffer the gover- 

conclude, I think unanswerably, that the incon- jnors to complain of the people. We have taken a 



uniformly adopted this ■ quitable administration in 
all our distant provinces as far as circumstances 
would admit, it would have placed this country, 
for ages, at th« head of human affairs in every 
quarter of the world. My lords this is no visionary, 
or chimerical doctrine. The idea of governing 
provinces and colonies by force is visionary and 
chimerical. The experiment has often been tried 
and it never has succeeded. It ends infallibly in 
he ruin of the one country or the other, or in the 
last degree of wretchedness. 

If" there is any truth, my lords, in what I have 
said, and I most firmly believe it all to be true, let 
me recommend to you to resume tha' generous and 
benevolent spirit in the discussion of onr differ- 
eiices which used to be the source of our union. 
We certainly did wrong in taxing them: when the 
stamp-act was repealed, we did wrong in layirg on 
other taxes, which tended only to keep alive a 
claim that was mischievous, impracticable and 
useless. We acted contrary to our own principles 
of liberty, and to the generous sentiments of our 
sovereign, when we desired to have their judges 
dependent on the crown for their stipends as well 
as their continuance. It was equally unwise to 
wish to make the governors independent of the 
people for their salaries. We ought to consider 
the governors, not as spies entrusted with the 
management of our interest, but as the servants of 
the people, recommended to them by us. Our ears 
ought to be open to every complaint against the 



venience and distress we have felt in this change 
of our conduct, no less than the ease and tranquility 
we formerly found in the pursuit of it, will force 
us, if we have any sense left, to return to the good 
old path we trode in so long, and found it the way 
of pleasantness. 

I desire to have it understood, that I am oppos- 
ing no rights legislature mny think proper to claim: 
I am only comparing two different methods of go- 
vernment. By your old rational and generous ad- 
ministration, by treating the Americans as your 
friends and fellow-citizens, you made them the 
happiest of human kind; and, at the same time, 
drew from them, by conjmerce, more clear profit 
than Spain has drawn from all its mines; and their 



different method, to which no small part of our 
dilficulties are owing. Our ears have been open 
to the governors and shut to the people. Tiiis 
must necessarily led us to countenance the jobs of 
interested men, under the pretence of defending 
the rights of the crown. But the people are 
certainly the best judges whether they are well 
csverned; and the crown can have no rights in- 
consistent with the happiuess of the people. 

Now, my lords, we ought to do what I have 
suggested, and many thinj,'-s more, out of prudence 
and justice, to win their affection, and to do thsm 
public servide. 

If we have a right to govern them, let us exert 
growing numbers werea daily increase and addition j it for the true ends of government But, my lords, 
to your strength. There was no room for improve- j-vhat we ought to do, from motives of reason and 
ment or alteration in so noble a system of polic> j istice, is much more tiian is sufficient to brini^- 
as this. It was sanctified by time, by experience, ihem to a reasonable accommodation. For thus, nn 
by public utility. I will venture to use a bob^. j I apprelier.d, stands the case: They petition foi- 
language my lorjs; I will assert, that if we hadUhe repeal of an act of parliament, which they com- 



iG4 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



plain of as unjust and oppressive. And there isi suffered in more instances than one, both in interest 
Slot a man amongst us, not the warmest friend of j and credit, by not choosing to give up points that 
administration, who does not sincerely wish that could not be defended. 



act had never been made. In fact, they only ask 
for what we wish to be rid of. Unc'sr such a dis- 
position of mind, one would imagine there could 
be no occasion for fleets and armies to bring men 
to a good understanding. But, my lords, our 
difficulty lies in the point of honor. We must not 
let down the dignity of the mother-country; but 
preserve her sovereignty over all the parts of the 
British empire. This language has something in 
It that sounds pleasant to the ears of Englishmen, 
but is otherwise of little weight. For sure, my 
lords, there are methods of making reasonable 
concessions, and yet without injuring our digr-ity. 
Ministers are generally fruitful in expedients to 
reconcile difficulties of this kind to escape the 
embarrassments of forms, the competitions of 
dignity and precedency; and to let clashing rights 
sleep, while they transact their business. Now, 
my lords, on this occasion can they find no excuse, 
jio pretence, no invention, no happy turn of lan- 
guage, not one colorable argument for doing the 
greatest service they can ever render to their coun- 
try? It must be something more than incapacity 
that makes men barren of expedients at such a 
season as this. Do, but for once, remove this im- 
practicable stateliness and dignity, and treat the 
matter with a little common sense and a little good 
humour, and our reconciliation would not be the 



With regard to the people of Boston, I am free 
to own that I never approve of their riots nor their 
punishment: And yet. if we inflict it as we ought, 
with a consciousness thai we were ourselves the 
aggressors, that we gave the provocation, and that 
their disobedience is the fruit of our own impru- 
dent and imperious conduct, I think the punish- 
ment cannot rise to any great degree of severity. 

I own, my lords, I have read the report of the 
lords' committees of this house, with very different 
sentiments from those with which it was drawn up. 
It seems to be designed, that we should consider 
iheir violent measures and speeches as so many 
determined acts of opposition to the sovereignty of 
England, arising from the malignity of their own 
hearts. One would think the mother country had 
been totally silent and passive in the progress of 
the whole affair. I, on the contrary, consider these 
violences as the natural efft cts of such measures 
as ours pn the minds of freemen. And this is the 
most useful point of view in which government 
can consider them. In their situation, a wise man 
would expect to meet with the strongest marks of 
passion and imprudence, and be prepared to for- 
give them. The first and easiest thing to be done 
is to correct our own errors: and I am confident 
we should find it the most effectual method to cor- 
rect theirs. At any rate let us put ourselves in 



work of an hour. But after all, my lords, if there Lf^^ ^j^jj^. ^^^ ^j^^^ j^- ^^^ must contend with North 
is any thing mortifying in undoing the errors of America, we shall be unanimous at home, and the 
cur ministers, it is a mortification we ought toLyjgg ^^^ moderate there will be our friends. At 
submit to. If it was unjust to tax them, we ought present we force every North American to be our 



to repeal it for their sakes; if it was unwise to tax 
them, we ought tn repeal it for our own. A matter 
so trivial in itself as the three-penny duty upon tea, 
but which has given cause to so much national 
hatred and reproach, ought not to be suffered to 
subsist an unnecessary day. Must the interest. 
the commerce, and the union of this country and 
her colonies, be all of them sacrificed to save the 
credit of one imprudent measure of administra- 
tion? I own I cannot comprehend that there is any 
dignity either in being in the wrong, or in persist- 
ing in it. I have known friendship preserved, and 
affection gained, bat I never knew dignity lost by 
the candid acknowledgement of an error. And, 
my lords, let me appeal to your own experience of 
a few years backward (I would not mention par- 
ticulars, because I would pass no censures and 
revive no unpleasant reflections) but I think every 



candid minister must own, that administration has I island. 



enemy; and the wise and moderate at home, and 
those immense multitudes which must soon begin 
to sufi'er by the madness of our rulers, will unite 
to oppose them. It is a strange idea we have taken 
up, to cure their resentments by increasing their 
provocations; to remove the effects of our own ill 
conduct by multiplying the instances of it. But 
the spirit of blindness and infatuation is gone 
forth. We are hurrying wildly on without any 
fixed design, without any important object. We 
pursue a vain phantom of unlimited sovereignty, 
which was not made for man: and reject the solid 
advantages of a moderate, useful, and intelligible 
authority. That just God, whom we have all so 
deeply offended, can hardly inflict a severer na- 
tional punishment than by committing us to the 
natural consequences of our own conduct. Indeed, 
in my opinion, a blacker cloud never hung over XhU 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



165 



To reason consistently -'-'; h the priuciv !es of 
justice and national friendship, which I have en- 
deavored to establish, or ralher to rev've what was 
established by our ancestors, as our wisest rule of 
conduct for the government of America; 1 must 
Tiecessarily disapprove of the bill before us, for it 
contradicts every one of them. In our p'-esen* 
situa'ion every act of the legislature, even our art 
of severity, ought to be so many steps to^vards the 
reconciliation we wish for. But To change the go 
vernment of a people, without their consent, is tiie 
highest and roost arbitrary act of sovereignly tha^ 
one nation can exercise over another. The Ro 
nians hardly ever proceeded to this rxtremity, even 
-over a conquered nation, lill its frequent revolts and 
insurrections had made (hem deem it incorrigible. 
The very idea of it, ireplies a most abject and 
slavish dependency in the inferior state, llecollect 
that the Americans are men of like passions witli 
ourselves, and thiiik how deeply this treatment 
innst affect tliem. They have the same veneration 
for then* charters that we have for our Magna 
Cbarta, and they ought in reason to have greater. 
They are the title deeds to all their rights, both 
public ard private. What! my lords, must these 
rights never acquire any legal assurance and 
atability? can they derive no force from the peace- 
able possession of near two hundred years? and 
must the fundamental constitution of a powerful 
state be, forever, subject to as capricious altera- 
tions as you think fit to make in the charters of a 
little mercantile company or the corporation of a 
borougli? this will undoubtedly furnish matter for 
& more pernicious debate than has yet been moved. 
Every other colony will make the case its own. — 
They will complain that their rights can never be 
ascertained; that every thing belonging to them 
depends upon our arbitrary will; and may think it 
better to run any hazard, than to submit to the 
violence of their mother-country, in a matter in 
which they can see neither moderation nor end. 

But let us coolly enquire, what is the reason of 
tills unheard of innovation. Is it to make them 
peaceable? my lords, it will make them mad. Will 
they be better governed if we introduce this 
change? will they be more our friends? the least 
that such a measure can do, is to make them hate 
us. And would to God, my lords, we had governed 
ourselves with as much economy, integrity and 
prudence, as they have done. Let them continue 
to enjoy the liberty our fathers gave them. Gave 
them, did I say? they are co-heirs of liberty with 
ourselves; and their portion of the inheritance lias 



» em to enjo> a little longer that short period of 
public integrity and domestic happiness, which 
seems to be the portion allotted by Providence to 
young rising states. Instead of hoping that their 
constitution may receive improvement from our 
skill in government, the most useful wi.sh I can 
form in their favor, is that Heaven may long pre- 
Kerve them from our vices and our politics. 

Let me add further— that to make any changes in 
their government, without their consent, would be 
to transgress the wisest rules of policy, and to 
wound our most important interests. As they in. 
crease in numbers and in riches, our comparative 
strength must lessen. In another age, when our 
power has begun to lose something of its superiority, 
we should be happy if we could support our au- 
thority by mutual good will and the habit of com- 
manding; but chiefly by those original establish- 
ments, which time and public honor right have 
'•endered inviolable. Our posterity will then Iiave 
reason to lament that they cannot avail tliemselves 
of those treasures of public friendship and con- 
fidence which our fatliers had wisely hoarded up, 
and we are throwing away. 'Tis hard, 'lis cruel, 
besides all our debts and taxes, and those enormous 
'Expenses which are multiplying upon us every year, 
to load our unhappy sons with the hatred and curse 
of North America. Indeed, my lords, we are treat- 
ing posterity very scurvily. We liave mortgaged 
all the lands; we have cut down all the oaks; we 
are now trampling down the fences, rooiing up the 
seedlings and samplers, and ruining all the re 
sources of another age. We shall send the next 
generation into the world, like the v/retched heir 
of a worthless father, v/ithout money, credit or 
friends; with a striped, incumbered, and perhaps 
untenanted estate. 

Having spoke so largly against the principle of 
the bill, it is hardly necessary to enter into the 
merits of it. I shall only observe that, even :f we 
had the consent of the people to alter their govern- 
ment, it would be unwise to make such alterations 
as these. To give the appointment of the gover- 
nor and council to the crown, and the disposal of 
all places, even of the judges, and with a power 
of removing them, to the governor, is evidently 
calculated with a view to form a strong party in 
our favor. This I know has been done in other 
colonies; but still this is opening a source of per- 
petual discord, where it is our interest always to 
agree. If we mean any thing by this establish- 
ment, it is to support the governor and ti»e council 



been much better looked after than ours. Suffer " against the people, 1, e. to qurrrel with our friend? 



1G5 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



that v/e may plen^e their servants. This scheme i of having peopled a continent without guilt or 
of g'overning them by a party is not wisely imaginodl bloodshed, with a multitude of free and happy 



it is much too premature, and, at all events, must 
turn to O'lr disadvantage. If it falls, it will only 
m-ke uscor.temptible; if it succeeds, it will ms-lce 
us odio'is. If is O'lr interest to take very little 
part in their domestic administration of govern- 
ment, h\v. purely to watch over them for their good* 
We rpver gained so tnuch by Nor'h America as 
when we let them govern themselves, and were 
content to trade with them and to protect them. 
O' e wotdd thinli, my lords, there was some statu e 
law, pr ihibitin^ us, under the severest penalties, 
to profit by experience. 

My lor^s, 1 have ventured to lay my thoughts 
before you, o""'. he greatest national concern that 
ever came m der your deliberation, with as much 
liop'-sfy as you will meet with from abler men, »nd 
■with a melancholy assurance, that not a word of it 
will be regarded. And yet, my lords, with your 
pevmissiin, I ''ill waste one short argument more 
o^ the same cause, one that I own I am fond of, 
and which contains in It, what, I think, must effect 
every generous mind. My lords, I look upon North 
Amer ca iS the only great niirsery of freemen now 
left UD m thr face of the earth. We have seen the 
libertits of Poland and Sweden sw°pt away, in the 
course of one year, by treacliery and usurpation. 
T'e f -ee lowns in Germany are like so many dying 
sn rks, that go out one after another; and which 
must all be soon extinguished under the destruc. 
live Rreatn'ss of their neighbors. Holland is little 
more than a great trading company, with luxuriou* 
m .niersj and an exhausted revenue; with little 
strength and with less spirit. Switzerland alone 
is frep and tianpy wi'hin t!ie narrow in^losure of its 
rocks and vallies. As for the state of this coun- 
try, rny lords, I can orly refer myself to your own 
secret thoughts. I am dispoed to think and hope 
the best of public liberty. Were I to describe her 
accord! Tg to my own ideas at present. I should say 
that st^e has a sickly countenance, but 1 trust she 
has a long constitution. 

Put whatevermsy be our future fate, the greatest 
glory tha'. altends this country, a greater than any 
other nation ever acquired, is to have formed and 
nursed up to such a state of happiness those colonies 
wliOiTi we are now so eager to btitcher. We ought 
to cherish them as the immortal monuments of our 
public jus ice and wisdom; as the heirs of our bet- 
ter days, of our old arts and manners, and of our 



commonwealths; to have given them the best arts 
of life and government; and to have suiTered them, 
imder the shelter of our authority, to acquire in 
peace the skill to use them. In comparison of this, 
'he policy of governing by influence, and even the 
pride of war and victory, are dishonest tricks and 
poor contemptible pageantry. 

We seem not to be sensible of the high and im- 
portant trust which Providence has committed to 
our charge. The most precious remains of civil 
liberty, that the world can now boast of, are now 
lodged in our hands; and God forbid that we should 
violate so sacred a deposite. By enslaving your 
colonies, you not only ruin the peace, the com- 
merce, and the fortunes of both countries, but you 
extinguish the fairest hopes, shut up the last asylum 
of mankind. I think, my lords, without beirg 
weakly superstitious, that a good man may hope 
that Heaven will take part against the execution 
of a plan which seems big not only with mischief, 
but impiety. 

Let us be content with the spoils and the destruc- 
tion of the east. If your lordships can see no im- 
propriety in it, let the plunderer and oppressor 
still go free. But let not the love of liberty be 
the only crime you think worthy of punishment. I 
fear we shall soon make it a part of our natural 
character, to ruin every thing that has the mis^ 
fortune to depend upon us. 

No nation has ever before contrived, in so short 
a space of time, without any war or public calamity 
(unless unwise measures may be so called) to 
destroy such ample resources of commerce, wealth 
and power, as of late were ours, and wliich, if they 
had been rightly improved, might have raised us 
to a state of more honorable and more permanent 
greatness than the world has yet seen. 

Let me remind the noble lords in administration,, 
that before the starep-act, they had power sufficient 
>o answer all the just ends of government, and they 
were all completely answered. If that is the power 
hey wr^nt, though we have lost much of it at pre- 
sent, a few kind words would recover it all. 

But if the tendency of this bill is, as I own it ap- 
pears to me, to acquire a power of governing them 
by influence and corruption, in the first place, my 
lords this Isnottruegovernnient, but a sophisticated 
•cind, which counterfeits the appearance, but witb- 



expirirg national virtues. What work of art, or tout the spirit or virtue of the true: and then, as it 
power, or public utiiiiy has ever equalled the glory 'lends to debase their spirits and corrupt tleirman 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



167 



iiers, to destroy all that is great and respectable in 
•so considerable a part of the human species, and 
by degrees to gather them together with the rest 
of the world, under the yoke of universal slavery — 
I think, for these reasons, it is the duty of every 
wise man, of every honest man, and of every Eng- 
lishman, by all lawful means, to oppose it. 

JinnapoUs, June 29, 1769. 
Several of the counties having before entered i7ito re- 
siilutiyn.i of i ovAmportation oy British mipe\f.vdties , 
and the province, in ge)<erii,l, being invited by the 
people of Anne Arundel county, to request some 
gentlemen from each county, to meet at this place, 
en the 20th instant, in order that a general resolu- 
tion of non-importation m'ght be formed There 

■7vas accordingly a very full meeting, at which the 
following HESotUTioss were entered into; and it 
was agreed, that twelve copies should be printed 
and transmitted to each county, to be signed by the 
people, which, it is expected, ~vill be done ivith great 
readiness throughout the province. 

We, the subscribers, his majesty's loyal and 
dutiful subjects, the merchants, traders, free- 
holders, mechanics, and other inhabitants of 
the province of Maryland, seriously considering 
the present state and condition of the province, 
and being sensible that there is a necessity to 
agree upon such measures, as may tend to dis- 
courage, and as much as may be, prevent the use 
of foreign luxuries and superfluities, in the con 
sumption of which we have heretofore too much 
indulged ourselves, to the great detriment of our 
private fortunes, and, in some instances, to the 
ruin of our families; and, to this end, to practice 
ourselves, and as much as possible, to promote, 
countenance, and encourage in others, a habit ot 
temperance, frugality, economy, and industry, and 
considering also, that measures of this nature are 
more particularly necessary at this time, as the 
parliament of Great Britain, by imposing taxes 
upon many articles imported hither from thence, 
and from other parts beyond sea, has left it less 
in our power, than in time past, to purchase and 
pay for the manufactures of the mother-country; 
which taxes, especially those imposed by a late 
act of parliament, laying duties on tea, paper, 
glass, &.C. we are clearly convinced have been im 
posed contrary to the spirit of our constitution, and 
have a direct and manifest tendency to deprive us, 
in the end, of all political freedom, and reduce us 
to a stale of dependence, inconsistent with that 
liberty we have rightfully enjoyed under the go 
I'ernment of his present m03t sacred majesty, (to 



whom we owe, acknowledge, and will always joy- 
fully pay all due obedience and allegiance) and of 
his royal predecessors, ever since the first settle- 
ment of the province, until of very late time — have 
thought it necessary to URite, as nearly as our cir- 
cumstances will admit, with our sister colonies, ia 
resolutions for the purpose aforesaid; and, there- 
fore, do hereby agree, and bind ourselves, to and 
with each other, by all the ties and obliga'ions of 
honor and reputation, that we will strictly and 
faithfully observe, and conform to the following 
resolutions: 

First, That we will not, at any time hereafter, 
directly or indirectly, import, or cause to be im- 
ported, any manner of goods, merchandize, or 
manufactures, which are, or shall hereafter be, 
taxed by act of parliament, for the purpose of rais- 
ing a revenue in America, (except paper not 
exceeding six shillings per ream, and except such 
articles only as orders have been already sent for) 
but, that we will always consider such taxation, in 
every respect, as an absolute prohibition to the 
articles that are, or may be taxed. 

SECoNBLr, That we will not hereafter, directly 
or indirectly, during the continuance of the afore- 
said act of parliament, import, or cause to be im- 
ported, from Great Britain, or any other part of 
Europe, (except such articles of the produce or 
manufacture of Ireland, as may be immediately and 
legally brought from thence, and also, except all 
such goods as orders have been already sent for) 
any of the goods herein after enumerated, to wit, 
horses, spirits, wine, cyder, perry, beer, ale, malt, 
ijarley, peas, beef, pork, fish, butter, cheese, tal- 
low, candles, oil, except Salad-oil, fruit, pickles, 
confectionary, British refined sugar, mustard, cof- 
fee, pewter, tin-ware of all kinds, whether plaia 
or painted, waiters, and all kind of japan-ware, 
wrought copper, wrought and cast brass, and bell- 
metal, watches, clocks, plate, and all other gold 
and silversmiths' work, trinkets, and jewellery of 
all kind.'!, gold and silver lace, joiners' and cabinet 
vvovk of all sorts, looking-glasses, upholstery of all 
kinds, carriages of all kinds, ribbons and millinery 
f all ku.ds, except wig-ribbon, lace, carabrick, 
lawn, muslin, kenttng, gauze of all kinds, except 
Boultiiig-cloths, silks of all kinds, except raw and 
sewing silk, and wig cauls, velvets, chintzes, and 
•alicoes of all sorts, of more than twenty pence 
oer yard, East-India goods of every kind, except 
salt-pttre, black pepper, arid spices, printed linens, 
and printed cottons, striped linens, and cottons, 
check linens, and cotton checks of all kiiid'^. 



163 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



handkerchiefs of ail kir.ds, ut move than cen slu- 
lings per dozen; cotton velvets, and all kind or 
cotton, or cotton and linen stuffs, bedbunts, and 
bed-ticking of all sorts, cotton counterpanes and 
coverlids, British manufactured linens of all kinds 
except scdl-cloth, Irish and all foreign linens, above 
one shilling and six pence per yard; woolen do ', 
above five quarters wide, of more than five shillings 
per yard; narrow cloths of all sorts, of more tha' 
three shillings per yard; worsted stuffs of all sorts, 
above thirteen pence per yard; silk and worsted, 
silk and cotton, silk and hair, and hair and worsted 
stuffs of all kinds, worsted and hair shags, mourn- 
ing of all and every kind, stockings, caps, waistcoat 
and breeches patterns of all kinds, rugs of all sorts, 
above eight shillings; blankets, above five shillings, 
per blanket; mens and womens ready made clothes, 
and wearing apparel of all kinds, hats of all kinds, 
of more than two shillings per hat; wigs, gloves, 
and mits of all kinds, stays and bodicea of all sorts, 
boots, saddles, and all manufactures of leather, and 
skins of all kinds, except mens and iuome7is shoes, oj 
not more than four shillings per pair, whips, brushes, 
and brooms of all sorts, gilt, and hair trunks, 
paintings, carpets of all sorts, snuff- boxes, snuff, 
and other manufactured tobacco, soap, starci;, 
playing cards, dice, English china, English ware, 
in imitation of China, delph and stone ware, of all 
sorts, except milk-pans, stone bottles, jugs, pitch- 
ers, and chamber pots, marble and wrought stone 
of any kind, except scythe-stones; millstones, and 
grind-stones, iron castings, ironmongery of all 
sorts, except nails; hoes, steel, handicraft and manu- 
facturers tools, locks, frying-pans, scythes and 
sickles, cutlery of all sorts, except knives and forks, 
not exceeding three shillings per dozen; knives, 
scissors, sheep shears, needles, pins and thimbles, 
razors, chirurgical insiruments and spectacles, 
cordage, or tarred rope of all sorts, seins, ships 
colors ready made, ivory, horn, and bone ware of 
all sorts, except combs. 

Thirdly, That we will not, during the time 
aforesaid, import any wines, of any kind whatever, 
or purchase the same from any person whatever, 
except such wines as are already imported, or for 
wliich orders are already sent. 

FounxHLT, That we will not kill or suffer to be 
killed, or sell, or dispose to any person, whom we 
have reason to believe intends to kill, any ewe- 
lamb that shall be yeaned before the first day of 
May in any year, during the time aforesaid. 

Fifthly, That we will not, directly or indirectly, 
during the time aforesaid, purchase, take up, or 



I eceive, on any terms, or condiuons whatever, any 
of the goods enumeiated in the second resolution, 
that shall, or may be imported into this province, 
contrary to the intent and design of these resolM- 
(ions, by any person whatever, or consigned to any 
factor, agent, manager, or storekeeper here, by 
any person residing in Gt-eat Britain, or elsewhere; 
and if any such goods shall be imported, we will 
not, upon any consideration whatever, rent or sell 
to, or permit any way to be made use of by a;^y 
such importer, his agent, factor, manager, or store- 
keeper, or any person, on his, or their behalf, any 
store house, or other house, or any kind of place 
whatever, belonging to us, respectively, for expos- 
ing to sale, or even securing any such goods, nor 
will we suffer any such to be put on shore on our 
respective properiaes. 

Sixthly, That if any person shall import, or 
endeavor to import, from Great Britain or any 
part of Europe, any goods whatever, contrary to 
the spirit and design of the foregoing rcsolutionsg 
or shall sell any goods which he has now, or may 
hereafier have on hand, or may import, on any 
other terms than are herein expres: ed, we will not,? 
at any time hereafter, deal with any such person, 
his agent, manager, factor, or storekeeper, for any 
commodity whatever; and that such of us as are, 
or may be sellers of goods, will not take any ad- 
vantage of the scarcity of goods, that this agree- 
ment may occasion, but will sell such as we have 
now on hand, or may hereafter import, or have for 
sale, at the respective usual and accustomed rates 
for three years last past, 

Sevehthly, That we will not, during the time 
aforesaid, import into this province, any of the 
goods above enumerated for non-importation in 
the second resolution, which have been, or shall be 
imported from Great Britain, or some part of Eu- 
rope, from any colony, or province, which hath not 
entered, or shall not, within two months from the 
date hereof, enter into resolutions of non-importa- 
lion, nor will we purchase, take up, or receive, on 
any terms, or conditions whatever, any such goods, 
from any person or persons, that may import the 
same; nor will we purchase, take up, or receive, on 
any terms, or conditions, any of the said goods, 
which may be imported from any province, or co- 
lony, which has entered, or may enter into such 
resolutions, unless a certificate shall accompany 
such goods, under the hands of a committee of 
merchants (if any) of the place fiom whence such 
goods shall come or if no such committee, then 
under the hands of at least three of the principai 
merchants there, who have entered into resolutions 



PRINCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



169 



of nonimportation, that such goods were imported 1 Mr. John JMerryman, who then had the carnage 
before such resolution was entered intb in such * hereof, (aiid who is iiow absent in London) that 



place. And that we will not ptirchase, take up, 
or receive, on any terms, or conditions whatever, 
after the expiration of six months, from the date 
hereof, from any colony, or province aforesaid, any 
of the said enumerated articles, which have been, 
or shall be ifnported from Great Britain. 

EiGUTHLY, We, the tradesmen and manufac- 
turers, do likewise promise, and agrpe, that we 
will not avail ourselves of the scarcity of European 
goods, proceeding from the resolutions for non- 
importation, to raise or enhance the prices of 'he 
different articles, or commodities, hy us wrought 
up, or manufactured; but that we will sell and dis 



he would not sign^ unless he had liberty to send 
off his orders for fall goods, and to import the 
• ame: That some few days afterwards Mr. Merry 
wart informed him, that the mercliants of the town 
would give leave to send off the orders, and receive 
'he fall goods; a-.d that, in consequence of this 
information, he signed the agreement, without any 
such condition, written or expressed, in the same 
opposite to his name. After which the question 
was put, whether *tr. Monre should have libefty 
to land and vend his whole Cargo.' Which wa* 
determined in the affirmative. 

For the AFFIRMATIVE. 



pose of the same, at the usual and accustomed rates 'y'^^"^*^ ^*jr^\ . 
'^ Alexander M'Machen, 



we have done for these three years past. l Benjamin Rogers, 

Lastlv, That, if any person, or persons, what- Jonathan Hudson, 

.Vlurdock Kennedy, 
Henry Brown, 
WiUiam Hamrtiond, 
Andrew Buchanan, 



ever, shall oppose, or contravene the above resolu- 
tions, or act in opposition to the true spirit and 
■design thereof, we will consider him, or them, as 
enemies to the liberties of America, and treat them, 
on all occasions, with the Contem'pt they deserve; 
provided tliat these resolutions sliall be binding 
onus, for and during the continuance of the before 
mentioned act of parliament, unless a general meet- 
ing of such persons at Annapoli?, as may, at any 
time hereafter, be requested by the people of the 
several counties in this province to meet, for the 
purpose of considering the expediency of dispens- 
ing with the said resolutions, or any of them, not 
exceeding four from each county, or a majority of 
«uch of them as shall attend, shall determine other- 
wise. 

At a meeting of the merchants, and others, in- 
habitants of Baltimore county, associators for non 
importation of European goods, held at Mr. Little'c, 
•JVovetnber 14, 1769, 

John Smith, chairman — 
The committee of enquiry having reported, that 
WUUnm Jfoore, jun. had imported a cargo of goods 
in the Lord Cambden, captain John Johmton, from 
London, of the value of £900 sterling, which they 
"were in doubt were not within the terms of the 
association. The following question was put, whe 
ther H'illiam Moore, jun. has imported the said 
cargo within the terms mentioned in the agreement 
of the oOlh of March last, to which he was a signer.? 
Upon which question, the gentlemen present were 
unanimously of opinion, that the said cargo wa-- 
imported contrary to that agfeement: Of which 
determination IViViam Moore being informed, hf 
alleged, as a justification of his conduct, that at 
the time he signed the agreetiient. he obiected to 



H D Gough, 
Jonathan Plowman, 
Richard Moale, 
Archibald Buchanan, 
Hercules Courtenay, 
John Macnabb, 
Charles Rogers, 
-John A. Snith, 
Thomas Place. 



John Deaver, 

For the NEGATIVE. 
John Moale, John Smith, 

Kenry Thompson, William Smith, 

William Lux, E R. Alexander Lawson, 

Robert Christie, E.ienczer Mackie, 

Robert Alexander, William Lux. 

The committee of enquiry having also reported 
that Benjamin Howard had in ported a cargo of 
goods, of the value of €1700 sterling, in the Lord 
Cambden, c&pisiinJo/mJohnston, fromLondon, wiiich 
they were in doubt Were not within the terms of 
the association of 30th March. Upon which the 
following question was put, whether Benjamin 
Ilo-icard be permitted to land and vend the said 
argo, he having alleged that he never signed 
the association of the 30th March, being then an 
inhabitant of Anne-Arundel county, and that he 
apprehended he was entitled to import within the 
terms of the general association of the 22d June, 
to which he was a subscriber, his orders for the 
said cargo having been transmitted the 1st of May, 
Resolved in the affirmative. 

For the AFFIRMATIVE, 

Thomas Ewing, H. 1). Goutchj 
\lexander M'Machen, Jonathan Pi '\i-man, 

Benjamin Iloge », Richard Moaie, 

Jonathan Hudson, Archibitld Bucharian, 

Thomas Place, Murdbck Kennedy, 

Henry Thompson, John Moale, 

Henry Brown, John Macnabb, 

William Hammond, Cliarles Rogers, 

\ndrew Buchanan, John A. 3niith, 

.lohn Deaver, Hercuies Courtenay 

For the NEGATIVE. 

.Tohn Smith, Ebenezer Muckie, 

Robert Christie, A'cxwuder La^^soHj 

William Sn:ti'h; William Lux 



170 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Philadklphia, Jtinuary 3, 1774. 
The unar.imity, spirit and zeal, which have her? - 
tofore aniruated all the colonies, from Boston t 
South Carolina, have been so eminently displaje. 
in the opposition to the pernicious project of ihf 
liast India company, m sending tea to America, 
while it remains subject to a duly, and the Ameri- 
cans at the same time confii ed by the stronger' 
prohibitory laws to import it only from Great Bri- 
tain, that a particular account of the transactions 
of this city cannot but be acceptable to all our 
readers, and every other friend of American liberty 

Upon the first advice of this measure, a general 
dissatisfaction was expressed, that, at a time when 
we were struggling with this oppressive act, and 
an agreement subsisting not to import tea while 
subject to the duty, our fellow subjects in Eng- 
land should form a measure so directly tending to 
enforce that act, and again embroil us with our 
parent state. When it was also considered, that 
the proposed made of disposing of the tea, tended 
to a monopoly, ever odious in a free country, a 
uriversal disapprobation shewed itself tliroughout 
the city, A public meeting of the inhabitants was 
held at the state house on the 18lh October, at 
which great numbers attended, and the sense of 
the ciiy was expressed in the following resolves — 

1. That the disposal of their own property is the 
inherent rights of freemen; that there can be no 
property in that which another can, of right, take 
from us without our consent; that tlie claim of 
parliament to tax America is, in other words, a 
claim of right to levy contributions on us at plea 
sure. 

2. Tliat the duty imposed by parliament upon 
tea landed in America, is a tax on the Americans, 
or levying coniributions on them without their con 

sent. 

3. That the express purpose for which the tax 
is levyed on the Americans, namely, for the sup- 
port of governmerit, administration of just; je, and 
defence of his mijesty's dominions in America, has 
a direct tendency to render assemblies useless, and 
to introduce arbitrary government and slavery. 

4. That a virtuous and steady opposition to this 
ministerial plan of governing America, is absolutely 
necessary to preserve even the shadow of liberty, 
and is a duty which every freeman in America owes 
to his country, to himself and to his posterity. 

5. That the resolution lately entered into by tht 
Eaat India company to send out their tea to Ame- 



rica, subject to the p.«y:n -nt of du ies ort its being 
landed here, is an open attempt to e.'iforce this 
ministerial plan, and a violent attack upon the 
liberties of America. 

6. That it is the duty of every American to op- 
pose this attempt. 

7. That whoever shall, directly or indirectly, 
countenance this attempt, or in any wise aid or 
abet in unloading, receiving, or vending the tea 
sent, or to be sent out by the East-India company, 
while it remains subject to the payment of a duty 
here, is an enemy to his country. 

8. That a committee be immediately chosen to 
wait on those gentlemen who, it is reported, are 
appointed by the East-India company to receive, 
and sell the said tea, and request them, from a 
regard to their own character, and the peace and 
good order of the city and province, immediately 
to resign their appointment. 

In ''consequence of this appointment, the com- 
mittee waited upon the gentlemen in this city, who 
had been appointed consignees of the expected 
cargo. They represented to them the detestation 
and abhorrence in which this measure was held 
by their fellow-citizens, the danger and difficulties 
which must attend the execution of so odious a 
trust, and expressed the united desire of the city, 
that they would renounce the commission, and 
engage not to intermeddle with the ship or cargo 
in any shape whatever. — Some of the commissioners 
resigned, in a manner that gave general satisfaction, 
others, in such equivocal terms as required further 
explanation. However in a few days the resigna- 
tion was complete. — In this situation things remain- 
ed for a few days. In the mean time, the general 
spirit and indignation rose to such a heighth, that 
it was thought proper to call anoth.er general meet- 
ing of the principal citizens to consider and resolve 
upon such farther steps as might give weight, and 
insure success to the unanimous opposition now 
formed. Accordingly a meeting was held, for the 
above purpose, at which a great number of respect- 
able inhabitants attended; and it appeared to be 
the unanimous opinion that the entry of the ship 
at the custom-house, or the landing any part of 
her cargo, would be attended with great danger 
and difficulty, and would directly tend to destroy 
that peace and good order which ought to be 
preserved. — An addition of twelve other gentle- 
men was then made to the former committee, and 
the general meeting adjourned till the arrival of 
the tea ship. Information being given of that, the 
price of tea was suddenly advanced, though it was 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



171 



owing to a general scarcity of that article; yet all 
the possessors of tea, in order to give strength to 
the opposition, readily agreed to reduce the price, 
and sell wliat remained in their hands at a reason- 
able rate. Nothing now remained, but to keep up 
a proper correspondence and connection with the 
other colonies, and to take all prudent and proper 
precautions on the arrival of the tea ship. 

It is not easy to describe the anxiety and suspense 
of the city in this interval. Sundry reports of her 
arrival were received, which proved premature. — 
But on Saturday evening the 25lh ult. an express 
came up from Chester, to inform the towr, that 
the tea ship, commanded by captain Ayres, with 
her detested cargo, was arrived there, having 
followed another ship up the river so far. 

The committee met early the next morning, and 
beingapprized of the arrival of Mr. Gilbert Barclay, 
the other consignee, who came passenger in the 
ship, they immediately went in a body to request 
his renunciation of the commission Mr. Barclay 
politely attended the committee, at the first re- 
quest; and being made acquainted with the senti- 
ments of the city, and the danger to which the 
public liberties of America were exposed by this 
measure, he, after expressing the particular hard- 
ship of his situation, also resigned the commission, 
in a manner which affected every one present. 



a number of persons, where he was soon convinced 
of the truth and propriety of the representations 
which had been made to him— and agreed that, 
upon the desire of the inhabitants being publicly 
expressed, he would conduct himself accordingly. 
Some 8n.all rudeness being offered to the captain 
j'f'erwhrds in the street, by some boys, several 
gentlemen interposed, and suppressed it before he 
received the least injury. Upon an hour's notice 
on Monday morning, a public meeting was called, 
and the state-house not being sufficient to hold 
the numbers assembled, they adjourned into the 
square. This meeting is allowed by all to be the 
most respeciable, both in the numbers and rank of 
those who attended it, that has been known in this 
city. After a short introduction, the following 
resolutions were not only agreed to, but the public 
approbation testified in the warmast manner. 

1. Resolved, That the tea, on board the ship 
Polly, ckptain Ayres, shall not be landed. 

2. That captain Ayres shall neither enter nor 
report his vessel at the custom-house. 

3. That captain Ayres shall carry back the tea 
immediately, 

4. That captain Ayres shall immediately send a 
pilot on board his vessel, with orders to take charge 
of her, and proceed to Reedy-island next high 
water. 



The committee then appointed three of their 
members to go to Chester, and two others to 
Gloucester point, in order to have the earliest op- 
portunity of meeting capt. Ayres, and representing 
to him the sense of the public, respecting his 
voyage and cargo. The gentlemen who had set 
out for Chester, receiving intelligence that the 
vessel had weighed anchor about 12 o'clock, and 
proceeded to town, returned. About 2 o'clock she 
appeared in sight of Gloucester point, where a 
number of inhabitants from the town had assembled 
with the gentlemen from the committee. As she 
passed along, she was hailed, and the captain re- 
quested not to proceed further, but to come on 
shore. This the captain complied with, and was 
banded through a lane made by the people, to the 
gentlemen appointed to confer with him. They I 
represented to him the general sentiments, toge-i 
ther with the danger and difficulties that wduUI 

attend his refusal to comply with the wishes ofi 

.1. • I U-. . J c n J • J I ■ .- , destroying the tea, rather than suffering it to be 

the mhabitants; and finally desired him to proceed! ■^ ° ountun^ ii lu uc 

with them to town, where he would be more fully 

informed of the temper and resolution of the peo- 



5. That the captain shall be allowed to stay in 
town till to-morrow, to provide necessaries for his 
voyage. 

6. That he shallthen be obliged to leave the town 
and proceed lo his vessel, and make the best of his 
way OHt of our river and bay. 

7. That a committee of four gentlemen be ap- 
pointed to see these resolves carried into execu= 
tion. 

The assembly were then informed of the spirit, 
and resolution of New-York, Charleston, South 
Carolina, and the conduct of the people of Boston, 
whereupon it was unanimously resolved 

That this assembly highly approve of the con- 
duct and spirit of the people of New-York Char- 
leston, and Boston, and return their heirty thanks 
to the people of Boston for their resolution in 



landed. 



pie. He was accordingly accompanied to town by 



The whole business was conducted with a de« 
corum and order worthy the importance of th« 



ira 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



cause. Cdptain Ayres being present at this meet- 
ing, solemnly and publicly engaged, that he would 
literally comply with the sense of the city, as ex- 
pressed in the above resolutions. 

A proper supply of necessaries and fresh pro- 
visions being then procured, in about two hours 
the tea ship weighed anchor from Gloucester-point, 
where she lay within sight of the town, and has 
proceeded, with her whole cargo, on her return to 
the Easi-India company. 

The public think the conduct of those gentle- 
men, whose goods are returned on board the tea 
«hip, ought not to pass unnoticed, as they have, 
upon this occasion, generously sacrificed their 
private interest to the public good. 

Thus this important affair, in which there has 
been so glorious an exertion of public virtue and 
spirit, has been brought to a happy issue; by which 
the force of a law so obstinately persisted in, to the 
prejudice of the national commerce, for the sake 
of the principle on which il is founded, (a right of 
taxing the Americans without their consent) has 
been effectually broken — and the foundations of 
American liberty more deeply laid than ever- 

Ahnapolis, June 9, 1774 

A-t a meeting of a considerable number of the 
magistrates, and other the most respectable 
inhabitants of Queen-Anne's county, at Queen's 
town, on the thirtieth day of May, 1774, in or- 
der to deliberate upon the tendency and effect 
of the act of parliament for blocking up the port 
*nd harbor of Boston, 

Duly considering and deeply affected with the 
prospect of the unhappy situation of Great Britain 
and British America, under any kind of disunion, 
this meeting think themselves obliged, by all the 
lies wliich ever ought to preserve a firm union 
amongst Americans, aa speedily as possible to 
make known their sentiments to their distressed 
brethren of Boston; and therefore publish to the 
world, 

Tliat they look upon the cause of Boston in its 
consequences to be the common cause of America. 

That the act of parliament for blocking up the 
port and harbor of Boston, appears to them a cruel 
and oppressive invasion of their natural rights, as 
men, and constitutional rights as English subjects, 
and if not repealed, will be a foundation for the 
utter destruction of American freedom. 



That all legal and constitutional means ought to 
be used by all America, for procuring a repeal of 
the said act of parliament. 

That the only effectual means of obtaining such 
repeal, they are at present of opinion, is an associa- 
tion, under the strongest ties, for breaking off all 
commercial connections with Great Britain, until 
the said act of parliament be repealed, and the 
right assumed by parliament for taxing America, 
in all cases -whatsoever, be given up, and American 
freedom ascertained and settled upon a permanent 
constitutional foundation. 

That the rnost practicable mode of forming such 
an effectual association, they conceive to be a ge- 
neral meeting of the gentlemen, who are already 
or shall be appointed committees, to form an Ame- 
rican intercourse and correspondence upon this 
most interesting occasion. 

That in the mean time they will form such par- 
licular associations as to them shall seem effectual; 
yet professing themselves ready to join in any 
reasonable general one that may be devised as 
aforesaid. 

That these sentiments be immediately forwarded 
to be printed in the Maryland and Pennsylvania 
Gazettes. 

That Edward Tilghman, Solomon Wright, Tur- 
but Wright, John Browne, Richard Tilgh "-an 
Farle, James Hollyday, Thomas Wright, William 
Hemsley. Adam Gray, Clement Sewell, Richard 
Tilghman, James Kent, John Kerr, James Bordley, 
and William Bruff, be a committee of correspon- 
dence and intercourse, until some alteration is 
made in this appointment by a more general meet- 
ing. 

Attested by — 

JAMES EARLE, elk. com. 

At a general meeting of the freeholders, gentlemen, 
merchants, tradesmen, and other inhabitants of 
Baltimore county, held at the court house of 
the said county, on Tuesday the 31st of May, 
1774, 
Captain CHAniES Ridoelt, chairman — 

I. Resolved, Tliat it is the opinion of this meet, 
ng, that the town of Boston is now suffering in 
the common cause of America, and that it is the 
duty of every colony in America to unite in the 
most effectual means to obtain a repeal of the late 
' t of p-.<.rliamen* for blocking up the harbor of 
Boston.— Distentient three. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



irs 



II. Tha^ it is the opinior of this mf-piing, that if 
the colonies come into a joint resolution to stop 
importations fronn, and exportations to Great Bri. 
tain ar.d the West-Indies, until the act for block- 
ing up th? harbor of Boston be repealed, the same 
may be the mens of preserving North America in 
her liberties. — Dissentient three, 

IFI. That therefore the inhabitants of this county 
will join in an association with the several counties 
in this province and the principal colonies in Ame- 
rica, to put a stop to exports to Great Britain and 
the West-Indies, after the first day of October 
next, or such other day as mav be agreed on, and 
to put a stop to the imports from Great Britain 
after the first day of December next, or such other 
day as may be agreed upon, until the said act shall 
be repealed, and that such association shall be upon 
oath. — Dissentient nine. 

IV. Unanimously — That it is the opinion of this 
meeting, that as the most effectual means of uniting 
all parts of this province in such association, as 
proposed, a general congress of deputies from each 
county be held at Annapolis, at such time as may 
be agreed upon; and that, if agreeable to the sense 
of our sister colonies, delegates shsU be appointed 
from this province to attend a general congress of 
delegates from the other colonies, at such time and 
place as shall be agreed on, in order to settle and 
establish a general plan of con duct for the impor- 
tant purposes aforementioned. 

V. Unanimously. — That the inhabitants of this 
county will, and it is the opinion of this meeting, 
that this province ought to break off all trade and 
dealings with that colony, province or town, which 
shall decline or refuse to come into similar resolu- 
tions with a majority of the colonies. 

VI. That capt. Charles Ridgely, Charles Ridgely, 
son of John, Waller Tolley, jun. Thomas Cockey 
D)e, William Lux, Robert Alexander, Samuel Pur- 
Viance, jun. John Moale, Andrew Buchanan, and 
George Risteau, be a committee to attend a gene- 
ral meeting at Annapolis. And that the same gen 
tlemen, together with John Smith, Thomas Harri- 
son, William Buchanan, Benjamin Nicholson, Tho 
mas SoUars, William Smith, James Gittings, Rich 
ard Moale, Jonathan Plowman, and William Spear, 
be a committee of correspondence to receive and 
answer all letters, and on any emergency, to call a 
general meeting, and that any six of the number 
have power to act. 

VII. That a copy of the proceedings be trans- 
mitted to the several counties of tbis province, 



r:r< f ted to their committee of correspondence, 
i>nd be also published in the Maryland Gazette, to 
evince to all the world the sense they entertain of 
the invasion of their constitutional rights and li- 
berties. 

VII. That the chairman be desired to return the 
thanks of ihis meeting to the gentlemen of the 
committee of correspondence from Annapolis, for 
their polite personal attendance in consequence of 
an invitation by the committee of correspondence 
for Baltimore-town. 

Signed per order, 

WILLIAM LUX, clerk. 

At a meeting of a very considerable and respect- 
able body of the inhabitants of Anne Arundel 
county, inclusive of those of the city of Anna- 
polis, on Saturday the 4lh day of June, 1774, 

Mr. Brice Thomas Beale Wortliington, moderator. 

I. Resolved, unanimously. That it is the opinion 
of this meeting, that the town of Boston is now 
suffering in the common cause of America, and 
that it is incumbent on every colony in America 
to unite in effectual means to obtain a repeal of tha 
late act of parliament for blocking up the harbor 
of Boston. 

II. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meet- 
iiig, that if the colonies come into a joint resolution 
to stop all importations from, and exportations to 
Great Britain, and the West-Indies, till the said 
act be repealed, the same will be the most effectual 
means to obtain a repeal of the said act, -and pre* 
serve North America and her liberties. 

III. Reiohtd therefore, unanimously. That the 
inhabitanis of this county will join in an associa- 
tion with the several counties in this province, and 
the principal colonies in America, to put a stop to 
exports to Great Britain, and the West-I idies, after 
the 9th day of October next, or such other day as 
m»y be agreed on, and to put a stop to the imports 
of goods, not already ordered, and of those ordered 
that shall not be shipped from Great Britain by 
the 20' h day of July next, or such other day as may 
be agreed on, until the said act shall be repealed, 
and that such assocation be on oath. 

IV. Resolved, That as remittances can be made 
only from exports, after stopping the exports- to 
Great Britain and the West-Indies, it will be im- 
possible for very many of the people of tbis pro- 
vince who are possessed of valuable property, im- 
mediately to pay off their debts, and therefore it 

lis the opinion of this meeting, the gentlenien of 



1^4 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



the Ihw ought to bring no suit for the recovery 
of any debt, due from any inhabitants of this 
province, to any inhabitant of Great Britain, until 
that said act be repealed; and further, that they 
ouprht not to bring suit for the recovery of any 
debt, due to any inhabitant of this province, except 
in such cases where the debtor is guilty of a wilful 
delay in payment, having ability to pay, or is about 
to abscond or remove his pfTec^s, or is wasting his 
substance, or shall refuse to settle his account. 

V. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meet- 
ing, that a congress of deputies from the several 
counties, to be held at Annapolis as soon as con- 
veniently may be, will be the most speedy and 
effectual means of uniiing all the parts of this 
province in such association as proposed; and ihat, 
if agreeable io the sense of our sister colonies, 
delegiites ought to be appointed from this province 
to a; Lend a general congress of deputies from the 
other colonies, at such time and place as may be 
agreed on, to effect unity in a wise and prudent plan 
for the forementioned purpose. 

Vi. Resolved, unanimously, That the inhabitants 
of this county will, and it is the opinion of this 
meeting, that the province ought to break off all 
trade and dealings with that colony, province, or 
town, which shall decline or refuse to come into 
similar resolutions with a majority of the colonies. 

"VII. Resolved, That Brice Thomas Beale Wor- 
thington, Charles Carroll, barrister, John Hall, 
William P^ca, Samuel Chase, Thomas Johnson, 
jun. M^.tthias Hammond, Thomas Sprigg, Samuel 
Chew, John Weems, Thomas Dorsey, Rezin Ham- 
mond, John Hood, jun. be a committee to attend 
a general meeting at Annapolis, and of corres- 
pondence, to receive and answer all letters, and 
on any emergency to call a general meeting, and 
that any six of the number have power to set. 

Ordered, That a copy of these resolves be trans- 
mitted to the committees of the several counties of 
this province, and be also published in the Mary- 
land Gazette. 

By order, JOHN DUCKETT elk. com. 

New-Yok, July 7, 1774. 
On Monday evening the committee met, and 
nominated five gentlemen as delegates at the grand 
congress on the first of next September, who are 
to be proposed to the citizens summoned to assem- 
ble this day at 12 o'clock, at the city hall, for their 
approbation; or to make such alterations as may 
Be agreed upon. 



At a numerous meeting of the inhabitants of the 
city of New-York, convened in the fields, by 
public advertisement, on Wednesday the 6th of 
July, 1774, 

Mr. Alexander M'Docgall, chairman — 
The business of the meeting being fully explain- 
ed by the chairman, and the dangerous tendency 
of the numerous and vile arts used by the enemies 
of America, to divide and distract her councils, as 
well as the misrepresentations of the virtuous 
intentions of the citizens of this metropolis, in this 
interesting and alarming state of the liberties of 
America, the following resolutions were twice 
read, and the question being separately put on 
each of them, they were passed without one dis- 
sentient. 

1st. Resolved, nem. con. That the statute com- 
monly called the Boston port act, is oppressive to 
the inhabitants of that town, unconstitutional in 
its principles, and dangerous to the liberties of 
British America; and that, therefore, we consider 
our brethren at Boston, as now suffering in the 
common cause of these colonies. 

2d. Resolved, nem. con. That any attack or 
attempt to abridge the liberties, or invade the con- 
stitution of any of our sister colonies, is immediately 
an attack upon the liberties and constitution of all 
the British colonies. 

3d. Resolved, nem. con. That the shutting up of 
any of the ports in America, with intent to exact 
from Americans, a submission to parliamentary 
taxations, or extort a reparation of private injuries, 
is highly unconstitutional, and subversive of the 
commercial rights of the inhabitants of this con- 
tinent. 

4th. Resolved, nem. con. That it is the opinion of 
this meethig, th.it if the principal colonies on this 
continent, shall come into a joint resolution, to 
stop all importation from, and exportation to Great 
Britain, till the act of parliament for blocking up 
the harbor of Boston be repealed, the sauie will 
prove the salvation of North America and her liber- 
ties, and that, on the other hand, if they continue 
their exports and imports, there is great reason to 
fear that fraud, power, and the moat odious op- 
pression, will rise triumphant over right, justice, 
soaial happiness, and freedom: — Therefore, 

5th. Resolved, nem. con. That the deputies who 
shall represent this colony in the congress of Ame- 
rican deputies, to be hsld at Philadelphia, about 
the first of September next, are hereby instructed, 
empowered, and directed to engage with a ma~ 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ITS 



jority of the principal colonies, to agree, for this 
city, upon a non- importation from Great Britain, 
of all goods, wares and merchandizes, until the act 
for blocking up the harbor of Boston be repealed, 
and American grievances be redressed; and also 
to agree to all such other measures as the con- 
gress shall, in their wisdom, judge advansive of 
these great objects, and a general security of the 
rights and privileges of America. 

5th. Kesolved, nem. con. That this meeting will 
abide by, obey, and observe all such resolutions, 
determinations, and measures, which the congress 
aforesaid sliall come into, and direct or recom 
mend to be done, for obtaining and securing the 
important ends mentioned in the foregoing resolu- 
tions. And that an engagement to this effect be 
immediately entered into and sent to the congress, 
to evince to them, our readiness and determina- 
tion to CO operate with our sister colonies, for the 
relief of our distressed brethren of Boston, as well 
as for the security of our common rights and pri- 
vileges. 

7th. Resolved, nem, con. That it is the opinion of 
this meeting, that it would be proper for every 
county in the colony, without delay, to send two 
deputies, chosen by the people, or from the com- 
mittee, chosen by them in each county, to bold, 
3n conjunction with deputies for this city and 
county, a convention for the colony (on a day to 
be appointed) in order to elect a proper number of 
deputies, to represent the colony in the general 
congress: but that, if the counties shall conceive 
this mbde impracticable, or inexpedient, they be 
requested to give their approbation to the depu'.ies 
who shall be chosen for this city and county, to 
represent the colony in congress. 

8th. Resolved, 7iem. con. That a subscription 
should immediately be set on foot, for the relief 
df such poor inhabitants of Boston as are, or may 
be deprived of the means of subsistence, by the 
operation of the act of parliament for siopping up 
the port of Boston. The money which shall arise 
from such subscripion, to be Uid out as the ciiy 
committee of correspondence shall think will best 
answer the end proposed. 

9th. Resolved, nem. con. That the city committee 
of correspondence be, and they are hereby instruct- 
ed to use their utmost endeavors to carry these 
resolutions inio execution. 

Ordered, That these resolutions be printed in 
th^ public newspapers of this city, and transmitted 



to the different counties in this colony, and to the 
committees of correspondence, for the neighboring 
colonies. 

Philadelphia, Jiili/ 23, 1''74. 
The committee chosen by the several counties in 
Pennsy!vavia, having brought in a draught of in- 
structi')?ia, the same ivere debuted and amended, and 
being agreed to, ivere ordered to be signeil by the 
chairman. The committee in a body then iiiaited 
on the assembly, and presented the same. 
GsNTLiiMEir. — The dissentions between Great 
Britain and her colonies on this continent, com- 
mencing about ten years ago, since continually 
increasing, and at length grown to such an excess 
as to involve the latter in deep distress and danger^ 
have excited the good people of this province to 
take into their serious consideration the present 
situation of public affairs. 

The inhabitants of the several counties qualified 
to vote at elections, being assembled on due noticCj 
have appointed us their deputies; and in conse- 
quence thereof, we being in provincial committee 
met, esteem it our indispensable duty, in pursuance 
of the trust reposed in us, to give you such instruc- 
tions as, at this important period, appear to us to 
be proper. 

We, speaking in their names and our own, ac- 
knowledge ourselves liege subjects of his majesty 
king George the third, to whom "we will be faith- 
ful and bear true allegiance." 

Our judgments and affections attach us, with 
inviolable loyalty, to his majesty's person, family 
and government. 

We acknowledge the prerogatives of the so- 
vereign, among which are included the great pow- 
ers of makiiig peace and war, treaties, leagues and 
alliances binding us— of appointing all officers, 
except in cases where other provision is made, by 
grants from the crown, or laws approved by the 
crown — of confirming or annulling every act of our . 
asseiobly within the allowed time— and of hearing 
and determiri::g finally, in council, appeals from 
our courts of justice. "Tiie prerogalives are 
limited,"* as a learned judge observes, "by 
bounds so certain and notorious, that it is impossi- 
ble to exceed them, without ihe consent of the 
peojjle on the one hand, oi without, on the other, 
a violation of that original contract, which, in all 
Slates impliedly, and in ours most expressly, sub- 
.sis)B beiween the prince and subject. — For these 



*Blackstone, 2.":r. 



176 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS 0^ THE REVOLUTION^ 



prerogatives are vested in the crown /or ?AesMp/ion» power has been established over them, even the 



of society, and do not intrench any further on our 
7ja/u?aniberties, than is expedient for the mainten 
ance of our civil." 

But it is our misfortune, that we are compelled 
loudly to call your attention to the consideration 
cf another power, totally different in kind, limited, 
as it is alleged, by no "bounds," and *"wearing a 
most dreadful aspect" with regard to America. 
We mean the power claimed by parliament, of 
right, to bind the people of these colonies by 
statutes, "in atl cases whatsoeveu." — A power, 
as we are not, and, from local circumstances, can- 
not be represented there, utterly subversive of our 
natural and civil liberties — past events and reason 
convincing us, that there never existed, and never 
can exist, a state thus subordinate to another, and 
yet retaining the slightests portion of freedom or 
happiness. 

The import of the words above quoted needs no 
descant; for the wit of man, as we apprehend, can- 
not possibly form a more clear, concise, and com- 
prehensive definition and sentence of slavery, than 
these expressions contain. 

This power, claimed by Great Britain, and the 
late attempts to exercise it over these colonies, 
present to our view two events, one of which must 
inevitably take place, if she shall continue to insist 
on her pretensions. Either, the colonists will sink 
from the rank of freemen into the class of slaves, 
overwhelmed with all the miseries and vices, 
proved by the history of mankind to be inseparably 
annexed to that deplorable condition— or, if they 
have sense and virtue enough to exert themselves 
in striving to avoid this perdition, they must be 
involved in an opposition, dreadful e\'en in con- 
templation. 

Honor, justice, and humanity call upon us to hold, 
and to transmit to our posterity, that liberty which 
we received from our ancestors. It is notour duty 
to leave wealth to our children; but it is our duty 
to leave liberty to them. No infamy, iniquity, 
or cruelty, can exceed our own, if we, born and 
educated in a country of freedom, entitled to its 
blessings, and knowing their value, pusillanimously 
deserting the post assigned us by Divine Pro- 
vidence, surrender succeeding generations to a 
condition of wretchedness, from which no human 
efforts, in all probability, will be sufficient to 
extricate them; the experienceof all states mourn- 
fully demonstrating to us, that when arbitrary 

*Ibid. 270. 



'■'isest and bravest nations, that ever flourish ed, 
lave, in a few years, degenerated into abject and 
wretched vassals. 

So alarming are the measures already taken for 
laying the foundation of a despotic authority of 
Great Britain over us, and with such artful and 
incessant vigilance is the plan prosecuted, that 
unless the present generation can interrupt the 
work, white it is going forward, can it be imagined, 
that our children, debilitated by our imprudence 
and supineness, will be able to overt!)row It tahen 
completed? populous and powerful as these colonies 
may grow, they will still find arbitrary dominatiorfr 
not only strengthening with their strength, but 
exceeding, in the swiftness of its progression, as 
it ever has done, all the artless advantages that 
can accrue to the governed. These advance with 
a regularity, which the Divine Author of our 
existence has impressed on the laudable pursuits 
of iiis creatures: but despotism, unchecked and 
unbounded by any laws — never satisfied with what 
has bf-en done, while anything remains to be done, 
for the accomplishment of its purposes — confiding^ 
and capable of confiding only, in the annihilation 
of all opposition — holds its course with such unabat- 
ing and destructive rapidity, that the world has 
become its prey, and at this Jay, Great Britain and 
her dominions excepted, there is scarce a spot on 
the globe inhabited by civilized nations, where the 
vestiges of freedom are to be observed. 

To us, therefore, it appears, at this alarming 
period, our duty to God, to our country, to our- 
selves, and to our posterity, to exert our utmost 
abilities, in promoting and establishing harmony 
between Great Britain and these colonies, on a 

CONSTITDTIONAI, FOUNDATION. 

For attaining this great and desirable end, we 
request you as soon as you meet, to appoint a pro- 
per number of persons to attend a congress of 
depu ies from the several colonies, appointed, or 
to be appointed, by the representatives of the peo- 
ple of the colonies respectively, in assembly or 
convention, or by delegates chosen by the counties 
generally in the respective colonies, and met in 
provincial committee, at such time and place as 
shall be generally agreed on: and that the deputies 
from this province may be induced and encouraged 
to concur in such measures, as may be devised 
for the common welfare, we think it proper, par- 
ticularly to inform you how far, we apprehend^ 
*hey will be supported in their conduct by their 
constituents. 



i^RINClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUT[ON, 



177 



The assumed parliamentary power of internal 
legislation, and the power of regulating trade, as 
of late exercised, and designed to be exercised, 
we are thoroughly convinced, will prove unfailing 
and plentiful sources of dissentiOns to our mother 
country and these colonies, unless some expedients 
can be adopted to render her secure of receiving 
from us every emolument that can, in justice and 
reason, be expected, and us secure in our lives, 
liberties, properties, and an equitable share of com 
merce. 

Mournfully revolving in our tninds the calami- 
ties that, arising from these dissentions, will most 
Jjrobably fall on us or our children, we will now 
lay before you the particular points we request of 
you to procure, if possible, to be finally decided; 
and the measures that appear to us most likely to 
Jjroduce such a desirable period of our distresses 
and dangers. We therefore desire of you — 

FrnsT. That the deputies you appoint, may be 
instructed by you strenuously to exert themselves, 
at the ensuing congress, to obtain a renunciation, 
on the part of Great Britain, of all powers under 
the statuteof the 35th of Henry the eighth, chapter 
the 2d— of all powers of internal legislation— of 
imposing taxes or duties, internal or external— and 
*)f regulating trade, except with respect to any 
hew article? of commerce, which the colonies may 
hereafter raise, as silk, wine, &c. reserving a righi 
io carry these froth one colony to another— a repeal 
of all statutes for quartering troops in the colonies, 
or subjecting them to any expense on account of 
Such troops — of all statutes imposing duties to be 
paid in the colonies, that were passed at the 
accession of his present majesty ot before this 
time: which every period s!)all be judged most 
adviseable — of the statutes giving the courts of 
admiralty in the colonies greater power than courts 
of admiralty have in England— of the Statutes of 
the 5th of George the second, chapter the 22d, 
and of the 23d, of George tlie second, chapter the 
29ih — of the statute for sliutting up tiie port of 
Boston — and of every other statute particularly i»f- 
feciing the province of Vlassachusetts-Bay, passed 
in the last session of parliament. 

In case of obtaining these termSj it is our opi- 
nion, that it will be reason; ble for the colonies to 
engage their obedience to the acts of parliament, 
commonly called the acts of navigation, and to 
every other act of pirliament declared to have 
force, at this time, in these colonies, other than 

those abovementioned, and to confirm such statutes 

-^—23. 



by acts of the Severn! assemblies. It is also our 
opinion, that, taking esainple from our mother 
country, in abolishing the "^courts of wards and 
Hveries, tenures in capite, and by knights service 
and purveyance," it will be reasonable for the 
colonie?, in case of obiaitisng the terms before 
mentioned, to settle a certain annual revenue on 
his majesty, his heirs and successors, subject to 
the control of parliament, and to satisfy all damages 
done to the East-India company. 

This our idea of settling a revenue, arises from a 
sense of duty to our sovereign and esteem for o<ir 
mother country. We know and have felt the bene- 
fits of subordinate connexion with her. We nei- 
ther are so stupid as to be ignorant of them, nor 
so unjust as to deny them. We have also ex- 
perienced the pleasures of prtinule and love, as 
well as advantages from Ihat connexion. The im- 
pressions are not yet erased. We consider hei* 
circumstances with tender concern. We have not 
been wanting, wlien constitutionally called upon, 
to assist her to the utmost of our abilities; inso^ 
much that she has judged it reasonable to make 
us recompenses for our overstrained exertions: and 
we now think we ought to contribute more than 
we do, to the alleviauon of ber burthens. 

Whatever may be said of these proposals on 
either side of the Atlantic, this is not a time, either 
for timidity or rashness. We perfectly know, that 
the great cause now agitated, is to be conducted 
to a happy conclusion, only by that well teivipered 
composition of counsels, with firmness, prudence, 
loyalty to our sovereiq-n, respect to our parent 
state, and affecliou to our native country, united, 
must form. 

By such a compact, Great Britain will secure 
every benefit, that the parliamentary wisdom of 
ages has thought proper to attach to her. From 
her alone we sliail still continue to receive manu- 
factures. To ker alone "ve sl-all continue to carry 
the vast tuvhitude of emimeyaied articles of com- 
merce, the exportation of which her polity has 
thought fit to cnnfne io herself. With siuh parts of 
the -world only, as slie lias appointed us to deal, we 
shall continue to deal; and such commodities only, as 
she has permitted us to bring from theiti, we shall 
contii;ue to faring. The executive and controling 
power of the crown will retain their present full 
force and operation. AVe shall contentedly lab6r 
for her as affectionate friends, in time of trim- 
quillity: and cheerfully spend for her, as dutiful 
children, our treasure and our blood, in tinoie of war. 
She will receive a certain income froEft us, wjtkoiit 



If 8 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF IHE RE VOLUTION. 



liie trouble or expense of collecting it — without 
being constanlly disturbed by complaints of griev- 
ances wliich she cannot justify and will not redress 
In case of war, or in any emergency of distress to 
her, we shall also be ready and willing to contri 
bute all aids v;ithin our power; and we solemnly 
declare, that on such occasions, if we or our pos- 
terity shall refuse, neglect or decline thus to 
eoiitnbuie, it will be a mean and manifest viola- 
tion of R plain duty, and a weak and wicked deser- 
tion of the true in erests of this province, which 
ever have been and must be bound up in the pros- 
perity of our motlier country. Our union, founded 
on mutual compacts and mutual benefits, will be 
intHssoluole, at l^a^t more firm, than an union per- 
petually disturbed by disputed right and retorted 
injuries. 

Secondly. If all the terms abovementioned can- 
not be obtained, it is our opinion, that the mea- 
sures adopted by the congress for our relief should 
never be relinqvished or intermitted, until those 
relating to the troops— internal legislation— im« 
position of taxes or duties hereafter — the S.'ilth of 
Henry the 8th, chapter the 2d— the extension of 
admiralty courts,— the ports of Boston, and the 
province of Mas.sachuse'ts Bay, are obtained. — 
Every modification or qualification of these points, 
in our judgment, shall be inadmissible. To obtain 
them, we think it may he prudent to settle a re- 
venue as aboveroentioneJ, and to satisfy the East- 
India company. 

Thirdly. If neither of these plans should be 
ageed to, in congress, but some other of a similar 
nature shall be framed, though on the terms of a 
revenue and satisfaction to the East-India company, 
and thoijgh it shall be agreed by the congress to 
admit no modification or quulification in the terms 
they shall insist on, we desire your deputies may 
be instructed to concur with the other deputies in 
it; and we will accede to, and carry it into execu- 
tion as far as we can„ 

FouuTHLY. As to the regulation of trade — we 
are of opinion, that by making some few amend- 
ments, the commerce of the colonies might be 
settled on a firm establishment, advantageous to 
Great Britain and them, requiring and subject to 
no future alterations, without mutual consent. We 
desire to have this point considered by the con- 
gress; and such measures taken, as they may judge 
proper. 

In order to obtain redress of our common griev- 
ances, we observe a general inclination among the 



colonies of entering into agreements of n on-ira 
porlation and non-exportation. We sre fully con- 
vinced, that such agreements would withhold very 
large supplies from Great Britain, and no words 
can describe our contempt and abhorrence of those 
colonies, if any such there are, who, from a sordid 
and ill-judgedattachment to their own immediate 
profit, would pursue that, to the injury of their 
country, in this great struggle for all the blessings 
of liberty. It would appear to us a most wasteful 
frugality, that would lose every impdrtant posses- 
sion by too strict an attention to small things, and 
lose also even these at the last. For our part, wef 
will cheerfully make any sacrifice, when necessary, 
to preserve the freedom of our country. But other 
considerations have weight with us. We wish 
every mark of respect to be paid to his majesty's 
administration. We have been taught from our 
youth to entertain tender and brotherly affections 
for our fellew subjects at home. Tiie interruption 
of our commerce must distress great numbers of 
them. This we earnestly desire to avoid. We 
therefore request, that the deputies you shall ap-* 
point may be instructed to exert themselves, at 
the congress, to induce the members of it to con- 
sent to make a full and precise state of grievances, 
and a decent yet firm claim of redress, and to wait 
the event before any other step is taken. It is ottr 
opinion, that persons should be appointed and sent 
home to present this state and claim, at the court 
of Great Britain. 

If the congress sfiall ctioOse to form agreements of 
non-importation and non exportation immediately, 
we desire the deputies from this province will 
endeavor to have them so formed as to be binding 
upon all, and that they may be pehmasekt, should 
the public interest require it. Tliey cannot be 
eficucibusy unless they can be permanent, and it ap- 
pears to us, that there will be a danger of their 
being infringed, if they are not formed with great 
caution and deliberation. We have determined ia 
the present situation of public affairs to consent 
to a stoppage of our commerce with Great Erifain 
only; but in case any proceedings of parliament, of 
which notice shall be received on this continent, 
before or at the congress, shall render it necessary, 
in the opinior; of the congress, to take further steps, 
the inhabitants of this province will adopt such 
steps, and do all ia their power to carry them into 
execution. 

This extensiye power we comtnit to the con- 
gress, for the sake of preserving that unanimity of 
counsel and conduct, that alone can woik out the 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



m 



salvation of these colonies, with a strong hope anr' | congress, to such a day as they sha'l judge proper, 
trust, that they will not draw this province into and the appointment of a standing committee. 



any measure judged by us, who must be bettei I 
acquainted with its state than strangers, highly 
inexpedient. Of this kind, we know any othe- 
stoppage of trade, but of that with Great Britain, 
will be. Even this step we should be extremely 
afflicted to see taken by the congress, before the 
other mode above pointet^ out is tried. But should 
it be taken, we apprehend that a plan of restric- 
tions may be so framed, agreeably to the respective 
circumstances of the several colonies, as to render 
Great Britain sensible of the imprudence of her 
counsels, and yet leave them a necessary com- 
merce. And here it may not be improper to take 
notice, that if redress of our grievances cannot be 
wholly obtained, the extent or continuance of our 
restrictions may, in some sort, be proportioned to 
the rights we are contending for, and the degree 
ef relief afforded us. This mode will render our 
opposition as perpetual as our oppression, and will be 

A CONTIHUAI CLAIM AND ASSERTION OF OUR RIGHTS. 

We cannot express the anxiety, with which we 
wish the consideration of these points to be recom- 
mended to you. We are persuaded, that if these 
colonies fail of unanimity, or prudence in fornBing 
their resolutions, or of fidelity in observing them, 
the opposition by non-importation and non-exporta- 
tion agreements will be ineffectual; and then we 
shall have only the alternative of a more dangerous 
contention, or of a tame submission. 

Upon the whole, we shall repose the highest 
confidence in the wisdom and integrity of the 
ensuing congress; and though we have, for the 
B?.tisfaction of the good people of this province, 
who have chosen us for this express purpose, 
offered you such instructions, as have appeared 
expedient to us, yet it is not our meaning, that by 
these or by any you may think proper to give them, 
the deputies appointed by you should be restrained 
' from agreeing to any measures that shall be ap- 
proved by a majority of the deputies in congress. 
We should be glad the deputies chosen by you 
could, by their influence, procure our opinions 
hereby communicated to you, to be as nearlv 



Agreed, that John Dirkinson, Joseph Reade, and 
Charles Thomson, be a committee to write to the 
neip^li boring colonies, and communicate to them 
these resolves and inslractions. 

Agreed, that the committee for the city arid 
county of Philadelphia, or any fifteen of them, be 
a committee of correspondence fpr the general 
committep of (his province. 

Extract from the minutes, 

CHARLES THOMSON, secretary. 

Phtlabklphia, June, 1774;. 

At a very large and respectable meeting of th« 
freeholders and freemen of the city andcounty 
of Philadelphia, on Sttfurday, June 18, 1774, 

Thomas Willing, John Dickinson, esquires, chairmen. 

I. Resolved, That the act of parliament, for 
shutting up the port of Boston, is unconstitutional; 
oppressive to the inhabitants of that town; danger- 
ous to the liberties of the British colonies; and that 
therefore, we consider our breihren, at Boston, as 
suffering in the common cause of America. 

II. That a congress of deputies from the several 
colonies, in North America, is the most propable 
and proper mode of procuring relief for our suf- 
fering brethren, obtaining redress of American 
grievances, securing our righ s and liberties, and 
re-establishing peace and harmony between Great 
Britain and these colonies, on a constitutional foun- 
dation* 

Til. That a large and respectable committee be 
immediately appointed for the city aod oounty of 
Philadelphia, to correspond with the slsler colonies 
and with the several counties in this province, in 
order that all may unite in promo. ing and endeavor- 
jrg to attain the great and valuable eiid^, mentioned 
in the foregoing resolution. 

IV. That the committee nominated by this meet- 
ing shall consult together, and on mature delibera- 
tion determine, wlsat is the most proper mode of 
collecting the .sense of this province, and appoint- 
ing deputies for the same, to attend a general con- 
adhered to, as may be possible: but to avoid dif-l ?ress; and having determined thereupon, shall lake 
ficulties, we desire that they may be instructed by =*"ch measures, as by them shall be judged most 
you, to agree to any measures that shall be ap | expedient, for procuring this province to be re- 
proved by the congress, in the manner before- 1 P''^sented at the said congress, in the best mar.- 
mentioned; the inhabitants of this province having 1^^'" ^'"^'- '^•'" ^^ devised for piomoting the public 
resolved to adopt and carry them into execution, j'"^^^^''^' 

Lastly — we desire the dep-ilies from this province,. V. Th'-ttliecommitlce be instructed immediately 
m^y endeavor to procure an adjoaritmeut of thr ! o set on tout a subscripUon for the relief of such 



180 



PR[NC1PLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



poor inVabi'anls of the ^own of Boston, as may be 
deprived of the meanB of subsistence by the opera- 
tion of the act of parlsatnent, commonly styled the 
Boston-port bill. The money arising from such 
subscription to be laid out as the committee shall 
think will bes' answer the enda proposed. 

YI. That the committee consist of forty-three 
persons, viz. Join Dickinson, Edward Pennington, 
John Nixon, Thomas .Willing, George Clymer, 
Samuel Howell, Joseph Reade, John Roberts, 
(miller) Thomas Wharton, jun. Charles Thomson, 
Jac.ob Barge, Thomas Barclay, William Rush, 
Robert Smith, (carpenter,) Thomas Fitzimons, 
George Roi'>erls, Ssmael Ervin, Thomas Mifflin, 
John C' X. George Cray, Knf>c-rt Morris, Samuel 
Miles, J'jUn M. N'sbit Peter Chevalier, William 
Moulder, Josep!; Moulrier, Anthony Morris, jun. 
John Alh^n, j!TP''>ii)»h Warder, jun rev, T). William 
Smith, Paul K^gle, Thomas Penrose, James Mease, 
Benjamin Marshall, Reuben Haines, John Bayard, 
Jonutl'sn B. Smith, Thorii:i>i W'lart.on, Isaac Howell, 
Michael Hilleg!»s, Adaai l!u>icy, George Schlosser, 
and Christopher Lutlwicii. 

.^ly friemh and ftUoiv-dtixemf—k few days will 
pr'-sent yoa with dn opponunjiy of displaying the 
most noble benefice-ice and exalted humanity in 
the cause of liberty and virtue. It cannot be 
doubted, that the operation of tjie cruel edict, 
against the town of Bostcr^ wiil e>pose its inha- 
bitants, your brethren, fellow subjects and Ameri- 
cans, to the dreadful dangers of penury and want. 
The voice of freedom in distress is a s und wfiicli, 
I trust, no American can hear unmoved: think, niy 
dear fellow-citizens, what would be your own ex- 
pectations, if pressed by the immediate hand of 
power, your streets should echo with the cries of 
the laboring poor and industrious tradesmen, the 
widow, and the orphan, lacking btead: how would 
you look round with anxious eyes upon those, 
whom the policy of a vindictive minister had yet 
enabled to administer to your wants? bow would 
their bounty, like the gentle dew of Heaven, cheer 
your drooping spirits, and dispel the dreadful 
gloom: the distresses of Boston have a peculiar 
ch.im upon ali, who have recommended firmness, 
prudence, and moderation; they must be enabled 
to follow this advice, and exercise these virtues; 
the common interests of American liberty oppose 
their prostration at the feet of a haughty and un- 
feeling minister; the dignity of the cause cannot 
be sullied by hasty and precipitate measures: Is 
it not then our duly and our interest, with a 
liberality becoming freeman, to support thera in 



the hour of distress, and while we are uniting ioF 
the benefit of all, to guard them against that 
desperation, whose effects will be pernicious to all. 
Indeed, my fellow-citizens, this is probably but g 
part of that scene in which we shall be called to 
act, or suffer; it is so most assuredly, if that devoted 
tov/n, deserted and forsaken, should, in the agonies 
of hunger and want, sink under the load, or burst 
forth in a desperate effort to throw it off. Policy, 
humanity, the love of liberty and our country, and 
every principle that can ennoble the human mind, 
are now called forth into action; but in a manner 
which the most peaceable cannot disapprove, and 
the most animated cannot err or mislead: if any 
lurking prejudices or remembrances of former 
hardsiiips hang upon any of our minds, how noble, 
how magnanimous will it appear to cast them far 
behind us.— To shew the world, that like Christians 
indeed, we cannot only forget and forgive, but lead 
the way in one great collected effort of public 
virtue and benevolence — that no partial views, ot 
privateresentments can check thegenerous impulse 
arising from violated rights and insulted patriotism. 
That man must be unworthy, or insensible of tlie 
honor derived from li.e rank of a freeman, who 
can withhold his mite from such accumulated dis- 
tress; but I am aura this public spirited city can 
need no stimulus on this occasion. We shall inspire 
our suffering brethren with sentiments of the most 
tender confidence, and affectionate gratitude, pour 
oil and balsam into their bleeding wounds: — wheri 
the ear hears of us, it shall bless us, and when the 
eye sees us, it shall bear witness: because we 
delivered the poor that cried — the fatherless, and 
those who had none to help them. The widow's 
heart shall sing for joy, and the blessings of thosej 
who are ready to perish, shall come upon us. 

PHIiANTBROFOS. 

Letter from the committee of Norfolk and Ports- 
moutji to the Boston committee. 

Norfolk, June 3, 1774. 
Gentlemen~^We gladly take this first opportunity 
of assuring our brethren of Boston, on this melan- 
choly occasion, that we are net indifferent specta- 
tors of their distressing situation, unde rthe present 
cruel exertion of Pritish power, to support an edict 
calculated to ruin their trade, and forever subject 
a very considerable property to the arbitrary plea- 
sure of the crov/n. Our bospms glow with tender 
regard for you; we sympathi^ie witii you in your 
sufferings, and thought it our duty devoutly to 
observe the appointment of tlie first of June, as a 
day of fasting and pntyer, solemnly to address the 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



181 



Almighty Ruler to support you in your afflictions, ifor their faithful discharge of that important trust 
and to remove from our sovereign^ those pernicious [And the same was done accordingly, ' 
counsellors that have been wicked instruments of 



your oppression. Be assured we consider you as 
suffering in the common cause, and look upon 
ourselves as bound by the most sacred and solemn 
ties, to support you in every measure that shall be 
found necessary to reg'ain your just rights and pri- 
vileges. — As we have had occasion to communicate 
our sentiments to Charleston and Baltimore, we 
refer you to those letters and the other papers 
transmitted to you; and although we are not one 
of the larger commercial towns on the continent, 
yet as the trade is more collected here, than in 
any other place of this well watered and extensive 
dominion, we thought it our duty to communicats. 
what we apprehend to be the sense of the mercantile 
part of the community among us. 

That the Almighty arm may support you and 

shield you in the hour of danger, is the fervent 

yrayer of, 

Gentlemen, your affectionate brethren, 

Thomas Newtow, jun. 
Joseph Hutchings, 
Matthew Phuipp, 
Samuei, Keb, 

ROBEKT ShEVDEW, 

HssHr Brown, 

AlEXASDEB SkISNER, 

Thomas Brown, 
Robert Tatlob, 
A true copy, Wilijam Datiks, elk. 

Annapolis, December 15, 1774. 
At a meeting of the deputies appointed by the 
several counties of the province of Maryland, at 
the city of Annapolis, by adjournment, on the 
8th day of December, 1774, and continued till 
the 12th day of the same month, were present, 
eighty-five members. 

Mb. John Hail in the chair, and 
Mb. John Ddckett, clerk. 
The proceedings of the continental congress 
were read, considered, and unanimously approved. 
Resoeved, That every member of this convention 
will, and every person in the province ought strictly 
and inviolably to observe and carry into execution 
the association agreed on by the said continental 
congrefis. 

On motion, unanimously resolved. That the 
thanks of this convention be given, by the chair- 
man, to the gentlemen who represented this pro- 
vince as deputies in the late continental congress, 



To increase our flocks of sheep, and thereby 
profnote the woolen manufacture in this province, 
Resolved, That no person ought lo kill any lamb, 
dropt before the first day of M ly yearly, or other 
sheep, after the first day of January next, under 
(our years of age. 

To increase the manuficture of linen and cotton. 
Resolved, That every planter and f^^rmer ought to 
riiise as much flax, hemp, and cotton, as he con- 
veniently can; and the cultiv.ation thereof is par- 
ic'ilarly recommended to sjch i-'.huijitanis of this 
province, whose lands are faesi adapted to that 
purpose— And resolved. That no flax-seed, of the 
growth of the present year, cm^ln to be purchased 
for exportation, after the twelf'h day of this month. 

It being represented to this convention, that 
many merchants and traders of this province, from 
a scarcity of cash to muk'' V.:eh- remittances, and 
other causes, had sold their goods, v/^.hin twelve 
months next before the twentieth day of October 
last, at, and sometimes even below, the prime cost; 
and that, in many different parts of this province, 
merchants had vended their goods at a very dif- 
ferent advance on the prime cost; and it appearing 
to this convention to be unjust to compel such 
merchants to sell their goods at prime cost, and 
that one general rule, allowing a reasonable profit 
to the ^rader, and preventing him from tiiki..g ad- 
vantage of the scarci'y of goods which may be 
occasioned by the non importation, would give 
great satisfaction to the merchants and people of 
this province, resolved unanimously, That no mer- 
cliant ovight to sell his goods, at wholesale, far 
more than 112^ per cent.— at retail, for cisii, for 
more than 13 per cent. — on credit, for more than 
150 per cer.t. advance on the prime cost; and that 
no merchant, or other person, ought to engross 
any goods, wares, or merchandize whatsoever. — 
And in case any question should arise, respecting 
vhe prime cost of goods, every merchant or factor 
posse^sing or owning such goods, ought to ascer- 
tain the same on oath, if requested to do it by the 
committtee. 

As a further regulation to enforce an observance 
of the late continental association— Resolved unani- 
mously. That in all cas -s, where breaches of the 
continental association, or the resolves of this con- 
vention, shall happen and be declared such by any 
committee of a county, no gentleman of the law 
ought to bring or prosecute any suit whatever for 
Bucb offender: And if any factor shall commit am 



XS2 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



breach of the said association or resolves, that no 
genthman of the law oupht to bring or prosecute 
any suit for any debt due to the store of which the 
said factor has the management, after notice as 
aforesaid. 

Resolved, That it is earnestly recommended, by 
this convention, to the people of this province, that 
the determinations of the several county com 
mittees be observed and acquiesced in: That no 
persons, except members of the committees, under- 
take to meddle with or determine any question 
respecting the construction of the associntion 
entered into by the continental congress: And 
that peace and good order be inviolably maintained 
througliout this province. 

Resolved unnjiimously. That if the late acts of 
parlianient, relative to the Massachusptts-Bay, shall 
be attempted to be carried into execution by force 
in that colony, or if the assumed power of parlia- 
ment to tax the colonics shall be attempted to be 
carried into execution by f^rce, in that colony or any 
other colonj', tliat in such case, this province will 
support such colony to the utmost of their power. 

Resolved wianimousit/. That a well regulated 
militia, composed of the gentlemen, freeholders, 
and other freemen, is tlie natural strength and 
only stable security of a free government, and that 
such militia will relieve our mother country from 
»ny expense in our protection and defence; will 
obviate the pretence of a necessity for taxing us 
on that account, and render it unnecessary to keep 
any standing army (ever dangerous to liberty) in 
this province: And therefore it is recommended 
to such of the said inhabitants of this province as 
are from sixteen to fifty years of age, to form 
themselves into companies of sixty-eig'it men; to 
choose a captain, two lieutenants, an ensign, four 
Serjeants, four corporals, and one drummer, for 
each company; and use their utmost endeavors to 
make themselves masters of the military exercise: 
That each man be provided with a good firelock 
and bayonet fitted thereon, half a pound of powder, 
two pounds of lead, and a cartonch-box, or powder- 
Lorn and bag for ball, and be in readiness to act on 
any emergency. 

Resolved %inanimously. That it is recommended 
to the committees of each county to raise by 
subscription, or in such other voluntary manner 
as they may think proper, and will be most agreea- 
ble to their respective counties, such sums o^ 
money as, with any monies already raised, will 



amount to the following sums in the respeqtive 
counties, to wit: 



In St. Mary's county 
Charles 
Calvert 

Prince George's 
Anne Arundel 
Frederick 
Baltimore 
Harford . 

Worcester 
Somerset 
Dorchester 
Caroline 
Talbot 

Queen Anne'a 
Kent 
Cqccil 



^600 

800 

366 
. ooo 

86G 
1333 

933 
, 466 

533 
. 533 

480 
. 358 

400 
. 533 

566 

• 4Q0 



^eio.ooo 

And that the committees of the respective cout^- 
ties lay out the same in the purchase of arms and 
ammunition for the use of such county, to be 
secured and kept in proper and convenient places, 
under the d^vect^o^^ of the said committees. 

Resolved imanimovsly, That it will be necessary 
that a provincial meeting of deputies, chosen by 
the several counties of this province, should be 
held in the city of Annapolis, on Monday, the 24th 
day of April next, unless American grievances be 
redressed before that time; and therefore we re- 
commend that the several counties of this province 
choose deputies, as soon as conveniently may be, 
to attend such meeting: And the committee of 
correspondence for tliis province are impovvered to 
call a meeting ef the said deputies, before the 
said 24th day of April, if they shall esteem it neces" 
sary. 

Resolved xmanimously. That contributions from 
the several counties of this province, for supply- 
ing the necessities, and alleviating the distresses 
of our brethren at Boston, ought to be continued 
in such manner and so long as their occasions m,ay 
require; and that it is the duty of the coiTimittees 
of each county to collect and transmit the same as 
soon as possible- 

Resolved vnanimoiisly , That the hon. Matthew 
Tilghman, and John Hall, Samuel Ciiase, Thomas 
Johnson, jun. Charles Carroll, of CarrolUon, Char- 
les Carroll, barrister, and William Paca, esquires, 
or any three or more of them, be a committee of 
correspondence for this province. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



183 



Resolved unanimously. That the hon. Matthew jgulale their internal policy in such a manner as to 
rilghtnan, and Thomas Johnson, jun. Robert furnish themselves, within Xhs'iv own body, with 
Goldsborough, William Paca, Samuel Chase, John evti-ry necessHry article for subsistence and de- 



Hall, and Thomas Stone, esquires, or any three or 
more of ihem, be delegates to represent this pro- 
vince in the next continental congress, and that 
they, or any three or more of them, have full and 



fence: Otherwise their political existence will 
dedend upon others, who may take advantage of 
such weakness and reduce them to the lowest state 
of vassalage and slavery. For preventing so great 



ample power to consent and agree to all measures an evil, mCre to be dreaded than death itself, it 



whick isuch congress shall deem necessary and ef- 
fectual to obtain aredress of American grievances; 
and this province bind themselves to execute, to 
the utn&ost of their poWer, all resolutions which 
the said congress may adopt: And further, if the 
said congress shall think necessary to adjourn, we 
do authorise our said delegates to represent and 
act for this province, in any one congress to be held 
by virtue of such adjournment. 



must be the wisdom of this colony at all times, 
more especially at this time, when the hand of 
power is lashing us with the scorpions of des- 
potism, to encotirs-ge agriculture, manufactures 
and econoD:y, so as to render this state as inde- 
pendent of every other state as the nature of our 
country will admit: From the consideration there"- 
of, and trusting that that the Virtue of ihe people of 
this colony is such, that the following resolutions 



of this congress, which must be productive of the 
iif solved xinanimonsly. That it is recommended 'greatest good, will by them be effectually carried 



to the several colonies and previnces, to enter into 
such or the like resolutions, for mutual defence 
and protection, as are entered into by this pro- 
vince. 

As CUV opposition to the settled plan of the 
British administration to enslave America, will be 
strengthened by an union of all ranks of men in 
this province, we do most earnestly recommend, 
that all former diflTerences about religion or 
politics, and all private animosities and quarrels 
of every kind, from henceforth cease and be fcr- 
ever buried in oblivion; and weintreatj we conjure 
every man by his duty to God, hi* country, and his 
posterity, cordially to unite in defence of our com- 
mon rights and liberties^ 

Ordered, That copies of these resolutions be 
transn itled by the committee of correspondence 
for this province, to the committees of correspon- 
dence for tlie several colonies, and be also publish- 
ed in the Maryland Gaaette. 

By order, JOHN DUCKETT, clerk. 

BosTOH, December 19, 1774. 
In provinciai fJongress, Cambridge, Dec. 8, 1774. 
At the happiness of particular families ari«es, in 
a great degree, from their being more or l^ss de 
;P«ndent upon others; and as the less occasion they 
have for any article belonging to others, the more 
independent; and consequently the happier they 
are: So the happiness of every political body of 
men upon earth is to be estimated, in a great mea- 
sure, upon their greater or less dependence upon 
any ovher political bodies; and from hence arises a 
forcible argument, why every state ought to re- 



into execution. And it is therefore reaolved- 



1st. That we do recommend to the people the 
improvement of their treed of sheep, and the 
greatest possible increase of the same; and also 
the preferable use of our own woolen manufac- 
tures; and to the manufacturers, that they ask only 
reasonable prices for their goods; and especially 
a very careful sorting of the wool, so that it may 
be manufactured to the greatest advantage, and as 
much as may be, into the best goo Is, 

2d. We do also recommend to the people th*e 
raising of hemp and fiaX; and as large quantities 
.f flax-seed, more than may be wanted for sowing, 
may be produced, we would also further recom- 
mend the manufacturing the same into oil. 

od. We do likewise recommend the making of 
nails; which we do apprehend must meet with the 
sirongest encouragement from the public, and be 
of lasting benefit both to the manufatturer and the 
public. 

4th. The making of steel, and the preferable use 
of the same, we do also recommend to the inha- 
bitants of this colonv. 

5th. We do in like manner recommend the mak- 
ing tia-plates, as an article well worth the atten- 
tion of this people. 

6th. As fire-arms have been manufactured In 
several parts of ihis colony, we do recommend the 
use of such, in preference to any imported; And 
we do recommend the making of gun-locks, and 
f'trniture and other locks, with other articles in the 
iron way. 



184 



FRiiNClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



7th. We do also earnestly recommend tfie mak- 
ing of salt-petre, as an article of vast importance 
to be encouraged, as may be directed hereafter. 

8th. That gun-pr.-.vder is also an article of such 
importance, that every man amongst us who loves 
his country, must wish the establishment of manu- 
factories for that purpose, and, as there are the 
ruins of several powder mills, and sundry persons 
among us who are acquainted with that business, 
we do heartily recommend its encouragement, by 
repairing one or more of said mills, or erecting 
others, and renewing said business as soon as possi- 
ble. 

9th. That as several paper mills are now use- 
fi]]y employed, we do likewise recommend a pre- 
ferable use of our own manufactures in this way; 
and a careful saving and collecting rags, fcc. and 
also that the manufacturers give a generous price 
for such rags, &c. 

10th- That it will be the Interest, as well as the 
duty of this body, or of such as may succeed us, 
to make such effectual provision for the further 
manufacturing of the several sorts of glass, as that 
the same may be carried on to the malual benefit 
of the undertaker and the public, and firmly estab- 
lished in this colony. 

11th. That whereas buttons orescellent qualities 
and of various sorts are manufactured among us, 
we do earnestly recommend the general use of the 
same; so that the manufactories may be extended 
to the advantage of the people and manufacturers. 

I2lh. That whereas salt is an article of vast con- 
sumption within this colony, and in its fisheries, we 
do heartily recommend theniakirgthe same, in the 
several ways wherein it is made in the several parts 
of Europe; especially in the method Hsed in that 
part of France where tiiey make bay saits> 

13th. We dolikewLse recommend an encourage- 
ment of horn-smiths in all their various branches, 
as what will be of public utility, 

14th. We do likewise recommend the establish- 
ment of one or more manufactories for making wool 
comber's combs, as an article necessary in our 
woolen manufactures. 

15th. We do in like manner heartly recommend 
the preferable use of the stocking and ether hosiery 
wove among ourselves, so as to enl-rge the manu- 
factories thereof, in such a manner as to encourage 
the manufacturer and serve the country. 



16th. As madder is ati article of great import 
ance in the dyer's business, and which may be easily 
raised and cured among ourselves, we do there- 
fore earnestly recommend the raising and curing 
the same. 

17th. In order the more effectually to carry these 
resolutions into effect, we do earnestly recommend^ 
That a society or societies be established for the 
purposes of introducing and establishing such arts 
and manufactures as may be useful to this peo- 
ple, and are not yet introduced, and the more 
effectually establishing such as we have already 
among us. 

18lh. We do recommend to the inhabitants of 
this province to make use of our manufactures, 
.nd those of our sister colonies, in preference to 
all other manufactures. 

Signed by order of the provincial congress, 

JOHN HANCOCK, president 
Jl true extract from the mimiics, 

BENJAMIN LINCOLN, secretary. 

Phovihce of New Hampshire. 

At the convention of the deputies appointed by 
the several towns in the province aforesaid, held 
at Exeter, on the 25lhday of January, 1775. Present 
144 members. 

Hon. John Wemtwohth, esq. president. 

Voted unanimously, That we heartly approt^e of 
the proceedings of the late grand continental con^ 
gress respecting the just state of the rights and 
liberties of the British colonies; and of the means 
recommended to restore, secure, and protect the 
same; and that we return our most unfeigned 
thanks to the late members of that congress ti 
general, and to those of this province in particular^ 
for the faithful discharge of the important trust 
reposed in them. 

Voted, That John Sullivan, and John LangdoHj, 
esqrs. be delegates to represent this province in 
the continental congress, proposed to be held at 
Philadelphia, on the tenth day of May next, and 
hat they and each of them in the absence of the 
other, have full and ample power, in behalf of this 
province, to consent and agree to all measures, 
which said congress shall deem necessary to obtain 
redress of American grievances. 

Voted, That two hundred and fifty pounds, law. 
ful money, be raised for defraying the expenses oJ 
said delegates. 

Vi>ted, T!:at thehon. John Wentworth, col. Nath- 
Folsom, hon. Meseach Weare, esq. col. Josiah Bart- 



i»RINClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



18i5 



let, col. Christopher Toppan, Ebenezer Tliomp.son, 
and VVilliam Whipple, esqrs. be a committee, in be 
half of tills province, to call a provincial convention 
of deputies, when they shall judge the exigencies 
of public affairs require it: And that they, together 
with Samuel Cutis and John Pickering, esqrs. be 
a committee of corresponderce for this province. 

Voted, the following address: 
To the iiihabiianis of the pro'vince of J^ew Hampshire. 

Urethren — Wl»en we consider the unhappy condi- 
tion to which you and yuur American brethren are 
reduced! wiien we reflect that, for near ten months 
past, yott have been deprived of any share in your 
own government, and of those advantages, which 
flow to society from legislative assemblies} when 
we view the lowering clouds, charged with minis-, among yourselves, 
terial vengeance, fast spreading over this extensive 
continent, ready to burst on the l>eads of its inha- 
bitants and involve the whole British empire in 
one common ruiii-^at this alarming juncture, duly 
to Almighty God, to our country, ourselves, ar.d 



like y to prevent tliose dreadful calamities with 
which we are threatened. 

Fully sensible that to point out, with a"y degree 
of certainty, the methods by which you may shun 
the threatening evils, would require more than hu- 
'«an wisdom, we can only recommend such mea- 
sures as appear to us most likely to answer tha 
desirable end, best calculated to restore to yoii 
that peace and harmony, so ardently wished for 
by every good and honest American. 
We therefore earnestly lecoTimend, 
1st That you discountenance and 'i-scourage all 
trespisses and injuries against individuals, and 
their property, and all disorders of every kind; aid 
that you cultivate and maintain peace and harmony 



2d. That you yield due obedience to the magis- 
trates within this govern:T)ent; and carefully ea- 
deavor to support the laws thereof. 



3d. T!)at you strictly adhere to the association of 
posterity, loudly demands cur most strenuous exer-j the late continental congress, and deal wiMi the 
lions to avoid the i^nnpending danger^ I violators of it, in the martner therein recommended 

Such are the measures adopted by the British j 4th. That you endeavor particulirly to enforce 
n.inislry, for enslaving you, and with such incessant j the laws of the province against hawkers, pedlars, 
vigilance has their plan been prosecuted, that i and petty chapmen, 
tyranny already begins to wave its ba;mers in your 



borders, and to threaten these once happy rt^^ions 
Vilh infamous and detestable slavery! 



5thi That you abstain from the Use of East-India 
tea, whenever, or by whatever means it has, or may 
be imported* 



Shall we, knowing the value of freeddm, and! ^ 

„„,-.., f Ik » 1 u ii o'"» Thatyou encoufage and support yourseveral 

nursed m tlie arms of liberty, make a base and' . ° \^ } <='•*» 

J c ■ ■.. . , icommittees of correspondence and insnectioi!. in 

Ignominious sur.-ender of our rights, thereby i ' ' 

• . ,. ,. ,. . discharging the very important trust vou have 

consigning succeeding generations to a condition! .. / f " .J-"" "*>'c 

.11 r u- ■ , ,. ■ ] reposed m them. 

or wretchedness, from whicli, perhaps, all human 



efforts will be insufficient to extricate them? 

Duty to ourselves, and regard for our country, 
should induce us to defend our libel-ties, and to 
transmit the fair inheritance unimpaired to pos- 
terity. 

Should our restless enemies drive us to arms In 
defence of every thing we hold dear, we should be 
reduced to a state, dreadful even in contemphttion; 
for sliould we prove victorious, tne blood of ouri 
bretiiren, shed in the unhappy contest, would cause i 
the laurels to wither on our brows, and make the. 
Conquerors mourn with the vanquished: but should 
«ur enemies be successful, they will thereby rivet 
the chains of slavery upon us and our posterity. 



7th. That in case any inhabitants of thesecoloniea 
should be seized, in order to be transported lo Great 
Britain, or other pa;-ts beyond s'^ns, to he 'riid foij 
offences supposed to be committed in America, you 
conduct yourselves agreeable to the advice of the 
late continental cor.giess. 

8th. That, in your seve;»l stations, you promote 
and encourage the manufactures of i!.:s o->u.itiy; 
and endeav ir, both by precept an.-: example, to 
induce all under yoi, and with whom you are con- 
nected, to practice economy and iududirj', and to 
shun all kinds of extravagance. 



9th. That the officers of the several fegimentd 
strictly comply with the laws of this province for 
regulating a miliua— And as the militia upon this 
Thus surrounded with dangers and distf esses on 'cntiuent, if properly disciplined, woiiU: be able to 
«very side, it behoves us to adop. and pursue suchjdo great service in its defence, should it ever be 
peaceable measures us, undci* Gud, will be most I invaded- by Lis majesty's enemies— tliat you »<;» 



386 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE IIEVOLUTION. 



quaint yourseives with the manual exercise, par 
ticularJy that recommended a.'.d enjoii»ed by the 
captjiin general — tlie motions being natural, easy, 
and best calculated to qualify persons for real 
action; and kIso to improve tiiemselves in those 
evolutions wliich are necessHry for infantry in time 
of engagement. 

10th. That, as your enemies are using every an 
to impoverish and distress you, in order to induce 
submission to their arbitrary mandates, you carefully 
fchun those meas'ires which may huve a tt:n<lency 
to distress your brethren and fellow sufferers, and 
avoid all unnecessary lawsuits, and endeavor to 
settle disputes between you in the most amicable, 
and least expensive manner. — That all debtors 
exert themselves in discharging their just debts, 
and credifors exercise such lenity as their circum- 
stances will admit of. 

11th. That as the inhabitants of the town of Bos 
ton, in the province of Massachusetts-Bay, are now 
laboring under a load of ministerial vengeance, laid 
upon them to enforce o'lCdience to ctrtain arbitrary 
and uncoiisiilutional acts, which, if once submitted 
to, must involve all Americsi in slavery and ruia: 
conscious that all these colonies are largely indebt- 
ed to the virtue an 1 fortitude of those patriotic 
asserlors of freedom, we heartily recommend a 
continuation of your contributions, for the relief of 
that oppressed people: And that you keep your- 
selves in constant readiness to support them in 
their just opposition, whenever necessity may re- 
quire. 

Lastly. We e.irnestly entreat you, at this time of 
tribulation and distress, when your enemies are 
urging you to despair; when every scene around is 
full of gloom and horror; that, in imitation of your 
pious forefathers, with contrition' of spirit, and 
penitence of heart, you implore the Divine Being, 
who alone is able to deliver you from your preseni 
unhappy and distressing situation, to espouse your 
Tighieous cause, secure your liberties, and fix them 
on a firm and lasting basis. And we fervently 
beseech him to restore to you and your American 
breUuen, that peace and trancjuility, so ardently 
desired, and earneslly sought for, by ev«iy true 
fhend to liberty and mankind. 

IJy order of ihe convention, 

J. WENTVVORTH, president. 



ViHGmiA, Jilai/, 1 775. 
jit a court of common council Jcr ti.e city of irUnumi 
burg, heid the 6th d^y of May, 1775. 
Whereas it hath been represented to this hall, 



hat, on the4ih inst. in the night time, sotpc person 
.r persons unknown, had broke into the public 
!^3gazine, and taken from thence sundry fire arms 

e'longing to his majesty: 

We, the mayor, aldermen, and common council 
of the suid city, being- desirous to maintain peace, 
order ai'd good government, do hereby declare our 
abhorrence of such unlawful proceeding, and do 
hereby require the inhabitants to use their utmost 
endeavors to prevent the like outrage in future, 
and exhort all persons who may be in possession 
of any of the said arms, to return the same imme- 
diately, to be replaced in the magazine. 

And it having been recommended to this meet- 
ing by the governor and council, to appoint a guard 
to protect the - lid magizine, they are of opinion 
that they have no authority to lay any tax for that 
purpose, but that if some trusty person should be 
appointed, by his excellency the governor, to be 
keeper thereof, and care taken to strengthen it 
with proper bars, there probably would be a stop 
put \o violences of that r.atur?, and they do humbly 
recoumend to his excellency, Mr. Gabriel Maupin, 
who lives near the magazine, as a person worthy 
of that trust. 

(A copy) MAT. DAVENPORT, town clerk. 



Fredericksburg, committee chamber, 

Saturday, the 29th of .ipril, 1775. 
At a council of 102 members, delegates of the 
provincial convention, officers and special deputies 
of 14 companies of light horse, consisting of up- 
wards of 600 well armed and disciplined men, 
friends of constitutional liberty and America, now 
rendezvoused here in consequence of an alarm oc- 
casioned by the powder being removed from the 
county magazine, in the city of Williamsburg, in 
the night of Thursday the 21st inst. and deposited 
on board an armed schooner by order of his excel- 
lency the governor: 

The council having before them the several mat- 
'era of intelligence respecting this transaction, and 
pprticularly a letter from the hon. Peyton Ran- 

lolph, esq. speaker of the late house of burgesses 
of Virginia, received here last night by an express 

lespatched to Williamsburg, for the purpose of 
gaining intelligence, informing that the gentlemen 
of the city of Williamsburg and neighborhood, have 

sad full assurances from his excellency that this 
affair shall be accommodated, and advising that the 
jjentlemcn assembled here should proceed no fur. 
ther at this time — this council came to the follow, 

ng determination, and offer the same as their 
advice to those public spirited gentlemen, friends 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



187 



to British liber y and America, who have hoioretl 
them by this appointment. Hi,;hly condrmninp 
the conduct of the governor, on this occasion, as 
impolitic, and justly alarming to the ^oo\ people 
of this colony, tending to destroy all confidence in 
government, and to widen the unhappy breach 
between Great Britain and her colonies, iil-timeO 
and totally unnecessary, consider this instance as a 
full proof that no opinion which may be formed of 
the good intentions of a governor in private life, can 
afford security to our injured and oppressed coun- 
try; but that obedience to arbitrary, ministerial 
mandate, and the most oppressive and tyr-innical 
system of governme it, m.isi be the fatal line of 
conduct to all his majesty's present servants in 
America-, at tlie same tine justly dreadinij the 
horrors of a civil war, influenced by motives of the 
strongest affection to our fellow sulijec's of Great 
Britain, most ardently wishing to hed our mutual 
wounds, and theref)re preferring peaceable mea- 
sures, whilst the least hope of reconciliation re- 
mains, do advise that the several cpmpanies no 
rendezvoused here do return to their respective 
homes. But considering the just rights and liberty 
of America to be greatly endangered by theviolen 
and hostile proceedings of an arbitrary ministry, 
and being firmly resolved to resist such attempts 
at the utmost hazard of our lives and fortunes, do 
now pledge ourselves to each other to be in readi- 
ness, at a moment's warning, to re-assemb!e, and, 
by force of arms, to defend the laws, the liberty 
and rights of this, or any sister colony, from un 
just and wicked invasion. Ordered, that expresses 
be despatched to the troops assembled at the 
Bowling Green, and also to the companies from 
Frederick, Berkely, Dunmore, and such other 
counties as are now on their march, to return them 
thanks for their cheerful offers of service, and to 
acquaint them with the determination now taken. 

GOD SAVE THE LIBERTIES OF AMERICA. 

The foregoing determination of council, having 
been read at the head of each company, was cordially 
and unanimously approved. 

At a committee appointed and held for Hanover 
county, at the court house, on Tuesday the 9Ui 
of May, 1775— 

PRESENT, 

John Syme, Samuel Overton, William Craghead, 
Meriweather Skelton, Richard Morris, Benjamin 
Anderson, John Pendleton, John Robinson, Nel- 
son Berkely, and George Dabney, jun. 

Agreeably to a resolution of the committee held 
at Newctistle the 2d inst. setting forth, that thev 



being fully informed of the vide, t hostilities com- 
mitted by the king's troops in America, and of the 
danger arising to the colony by the loss of the 
public powder, and of the conduct of the gover. 
nor, which threatens, altogether, calamities of the 
greatest magnitude and most fatal consequences 
to this colony, and therefore recommending re- 
prisals to be mad? 'ipon the king's property, suffi- 
cient to replace the gun-powder taken out of the 
m'^gazine, it apoears to this committee, that the 
voUi iteers who marched from Newcastle, to obtain 
satisfaction for the public powder, by reprisal or 
otherwise, proceeled on that business as follows, 
to wit: •'That an officer with 16 men was detached 
to seize the king's receiver general, with orders 
to detain him; and this, it was supposed, might be 
done without impeding the progress of the main 
body. The said receiver general not being appre- 
hended, owing to his absence from home, the said 
detachment, according to orders, proceeded to join 
the main body on its march to Williamsburg, and 
the junction happened the 3d instant at Doncastle's 
ordinary about sunset. A little after sunrise next 
morning, the comm*ndiiig officer being assured 
that proper satisfaction in money should be in* 
stantly made, the volunteers baited, and the pro- 
posal being considered by them, was judged satis- 
factory as to that point; and the folloving receipt 
was given, viz "Doncastle's ordinary, New Kent, 
May 4, 1775: Received from the hon. Richard 
Corbin, esq his majesty's receiver general, £3!>0, 
as a compensation for the gun powder 1 .tely taken 
out of the public magazine by the governor's or- 
der; which money T promise to convey to the Vir- 
ginia delegates at the general congress, to be un- 
der their direction, laid out in gun. powder for the 
colony's use, and to be stored as they shall direct, 
until the next colony convention or general assem- 
bly, unless it shall be necessary, in the mean time, 
to use the same in defence of this colony. It is 
agreed that in case the next convention shall de- 
termine that any part of the said money ought to 
be returned to his majesty's said receiver general, 
that the same shall done accordingly. 

Test, PAT. HENRY, jun." 



Sam. Meredith, 
Parre Goo 



)ITH, > / . . V 



It was then consirlered that as a general congress 
would meet in a few days, ^id probably a colony 
convention would shortly assemble, and that the 
reprisal now made would amply replace the powder, 
with the charges of transpor'ation, the commanding 
officer wrote the following letter, and sent it by 
express. 



i88 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Sir— ThesfTiir of the powder is now settled, so they will be pleased to p'iblish the same in the 



Bs to produce satisfaction to me, and I earnestly 
wish to the colony in general. The people iiere have 
it in charge, froni Hanover conrnirtee, to tender 
their service to you, as a public officer, for the pur- 
pose of escorting the public treasury to any place 
in this colony, where the money may be judged 
more safe than in the city of Williamsburg. The 
rPDnsal now made by the Hanover volunteers, 
though accomplished in a manner least liable to 
the imputation of violent extremity, may possibly 
be the cause of future injury to the treasury. If 
therefure yni apprehend the least danger, a sufTi 
cient guard is at your service. 1 beg the return 
of the bearer may be instant, because the men wis!) 
to know their destination. With great regard, 1 
am, sir, your most humble servant, 

TAT. HE\RY, jun. 
To Robert CAHTF.n XicHOLts, esq. treasurer, 

Test, SaMUFT. MEnKDI-TH, 

Gahlasd .\NBEnS0W 



(A true copy) 



To which an answer was received from the said 
Mr. Nioholas, importing, that he had no apprehen- 
sions of the necessity or propriety of the proffered 
service. For which reasons, and understanding-, 
inoreover, frorp others, that the private citizens of 
■Williamsburg were in a great measure quieted 
from their late apprehension for their persons and 
property, the volunteers judged it best to return 
home, and did so accoi'dingly, in order to wait the 
furiher directions of the general congress, or colony 
convention. It appears also to this com-nit'ee, that 
before, and on the march, strict orders were re- 
peatedly given to the volunteers to avoid all vio- 
lence, injury and insult, towards the persons and 
property of every private individual; and that in 
executing the p'an of reprisal on the persons of 
the king's servants and his property, bloodshed 
should be avoided, if possible; and that there is 
the strongest reason to believe that the foregoing 
orders, respecting private persons and property, 
were strictly observed. 

Resolved, That this committee do approve of 
the proceedings of the officers and soldiers of the 
volunteer company, and do return them their most 
sincere thanks for their services on the late ex 
pedition; and also that the thanks of this com- 
mittee be given to the many volunteers of the dif 
ferent counties who joined, and were marching and 
ready to co-operate with the volunteer company of 
this county. 

Ordered, That the clerk do transmit a copy of 



Gazettes, as soon as possible. 

By order of the committee, 
(A copy) BART. ANDERSON, clerk. 

TO THE PUBLIC. 

J^ewYork, December 15, 1773. 
The following association is signed by a great num- 
ber of the principal gentlemen of the city, mer- 
chants, lawyers, andother inhabitants of rdlranks, 
and it is still carried about the city, to give an 
opportunity to those who have not yet signed to 
unite with their fellow-citizens, to testify their 
abhorrence to the diabolical project of enslaving 
America. 
The association of tlie sons of liberty of JVeiv- Turk. 
It is essential to the freedom and security of a 
free people, that no taxes be imposed upon them 
but by their own consent, or their representatives. 
For "what property have they in that which ano- 
ther may, by right, take when he pleases to him- 
self?" The former is the undoubted right of 
Englishmen, to secure which they expended mil- 
lions and sacrificed the lives of thousands. And 
yet, to the astonishment of all the world, and the 
grief of America, the commons of Great Britain, 
after the repeal of the memorable and detestable 
stamp-act, reassumed the power of imposing taxes 
on the American colonie ; and, insis ing on it as 
a necessary badge of parliamentary supremacy, 
passed a bili, in tiie seventli year of his present ma- 
jesty's reign, imposing duties on all glass, painters' 
colors, paper and teas, that should, after the 20th 
of November, 1767, be "imported from Great Bri- 
tain into any colony or plantation in America." — 
This bill, afier the concurrence of the lords, 
obtained the royal assent. And thus they who, 
from time immemorial, have exercised the right 
of giving to, or withholding from the crown, their 
AAs and subsidies, according to t!ieir o-un free loill 
and pleasure, signified by their representatives ia 
parliament, do, by the act in question, deny us, 
their brethren in America, the enjoyment of the 
same right. As this denial, and tlie execution of 
that act, involves our slavery, and would sup the 
foundation of our freedom, whereby we should be- 
come slaves to our brethren and fellow subjects, 
born to no greater stock of freedom than the Ame- 
ricans — the merchants and inhabitants of this city, 
in conjunction with the merchants and inhabitants 
of the ancient American colonies, entered into an 
agreement to decline a part of their commerce 
with Great Britain, until the abovementioned act 
should be totally rapealed. This agreement operat- 



those proceedings to the printers, and desire that' ed so powerfully to the disadvantage of the manu- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



189* 



facturTs of England that .-:>aTiy of them were ti-^ ' 
empioyetl. To appease their clamors, and to 
provide the subsistence for them, which the non- 
importation had deprived them of, the parliament, 
in 1770, repealed so much of the revenue act as 
imposed a duty on glass, painters' colors, and pa- 
per, and left the duty on tea, as a test of the parlia- 
mentary right to tax vs. The merchants of tNe 
ciues of New-York and Philadelphia, having strict- 
ly adhered to the agreement, so far as it related to 
the importation of articles subject to an American 
duty, have convinced the ministry, that some other, 
measures must be adopted to execute parliamentary 
supremacy over this country, and to remove the 
distress brought on the Eas'-India company, by the 
ill-policy of that act. Accordingly, to increase tlie 
temptation to the shippers of tea from Engia .d, 
an act of parliament passed the last session, which 
gives the whole duty on tea, 'he coinn^ny were 
subject to pay, upon the importation of it into Epj,'- 
land, to the purchasers and exporters; and when 
the company have ten miiiions of pounds of tea, in 
their ware-houses, exclusive of the quantity they 
may want to ship, they are al'.o.ved to export tea, 
discharged from the payment of that duty, with 
which they were before chargeable. In hopes o' 
aid in the execution of his project, by the influ- 
ence of the owners of the American ships, applica- 
tion was made by the company to the captains of 
those ships to take the tea on freight; but they 
virtuously rejected it. Still determined on the 
scheme, they have chartered ships to bring the tea 
to this country, which may be hourly expected, to 
make an important trial of our virtue. If they 
succeed in the sale of that tea, we shall have no 
property that we can call our own, and then we 

may bid adieu to American liberty There- 

' fore, to prevent a calamity which, of all others, is 

the most to be dreaded slavery, and its terrible 

concomitants — we, the subscribers, being influenc- 
ed from a regard to liberty, and disposed to use 
all lawful endeavors in our power, to defeat the 
pernicious project, and to transmit to our posterity, 
those blessings of freedom which our ancestors 
have handed down to us; and to contribute to the 
support of the common liberties of America, which 
are in danger to be subverted, do, for those im- 
portant purposes, agree to associate together, un- 
der the name and style of the song of liberty of JVeiv- 
York, and engage our honor to, and with each other, 
faithfully to observe and perform the following 
resolutions, viz. 

1st. Resolved, That whoever shall aid, or abet, 
AX in any manner assis', in the introduction of tea. 



Vim ny place whatsoever, into this colony, while 
it is subjec , by a British act to parliament, to the 
OAyment of a duty, for the purpose of raising a re- 
venue in America, he shall be deemed an enemy to 
the liberties of America. 



2d. Resolved, That whoever shall be aiding, or 
assis'ing, in the landing, or carting of such tea, 
from any ship, or vessel, or sliall hire any house, 
store-house, or cellar or any place whatsof»ver, to 
deposite the tea, s.ibject to a duty as aforesaid, 
he shall be deemed an enemy to the liberties of 
America. 

3d. Resolved, That whoever shall sell, or buy. 
or in any manner contribute to the sale, or pur- 
chiAse nf tea, S'lbject to a duty as aforesaid, or shall 
aid, OP abet, in transporting such tea, by land or 
water, from this city, 'until the 7th George W\. 
chap. 46, commonly called the revenue ar*, shall 
be totally and clearly repealed, he shall be deemed 
an enemy to the liberties of America. 

4th. Resolved, That whether the duties on tea, 
impos°d by this act, be paid in Great Britain or in 
America, our liberties are equally afTected. 

5th. Resolved, That whoever shall transgress any 
of these resolutions, we will not deal with, or em- 
ploy, or Iiave any connection with him. 

^Te^u-Yorh, J\rov 29, 1773. 

FROMTnF,BnisT0L(ERG )Gazette, Matich24, 1774. 

Lord Chatham's speech on the declaratory bill of 
the sovereignty of Great Britain over the colo- 
nies. 

When I spoke last on this subject, I thought I 
had delivered my sentiments so fully, and support- 
ed them with such reasons, and such authorities, 
that I apprehended I should be under no necessity 
of troubling your lordship again. But I am com- 
pelled to rise up and beg your further indulgence; 
I find that 1 have been very injuriously treated, 
have been considered asthe broacher of new fangled 
doctrines, contrary to the lav.'s of this kingdom, 
and subversive of the rights of parliament. My 
lord, this is a heavy charge, but more so when 
made against one stationed as I am, in both capaci- 
Ties, as P— and J—, the defender of the law and 
the constitution. When I spoke last, I was indeed 
replied to, but not answered. In the intermediate, 
time many things have been said. As I was not 
present, I must now beg leave to answer such as 
h.kve come to my knowledge. As the affair is of 
the utmost importance, and in its consequences 
may involve the fate of kingdoms, I took the 
strictest review of ray arguments; I reexamined all 



190 



PR[NCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



iny authorities; fully de'ermined, if I found myself 
mistaken, publicly to own my mistake, and give 
up my opinion. But ray searches have more and 
more convinced me that the British parliament 
have no right to tax the Americans. I shall not 
therefore consider the declaratory bill now lyin^ 
on your table; for to what purpose, but loss of 
time, to consider the particulars of , the very 



existence of which is illegal, absolutely illegal, 
contrary to the fundamental laws of nature, con- 
trary to the fundamental laws of this constitution 
grounded on the eternal and immutable laws oflu.p with the constitution; there is not a blade of jjjrass 



authority of this king^dom was more equally settled, 
I am sure some histories of late published, have 
done great mischief; to endeavor to fix the jcra 
when the house of commons began in this kingdom, 
is a most pernicious and destructive attempt; to 
fix it in an Edward's or Henry's reign, is owing to 
the idle dreams of some whimsical, ill-jwdging 
antiquarians: But, my lord, this is a point too im- 
portant to be left to such wron^-headed people. 
When did thehouse of commons first begin? When! 
my lord? It began with the constitution, it grew 



nature; a constitution on whose foundation and 
centre is liberty, which sends liberty to every sub. 
jectthat is or may happen to be within any part of 
its ample circumference. Nor, my lord, is the 
doctrine new; it is as old as the constitution; it 
grew up with it, it is its support; taxation and 
representation are inseparably united; God hath 
joined them, no British parliament can separate 
them; to endeavor to do it is to stab our very vitals. 
Nor is this the first time this doctrine has been 
mentioned; seventy years ago, my lord, a pamphlet 
was published, recommending the levying a par- 
liamentary tax on one of the colonies; this pamphlet 
was answered by two others, t'nen much read; these 
totally deny the power of taxing the colonies; and 
why' because the colonies had no representatives 
in parl'ament to give consent: no answers, public 
or private, was given to these pamphlets; no censure 
passed upon them; men were not startled at the 
doctrine, as either new or illegal, or derogatory to 
the rights of parliament. I do not mention these 
pamphlets by way of authority, but to vindicate 
myself from the imputation of having first broached 
this doctrine. 

My position is this — I repeat it — I will maintain 
it to my last hour — taxation and representation are 
inseparable; this position is founded on the laws 
of nature; it is more, it is itself an eternal law of 
nature; for whatever is a man's own, is absolutely 
his own; no man has a right to take it from him 
without his consent, either expressed by himself or 
representative; whoever attempts to do it, attempts 
an injury; whoever does it, commits a robbery; he 
throws down and destroys the distinction between 
liberty and slave: y. Taxation and representation 
are coeval with, and essential to, this constitution. 
I wish the maxim of Machiavel was followed, that 
of examining a constitution, at certain periods, 
according to its first principles; this would correct 
abuses and supply defects. I wish the times would 
bear it, and tliat men's minds were cool enough to 
enter upon such a task, and that the representative 



growing in the most obscure corner of this king- 
dom, which is not, which was not, ever represented 
since the constitutioH began; there is not a blade 
of grass which, when taxed, was not taxed by the 
consent of the proprietor. 

There is a history written by one Carte, a history 
that most people see through; and there is another 
favorite history, much read and admired. I will 
not name the author, your lordship must know 
whom I mean, and you must know from whence he 
pilfered his notions concerning the first begin-iing 
of the house of commons. My lord, I challenge 
any one to point out the time when any tax was 
laid upon any person by pHrliamentj that person 
ibeing unrepresented in parliament. The parlia- 
ment laid a tax upon the palatinate of Chester, and 
ordered commissioners to collect it there, as com- 
missioners were ordered to collect it in other coun- 
ties; but the palatinate refused to comply; they 
addressed the king by petition, setting forth, that 
the English parliament had no right to tax them; 
that they had a parliament of their own; they had 
always taxed themselves, and therefore desired the 
king to order his commissioners not to proceed. 
My lord, the king received the petition; he did 
not declare them either seditious or rebellious, 
but allowed their plea, and they taxed themselves. 
Your lordship may see both the petition and the 
king's answer, in the records in the Tower. The 
clergy taxed themselves; when the parliament 
attempted to tax them, they stoutly refused, said 
they were not represented there; that tliey had a 
pirliament of their own, which represented the 
clergy; that they would tax themselves; they did 
so. Much stress has been laid upon Wales, before 
it was united as it now is, as if the king, standing 
in the place of the former princes of that coun- 
try, raised money by his own authority; but the 
real facts are otherwise: For I find that, long be- 
fore Wales was subdued, the northern counties of 
that pilnoipality had representatives and a parlia- 
ment or assembly. As to Ireland, my lord, before 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



191 



that kingdom had a parliament, as it now has, if 
your lordship will examine the old records, you 
will find that, when a tax was to be laid on that 
country, the Irish sent over here representatives; 
and the same records will inform your lordship 
what wages those representatives received from 
their constituents. In short, my lord, from the 
whole of our history, from the earliest period, you 
v/ill fiad that taxation and representation were 
always united; so .true are the words of thai 
consummnte reasoner and politician Mr. Locke. I 
before alluded to his book; I have again consulted 
him; and finding that he writes so applicable to the 
subject in hand, and so much in favor of my senti- 
ments, I beg your lordship's leave to read a little 
of bis book. 

"The supreme power cannot take from any man, 
any part of his property without his own consent;" 
and B. II. p. 136—139, particularly 140. Such are 
the words of this great man, and which are well 
worth your lordship's serious attention. His prin- 
ciples are drawn from the heart of our constitu- 
tion, which he thoroughly understood, and will 
last as long as that shall last; and, to his immortal 
honor, I know not to what, under Providence, the 



to enable me to express myself in a manner worthy 
of their attention. A modesty, becoming my situa- 
tion, prevented me from offering my opinion be- 
fore, when I saw men of so much superior ability 
rising from the beginning of the debate. 

It may appear arrogant In a member so inferior 
as I confess myself to be, to offer objections to a 
bill, so extensive in iis consequences under every 
consideration, especially after it must have been so 
maiurely considered, in every article, by men so 
distinguished by their talents and high situations 
in office, besides the general applause which has 
followed the bill in its rapid progress through this 
house. Nevertheless, though naturally diffident of 
my opinion, when I had the good or bad fortune 
(I don't know which ioterm it) of prognosticating 
to the chairman of the East-India company, the 
consequences of sending this tea, on their own ac- 
count, to America, and that the event has literally 
fulfilled my words, as it is well known to some mem- 
bers now in my eye, it makes me more confident in 
warning the house of what I apprehend will be the 
consequences of this bill. 

I told the chairman of the East-lhdia company, 
first in conversation, on asking my opinion, and 



revolution and all its happy effects are more owing Lf^erwards by letter, that the evidence might ap- 
than to the principles of government laid down by Lgar in the progress of things, that I conceived 
Mr. Locke. For these reasons, my lord , I can never | the Kust-India company exporting tea on their 
give my assent to any bill for taxing the American I o^„ account w,,, under every consideration of 
colonies, while they remain unrepresented; for. as^t^eir situation and institution, wro.vg, but, under 
■to the distinction of a virtual representation, it is Lfae present discontents and disputed matters of 
.80 absurd as not to deserve an answer; I therefore I government in America. caiMi:»ALi,T absurd, be- 
pass it over with contempt. The forefathers of ' ^ause they were presenting themselves as the butt 



the Americans did not leave their native country, 
and subject themselves to every danger and dis- 
tress, to be reduced to a state of slavery: they did 
not give up their rights; they looked for protec- 
tion, and not for chains, from their mother coun- 
try; by her they expected to be defended in the 
possession of their property, and not to be deprived 
of it; for should the present power continue, there 
is nothing which they can call their own; or, to use 
the words of Mr. Locke, "what properly have 
they in that which another may by right take when 
he pleases to himself?" 

LoHsnir, March, 1774. 
Governor .hhnston^s speech on the bill for blockading 
the town of Bostan. 
Ma. Speaker — 1 find so much difficulty in pro- 
nouncing my sentiments at any time, that unless, 
•the house is kindly disposed to hear me at this 
late hour, I shall patiently sit down, because I am 
conscious it will require their greatest indulgence 



in the controversy, where they would probably 
come off with the loss of the whole. The event 
has justified my prediction; for whatever repay- 
ment the company may obtain from the town of 
Boston, under those cruel coercive measures now 
proposed, (the effect of which I still doubt) yet the 
company must remain great losers, even if the 
other provinces, equally culpable, are made to 
refund the loss arising from their conduct; because 
it was not supplies of cash at a distant period the 
company wanted, but an istniKDriTE supply, to 
answer a temporary exigency, which a combina- 
tion of the enemies of the company had produced. 

I now venture to predict to this house, that 
the effect of the present bill must be productive 
of a general confederacy, to resist the power of 
this country. Ii is irrita'ing, tempting, nay inviting 
men to those deeds, by ineffectual expedients, 
the abortions of an undecisive mind, incapable of 
comprehending the chain of consequences which 



3 92 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



spirit which is disiilled at Boston, the whol!^ 
Guinea trade will be affected, and in consequence 
the sugar trade that depends upon it. In extend- 
ing this kind of puishment to the other colonies^ 
every one must see the danger; and yet, if it can 
be approved for one, the same arguments will hold 
good to approve or reject it respecting the other. 
But let any man fij,ure to himself the cons quences 
to this country, if a similar punishment was applied 
to the colony of Virginia; ^300 000 a year diminu- 
tion in revenue, besides the loss of all the foreign 
contfac's, and perliaps of that beneficial trade for- 
ever. Notwithstanding the general approbation 
which has been given to this bill, and the loud 
applauses which have been re-echoed to every 
word of the noble lord in explaining it, yet no man 
will -be bold enough to say, that this PAiiriAii 
PUNISHMENT is a rcmedy for the general disease, 
and yet without knowing what is to follow, no man 
can be vindicated (even supposing the bill right in 
part) for giving his assent to it. Those gentlemen 
who are in the secrets of the cabinet, and know 
how assuredly every proposiion from them is 
adopted by this house, may be excused for their 
sanguine acclamations m favor of the measure. But 
doctrines, had been promoted by his itj tjesty to j the general mass, who must be equally ignorant 
the tirst stations in the administration of civil and with myself of what is to follow, can have no" 
ju licial affairs, there is so much mitigation to be I excuse for giving their assent so readily for punish- 



must result from such a law.— I am not ene of 
those who believe, that distant provinces can be 
retained in their duly by preachi^ig op enchant- 
ments; I believe that force of powkr, conducted 
with WISDOM, are the means of securing regular 
obedience under every establishment, but that 
such force should never be applied to any degree 
of rigour, unless it shall carry the general approba- 
tion of mankind in the execution. However much 
&uch approbation may prevail at the particular 
moment in this house, it is impossible to believe 
the sense of Great Britain, or the sense of America, 
can go to the punishing a PAnncuLAR town, for 
resisting the payment of the tea tax, which is 
universally odiovs throughout America, and is 
held in ridicule and contempt by every thinking 
man In this country. — The question of taxing Ame- 
rica is sufRcienily nice to palliate resistance, if the 
sii'jj^'ct had never bee.i litigated in this country; 
but, after the highest characters in the state had 
declared against the right of this country to im- 
pose taxes on America, for the purposes of revenue; 
after the general voice of the senate had concurred 
in BisPEALiso THE STAMP ACT, upou that princi- 
ple; after those men, who had maintained these 



pleided in favor of the Americans, from those cir 
cumstances (allowing them in an error at present) 
that every man must feel the height of cruelty, by 
enforcing contrary maxims, with any degree of 
severity at first, before due warning is given 

It is In vain to say that Boston is more culpable 
than the other colonies; sending the ships from 
thence, and obligir.g them to return to England, 
is a more solemn and deliberate act of resistance, 
than the outrage committed by persons in disguise, 
in 'he night, when the ship refused to depart. — 
That the blocking wp of the harbor of Boston, to 
prevent the importation of British manufactures, 
or tlie exportation of goods which are to pay for 
them, is a measure equally absurd as if the parlia- 
ment here, upon the resistance which was made 
to their resolution, by the riots of Brentford, and 
other disturbances in the county of Middlesex, had 
decreed, by way of punitihment, that the freehold 
ers should have been prohibited from sowing wheat. 
For whose benefit do the inhabitants of Boston toil 
and labor? Tiiesprlngs in the circle of commerce 
bear so nicely on each other, that few men can tell 
by interrupting one, the degree and extent to which 
the rest may be exposed. By excluding the im- 
portation of molusaes, and the exportation of that 



ing their fellow subjects in so unprecedented a 
manner, and their eager zeal serves only to shew 
how ready they are to obey the will of another, 
without exercising their own jadgment in the 
case. If the government of this country is resisted 
in America, my opinion is, instead of removing the 
seat of government in the colo'.y, and forcing the 
elements to bend to our will, which is impossible, 
that an effectual force should be carried to the 
heart of the colony resisting, to crush rebellion 
in the bud, before a general confederacy can be 
formed. In the present case we abandon the go- 
vernment, and drive the inhabitants to despair^ 
leaving the muUitude a prey to any ambitious spirit 
that may arise. For my own part I am convinced, 
frotTi experience in the colonies, that good go 
vernmenl may be conducted there upon rational 
grounds, as well as in this country; but the power 
and means of governing, rewards and punishments, 
are taken from your supreme executive magistrate 
in every sense, and then you are surprised that all 
order and obedience should cease. The colonies 
can only be governed by their assemblies, us Eng- 
land by the house of commons; the patent ofiicersj 
as well as thosein the customs, which were formerly 
given, at the recommendation of the governors^ to 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



193 



^t » iL.-LL- lM~ 



men suppor ing government, and residing in the ing a due obedience to the authoriiy of this coun 

provinces, are now given in reversion, threeorfour 

lives deep, to men living in this country. The 

command of the miliiaryj which was another grea^ 

source of respect and obedience, is likewise taker 

from the governor; so that in truth he remains ar. 

insignificant pageant of state, fit only to transmit 

tedious accounts of his own ridictilous situation: 

or, like tl-ie doctor of Sorbonne, to debite with liis 

assembly about abstract docttines in goverameni. 



I am far from wishing to throw any blame upor 
jjovernor Hutchinson, or to condemn him, like the 
town of Boston, unheard. The absence of the man, 
and the general clamor against him, will restrain 
me from saying many things respecting his con- 
duct, which appear reprehensible. But I cannot 
admit a passage in the speech of a noble lord to 
p;iss unnoticed. His lordship aUeges, "that the 
«« governor could not apply to the admiral in the 
" harbcr, or to the commMndIng officer of the 
" tro jps in the castle, for the protection of the 
" custom-house officers, as well as the teas in ques- 
" tion,wiTHiiUTt'neadviceof his council " But Ibeg 
leave to inform tlie noble lord, as I served in that 
station myself, that there is a volume of instruc- 
tions to every governor on this subject, whereby 
he is commanded, under the severest penalties, "to 
** give all kind of protection to trade and commerce. 



Try, and prolonging tliat dependence for a,es to 
come. How far i( can be executed after v» hat has 
already passed, I am rather diffident; but of this I 
am certaiuj that in case Great Brititin is deprived 
of executing a measure of that na ure, which, by 
pervadi'g every transnction, secures the ex cutlon 
in itself, she has lost one of ihe greatest engines 
for supporting her influence throughout the em- 
pire without oppression. Some men, wlio are for 
simplifying government to their own coss prehen- 
sions, vvill not allow they can conceive that the su- 
preme legislative authority shall not be paramount 
in all things; and taxation being fully comprehend- 
ed in legislation, they argue, that the power of the 
one must necessarily follow that of the other, and 
yet we find mankind possessed of privileges, which, 
are not to be violited in the most arbitrary coun- 
tries. The province of Languedoc is a striking 
example in refutation of the doctrines respecting 
taxation, whit^h are held by such narrow observers. 
The kingdom of Ireland is another instance in our 
dominions. There is not one argument which can 
apply For exempting Ireland from USation by the 
parliament of Great Britain, that does not equally 
protect the colonies from the power of sucii partial 
judges Every man should now call to his remem- 
brance by whtii obstinate infatuation Philip the II. 
came to lose the United Pr vinces. Can it be 



*• as well as to the officers of his majesty's customs, supposed that, in a nation so wise as Spain was at 



*' by his own authority, williout the necessity of 
" acting through his council." Nor can 1 conceive 
a possible excuse for the destruction of those teas, 
while two men of war lay in the harbor, without 
the least application iiaviiig been made to the ad- 
hiiral for protection, during so long a transaction. 

The first essential point in tliuse disputes which 
are now likely to become so serious, by the weak- 
;hess of administration in this country, in following 
no connected plan, eilhei" of force or favor, but 
constantly vibrating between the two, is to put 
Ourselves in the right, and for this purpose I would 
recommend the immediate rkpeal of the tea butt, 
^Vhich can be Vindicated upon no principles, either 
of commerce or policy. Men may allege this 
would be giving up the point. But if we have no 
better points to dispute upon, I am ready to yield 
Ihe argument. Raising taxes in America for the 
purpo-icsof REVEJiuE, I maintain to be unnecessary 
and dangerous. A stamp act, as a measure of 
police, varied for the different governments, and 
leaving the revenue raised thereby to be appro 



that time, that no man perceived the injustice and 
futility of the measure in dispute.? But I cast 
easily suppose, from the pride of authority where 
our vanity is so much flattered, that no man durst 
venture a proposition for receding from that cruel 
measure after it had been resisted by violence. 

These are the general heads: 

The particular objections to the bill are, first, 
for continuing the punisiiment "until satisfaction 
shall be made to the India company," without stat- 
ing the amount, or what that satisfaction shall be. 
Next, "until peace and good order shall be cer- 
tified to be restored," when it is impossible, ar, to 
the subject in dispute, that such certificate can ever 
be granted, because the custom-house officers are 
removed, and all trade and commerce prohibited. 
The numerous disputes and litigations which must 
necessarily arise in carrying this law into execu- 
tion, on contract made by parties before they could 
be apprised of it, and the despatch of ships in har^ 
bor under the limited time, without any exception 
for the desertion of seamen, or wind and weather. 



prialed by the respective legislatures, I hold to is altogether melancholy to consider! The power 

be a measure of the highest efficacy, for maintain- 1 given to the admiral, or chief commander, to ortler 
——25. 



194 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



proceed different from the Une wliicli is always 
observed in courts of justice? Yju are now going 
to alter the charter because it is convenient. In 
wiiat manner does tl)e house mean to take away 
this charter, when in fact they refuse to hear the 
parties, or to go through a legal course of evidence 
of the fac's. Chartered rights have, at all times, 
v/hen attempted to be altered or taken away, 
occasioned much bloodshed and sirife; and \vhat- 
ever persons in this house have advanced, that 
t!iey do no' proceed upjn this business but with 
trembling hands, I do also assure them that I have 
sliewfi my fears upon this occasion; far I have run- 
away from every qiieslion, exctp one, to whicii I 
jave my n?gat'.v3. I do not like to be present at 
a business, which I think inconsistent with the 



the ships returning from foreign voyages to such 
stations, as he shj*il direct, is wild, vexatious, and 
indefiiiiie. Thut of permitting his majesty to alter 
the value of all the property in the town of Boston, 
upon restoring the port, by affixing such quays and 
wharves, as hk okh shall appoint, for landing and 
gliippmg of goods, is liable to such misrepresenta- 
tion and abuse, that 1 expect to see every evil f\:)l- 
low the exercise of it, and it must create infinite 
jealousies and disiractions among the people. 

I am tlierefjre of opinion that this bill, both from 
the principle and manner in which it has been 
passed, and from fore running tlie general regula- 
tions ih«t are intended, and which ought at least 
to accompany it, instead of quieting the disturb- 
ances in B..ston, it wil; promote them still further, dignity and justice of this house; I tre.nble when 
and niduceihe inhabitants to cut off all communi-N ^^^ f^,. f^^., ^f ^^^ cjuseqiences; aad I think it 
cation with your ships of war, which may be pro-] ^ Ume extraordinuy that .Mr. Bollan should be 
ductive of mutuii hostilities, and most probably uimiued to be heard as an American agent in t!:e 
will end in a GEHtUAL kkvolt. house of lords, when in the house of commons he 

Wi>s refused. I believe it is true, that the facts set 

LoxnoN, ^pril 26, 1774. jf^jp^i^ i„ ^jg petition to this house, were different 

Jin mithentic account of Friday's debate on the second ^^.^^ tl.ose which he presented to the house of 

reading of the bill for rejulaiing the civil govern- 

iveni of Massacfiuseits-Bay, 

Mr. Fuller said, he did not rise to make any 
debate, for he was not enabled as yet to fortn any 
opinion whether the bill before the house was a 
proper bill or noi; as copies of the charters which 
had been ordered before the house were not yet 
laid, he would venture to say, that no man knew 
the constitution of that gctvernment; it was there- 
fore impossible for him to say in M'hat manner he 
would correct or amend it. 



Sir George Saville said, he had not troubled the 
house before on the occasion, but he could not 
help observing, that the measure now before the 
house was a very doubtful and dangerous one; 
doubtful as to the proprie'y of regulation, and 
dangerous as to its consequence; thi>t charters by 
govemmcnt were sacred th.ngs, hwd are oi.ly to be 
taken away by a due course of law, either as a 
punishment for sn offence, or for a breach of the 
contract, and that can only be by evidence of the 
faCvSj nor could he conceive that in either of thosi- 
cases there could be any such thing as proceeding 
without a fair hearing of Bora parties. This mea- 
sure before us seems to be a most extraordinary 
exertion of legislative power. Let us- suppose a 
lease granted to a man, wherein was a covenant, 
the breach of which would subject him to a for- 
feiture of his lease — would not a court of justic 
require evidence of the fact? Wi;y, then, v/il! you 



lords; in one declaring himself an inhabitant of 
Boston, and in the other omitting it. I cannot con* 
ceive it possible to proceed on this bill upon the 
small ground of evidence which you have had 

Mr. Wtlbore Ellis. I must rise, sir, with great 
confidence, when 1 differ from the honorable gen- 
tleman who spuke last, whose abilities are so 
eminently great; but I think, sir, that chartered 
rights are by no means those sacred things wiiich 
iievercan be altered; they are vested in the crown 
as a prerogative, for the good of the people at 
largi; if the supreme legislature find that those 
charters so granted, are both unfit and inconvenient 
for the public utility, they have a right to make 
them fit and convenient; wherever private pro- 
perty is concerned, the legislature will not take 
it away without making a full recompense; but 
wherever the regulation of public matter is the 
object, they iiave a right to correct, controul, or 
'ake it away, as may best suit the public welfare. 
Ti.-e crown may some times grant improper powers 
with regard to governme.Us that are to be psiab- 
Ushed; will it not be highly proper and necessary, 
that the legislature, seeing in what manner the 
cro/a has been ill-advised, should take it into 
their considerauop, and alter it as far as necessary. 
It is tl.e legislature's duty to correct the errors 
that have been established in the infancy of that 
constitution, and regulate them for the public vvel- 
fare. Is a chartei', not consistent with the public 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



195 



good, to be ■'•.ontirmerl? T'^e ''onoPHhle gentlemen 
says, much bloodshed has been occasioned hy talc 
ing' away or altering' of chartered righ's; I grant i'; 
but it has always been where encroachments have 
been made by improper ptrties, and the attack 
has been carried on by improper powers. H^ also 
says, this furm of government in America ought 
not to be altered without hesriig the ptirties; the 
papers on your table, surely, are sufficient evidence 
of what they have to say in their defence — look 
only into the letter, dated the 19tl! November, 
1773, wherein the governor applied to the council 
for advice, and they neglected giving it to him! 
and also wherein a petition was presented to the 
council by certain persons who applied for protec- 
tion to their property during these disturbances, 
the council, without giving any answer, adjourned 
for ten days, and the governor was not able to do 
any thing himself without their opinion. Look 
again, sir, into the resolution which the council 
came to wlien they met again, stating the total 
insufficiency of their power. This, surely, sir, is 
an evidence competent to ground this bill upon. 
We have now got no further than just to alter 
these two j5arts, as stated by themselves. Surely, 
sir, that form of government which will not protect 
your property, ought to be altered in such a man- 
ner as it may be able to do it. 

General Conivay, What I intend to say will not 
delay the house long. I am very sure what I 
intend to say will little deserve the attention of 
the house; but the subject is of that importance, 
that it requires it. 'J he consequence of this bill 
will be very important and dangerous. Parlia- 
ment cannot break into a right witliout hearing 
the parties. The question then is simply this: — 
Have they been heard? What! because the pa- 
pers say a murder had been com;-nitted, does it 
follow they have proved it'' .indi alteram partem, 
is a maxim I have long adheredto; but it is some- 
thing so inconsistent with parliamentary proceed- 
ings not to do it, that I am astonished at it. The 
council are blamed because they did not give that 
advice to the governor which he wanted. I think, 
sir, the governor mig-ht have acted alone, without 
their assistance. Gentlemen will consider, that 
this is not only the charter of Boston, or of any 
particular part, but the charter of ALL America. 
Are the Americans not to be hearl? -Do not chose 
to consent and agree about appointing an ai^-ent? 
I think there is no harm upon tliis occasion, in 
Stretching a point; and I would rather have Mr. 
Bollan, as an agent of America (thou.rjh lie is 
irregular in his appointment) sooner than leave it 



o be^ad. f^iat this bill passed with'>ut it.— TA« 
hri7isc being vociferoun, he said, I am afrai'! I tire the 
liouse wi;h my weak voice; if that is 'he case, I 
will not proceed, but I do think, a id it is my 
sinf-ere opinion, that we are the AOGJiKssons '»nd 
TNNovAT Rs, and WOT the colostes. W^ hive 
IRRITATED and FORCF.D laws upon them for these 
six or seven years last past. We have enacted 
such a variety of laws, with these new taxes, toge- 
ther with a refusal to repeal the trifling duty on 
tea; ill these things have served no oth^r purpose 
but to distress and perplex. I think the A^nericans 
have do'ie no more than every subject loonld do in 
an arbitral^ state, where laws are imposed against 
their will. In my conscience, I think, taxation and 
!egislation are in this case inconsistent. Have you 
not a legislative right over Ireland? And yet no 
one will dare to say we have a right to Ux. These 
acts respecting America, will involve this country 
and its ministers in misfortunes, and I wish I may 
not add, in ruin. 

Lord A'orth. I do not consider this matter of 
regulation to be taking away their charters in such 
manner as is represented; it is a regulation of go- 
vernment to assist the crown; it appears to me not 
to be a matter of political expediency, but of 
necessity. If it does not stand upon that ground, it 
stands on nothing. The account which has just now 
been read to you is an authentic pnper, transmitted 
to government here, shewing that the council 
refused in every case their assistance and advice; 
and will this country sit still when they see the 
colony proceeding against your own subjects, 
iarringand feathering your servants, denyingyoup 
laws and authority, refusing every direction and 
advice which you send? Are we, sir, seeing all 
this, to be silent, and give the governor no sup- 
port? Gentlemen say, let the colony come to your 
bar, and be heard in their defence; thougli it Is 
not likely that they will come, when they deny 
your authority in every instance, can we remain 
in this situation long? We must effectually take 
some measures to correct and amend the d'^fects 
of that government. I have he>»rd so many dif- 
ferent opinions in regard to our conduct in Ame- 
rica, I hardly know ho>v to answer them. The 
honorable gentleman, who spoke last, formerly 
blatned the tame and insipid condtict of govern, 
ment; now he condemns this measure as harsh and 
severe. The Americans have tarred and feathered 
your subjects, plundered your merchants, burnt 
your ships, denied all obedience to your laws and 
I HuthoiMty; yet so clement and forbearing has our 
'conduct been, that it is incumbent upon us now 



ifs 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



^o take a different course. Wha ever may be th' , 
consequence, we must risque something; if we do 
pot, ill )s over. The measure now proposed, is 
potlu..g nnore than taking the glectiwi of counsellorv 
out of vl^e hands of thosepei'ple, whoare continually 
actinsf in d'-fiince and resistance of your laws. Il 
has - Iso been said by gentlemen — send for tlie 
Americans to your b^r — give them redress a 
tw"lve-nr onth hence. Surely, sir, thi? cannot be 
the laogu >ge that is .o give effectual relief to Aine 
rica; ii is not, I say again, political convenience, i 
is political necessity t' at urges this measure; if 
this is not the proper method, shew me any other 
which is preferable, and I will pos'pone it. 

Sir George Young It remains to me, sir, that 
it is uoans . ered ^nd unanswerable, wliat has been 
advanced by the hoijorable gentleman w!io spoke 
second, tdat t!.e par ies should be heard, though 
eypn at a twelve-month hence. Nothing, sir, but 
fatal nece-si^y can countenance this measure, fjo 
body of men ought to be proceeded against with- 
out be;rig heard, much les? ought the regulation 
of a whole government to take place, without the 
parties attending in their defence against such 
{llterations. 

Governor Jotmsion. I see, sir, a great disposition 
in this house to proceed in this business without 
knowing any thing of the conslituiion of America; 
several inconvenience-? will i|,rise if the sheriff is 
to be appointed bv the governor; the jury will, of 
course, be biassed by some iufiuence or other; 
special juries will be most liable to this. [Here 
the governor gave an account of the difTerent riois 
which had happened in England, and compared 
them with what he called the false accounts of 
those from America.] I impute, says he, all the 
misfortunes which have happened in America, to 
the taking away the power of the g.)vernor. No 
man of common sense can apprehend that the go- 
vernor would ever have gone two or three days 
into the couniry, during these disturbaaces, if he 
bad the command of the military power. The 
naiural spirit of man would be fired, in such a 
manner, as to actuate himself to shew resistance; 
but in this governor no power was lodged. I dis- 
approi'e much of the measure which is before us, 
and I cannot but think its consequences will be 
prejudicial, 

jMr. C. Jenkimon I rise, sir, only to observe, that 
if the colony has not that power within itself to 
maintain its own peace and order, the legislature 
should, and ought to have. Let me ask, sir, whe- 
thtr the colony took avy step, in any shape, to 



quell \\\t riot- ;*. d distu '..nr.s.? No, Uiev ' '. d^ 
none. Let me ask again, whether all the cheeky 
and controul that are necessary, are not put into 
ihe commissi:)n of the governments.'' Much has 
been said about hearinij the parties, and taking 
away their c'^^rtered rights; I am of opinion, that 
where the right is a high political regulation, you 
dre not in that instance bound to heir them; but 
the hearing of par.ies is necessary where private 
property is concerned. It is not only in the late 
proceedings, but in all former, that tliey have 
denied your authority over there; they huve re- 
fused pro'.ection to his mt jes'.y's subjects, and in 
every instance disobeyed the laws of this country; 
either let this country forsitke its tride vitb Anje- 
ric.i, or let us give thi^l due protection to it which 
safety requires. 

Mr. Harris. I cannot see, sir, any reason for so 
wide a separation between Americi and England 
as other gentlemen are apt to think there ought 
to be; that country, sir, was hatched from this, and 
I hope we shall always keep it under the shadow 
of our wings. It has been said, no representation, 
no taxation. This was tlie system formerly adopted, 
but I do not find it authorised in any book of juris- 
prudence, nor do I deem it to be a doctrine either 
reasonable or constitutional, I insist upon it, they 
are bound to obey both the crown and parliament. 
The las' twelve years of p'.ir proceedings have been 
a scene of lf:nity and inactivity. Let qs proceed 
and mend our method, or else I shall believe, as 
an honorable gentleman has observed, that we are. 
the aggressors. 

Sir Edward Jstlprf. If we have had a twelve years 
lenity and inactivity, I hope we shall not now 
proceed to have a twelve years cruelty and op- 
pression. By the resolution a^nd firmness which 
I perceive in the house, it seems to indicate a per- 
severance in the measure now proposed, which I 
deem to be a harsh one| and unworthy of a British 
legislature. 

Mr. Ward. [The house was very noisy during 
the few words which he said.] — He found fault 
with the charter being left too much, as to th§ 
execution of its power, in the people, and he could 
not think the legislature v.as doing any thing, 
which it had not a right to do, as he had looked 
upon all charters to be granted with a particular 
clause in it, expressing that it should not be takea 
away but by the parliament. 

Governor Poional. I beg leave to set some gen- 
tlemen right, who have erred with regard to thq 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



107 



^charters of A . erica. The appointment of sf-ve. j 
of the officers is in the governor. The charter o: 
Boston direcis, that the governor shul ask th- 
council for advice, but it does not say he shall no 
act without it, if they refuse to give it. It is said 
it is criminal to do any thing without advice of the 
council; 1 differ greatly, sir, from that doctrine; 
for I myself have acted without in putti ig an end 
to disturbances, in preservi-ij the peace and goo'^ 
order of the place; If I had been governor during^ 
the late disturbances, I would have given an or- 
der for the military power to attend, and then let 
me have seen what officer dare disobey, I think 
the council are much to blame for nol co-opera ing 
and assistiag the governor, but I think t'.e gover- 
nor might have acted without the council. The 
council are inexcusable, though not criminal, as 
they are not obliged to give it. I, sir, for my p-tfi, 
shall give my last opinion. I have always been in 
one way of thinking with regard to America, which 
I have both given here and wrote to America. They 
have all along tended to one point; but it is now 
no longer matter of opinion. Things are now come 
to action; and I must be fres to tell the house, 
that the Americans will resist these measures: 
they are prepared to do it. I do not mean by 
arms, but by the conversation of public town meet- 
iBgs; they now send their letters by couriers, 
instead of the post, from one town to another; and 
I can say your post office will very soon be de- 
prived of its revenue. With regard to the officers 
who command the militia of that country, they 
will have them of their own appointment, and not 
from government; but I will never more give an 
opinion concerning America in this house; those I 
Jiave given have been disregarded. 

Mr. Rigby. Upon my word, sir, what was just 
now said, is very worthy the consideration of this 
house; and if, from what the honorable gentleman 
aays, it is true, and I believe he is well informed, 
jit appears, that America is preparing to arms; and \ 



that the deliberations of their town meetings tend 
chiejly to eppoie the measures of this country by force 
He has told you, sir, that the Americans will ap- 
point other officers than those sent by government 
to command their troops. He has told you that 
the post office is established on their account from 
town to town, in order to carry their traitorous 
correspondence from one to another. He has told 
you the post office revenue will soon be annihilated. 
If these things are true, sir, I find we have been 
the aggressors, by continually doing acts of lenity 
for these twelve years last past. I think, sir, and 



has a right to tax America; hut, sir, n is matter of 
stonishment to me, how an hor.orable gentleman 
(Mr Conway) can be the author of brinvjing in of 
decUralory law over all America, and yet spying 
.t ore and Ihe same time, that we have no right 
to tax \merica.' If I was to begin to say that 
America ought not to be taxed, and that these 
measures were not proper, I would first desire my 
:>vn declaratory law to be repealeJ; tjut bei;ig of 
opinion that the Americans are the subjects of this 
couniry, I will declare, freely, that I think this 
country has a right to tax. America; but I do not 
say that I would pur any new tax on at this par- 
ticular crisis; but w,';en things are returned to a 
neaceabl's srate, I would then begin to exercise it. 
And I am free to declare my opinion, that 1 think we 
have a right to Ux Ireland, if there was a necessity 
so to do, in order to help the mother country. If 
Ireland was to rebel and resist our laws, I would 
tax it. The mother country has an undoubted 
right and con-roul over the whole of its colonies. 
Again, sir, a great deal has been said concerning 
requisi;ion. Pray, in what manner is it to be 
obtained? Is the king to demand it, or are we, 
the legislfilive power of this country, to send a 
very civil polite gentleman over to treat with their 
assemblies.' How and in what manner is he to 
address that assembly? Is he to tell the spe&ker 
that we have beea exlremely ill used by our 
neighbors the French; that they have attacked us 
in several quar-.ers; that the finances of this coun- 
try are in a bad state; and therefore we desire you 
will h&kind enough to assist us, and give us some 
money? Is this to be the language of this coun- 
try to that; and are we thus to go cap in hand? I 
am of opinion, that if the administration of this 
country had not been changed soon after passin"- 
the stamp- ict, that tax would have been collectr.l 
with as much ease as the land-tax is in Great Bri. 
tain. I have acted, with regard to America, one 
consistent part, and shuU continue in it, tiil I hear 
better reasons to convince me to the conlrarv. 



Governor Po-onal, (to explain). I apprehend Ih:<v« 
bern tolrilly misunderstood. I did not assert th'* 
Americans were nr.v in rebellion, but that they are 
going to rebel; when that comes to pass, the ques- 
tion will be, who was the occasion oF it? Somethin'- 
jjas been said relative to requisition; I think I gave 
several instances wherein the same had been com- 
plied with in time of war, 

Mr. C.Fox. I am glal to hear from the honora- 
ble gentleman who spoke last, that noiv is not the 
ime to tax America; that the only time for that 



^s^eak out boldly v>hen I say it, that this country is, when all these disturbances are quelled, and 



1S9 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



they are re'tirned toiheip duty; so, I fiid taxes are 
to be the reward of obedience; and the Americans, 
who are contider^'d to have beei in open rebellion, 
are to be revvurded by acquiescing to their mea- 
sures. Wh n will be the time when A-nerica ought 
to have henvy taxes 1 ti 1 upon i ? The honorable 
jj^Tleman (Mr. R;^by) tells you, that that time 
w'U be when the Vmei-icans -ire returned to peace 
and quietness. The hon. efentletian tells us also, 
that we have a ri^ht to taxTreland; however I may 
ag^ee with him in regard to t!ie principle, it would 
not b> polir-y to exercis'' it; I believe we have no 
more right to tax the one than the other. I beli-ve 
Am°rica is wrong in resisting against this coun'ry, 
■with regard to legislative authority. Ti was an old 
opinion, and T believ» a verv true one, that there 
was a dispensing power in the crown, but when- 
ever that dispensing p'^wer was pr^'tended to be 
exercised, it was always rejected and opposed to 
the utmost, because it operated to me, as a subject, 
as a detriment to my property and liberty; but, sir, 
there has been a constant conduct practised in this 



At a very full meeting of the delegates from the elf. 
f'.rent oitnties in the colony and dominion of Vir- 
ginia, he^un in WiUinm'^lmrg, the first day of 
August, in the year of ouy Lord \774:, and r.ontinU' 
ed by several adjournments to Saturday the 6th oj 
the said month, the foil owing association was unani' 
mousJy resolved upon and agreed to. 

We, his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the 
delegates of the freeholders of Virginia, deputed 
to represent them at a general meeling in the city 
of Williamsburg, avowing our inviolable and un- 
shaken fidelity and attachment, to our most 
gracious sovereign, our regard and affection for 
all our friends and fellow subjects in Great Britain 
and elsewhere, protesting against every act or 
thing, which may have the most distant tendency 
to interrupt, or in any wise disturb his majesty's 
pea'^e, and the good order of government', within 
this his ancient colony, which we are resolved to 
maintain and defend, at the risque of our lives and 
fortunes, but at the same time affected with the 
I'^epest anxiety, and most alarming apprehensions. 



rountrv consisting of violence and weakness; I ~ ., . j j- ^ . u- i u- 

coun'ry, ..ousisluij; v, of those grievances and distresses by which his 



wish those measures may not continue; nor can I 



majesty's American subjects are oppressed, and 



ihink that the stamn-act would havebeen submitted , . , , ^ • j vu ^• 

inimcxiiaiiiicsiami/ »<- having taken under our most serious deliberation, 

to wlthoutresistance, if the administration had no< L ^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ continent, fiad that the pre- 
been changed; tlie present bill before you ,s not }^ u„,,appy situation of our affairs is chiefly 
/a77?i to what you want; it irritates the minds oF the I ^^,^^.^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^.^ ill-advised regulations, as 
people, but does not correct the deficiencies of ^^^, of our trade as internal policr, introduced by 
that Pfovernment. several unconstitutional acts of the British p.irlia- 



Sir Gi'be^t Elliot arope to answer Mr C. Fox, 
which he did-in a verv masterly manner, by stating 
that there was not the least degree of absurdity in 
taxing your own subjects, over whom you have 
declared you had an absolute right; though that 
tax should, through necessity, beenrcted at a time 
when peace and qiiietnes'' were the reigning system 
r the times; you declare you have that right, where 
is the absurdity in the exercise of it? 

Sir Richard Sutton read a cony of a letter, rela- 
tive to the government of America, //'a?n a governor 
in America, to the board of trade, shewing that, at 
the most qu'et times, the dispositions to oppose 
ths Iswp of this country were strongly ingrafted in 
them, and that all their aciions conveyed a spirit 



ment, an 1 at length, attempted to be enforced by 
the hand of power; solely influenced by these im- 
portant and weighty considerations, we think it an 
indispensable duty, which we owe to our country, 
ourselves, and latest posterity, to guard against 
such dangerous and extensive mischiefs, by every 
just and proper means. 

If, by the measures adopted, some unhappy con- 
sequences and inconveniences should be derived 
to our fellow subjects, whom we wish not to injure 
in the smallest degree, we hope and flatter our- 
selves, that they will impute them to their real 
cause — the hard necessity to which we are driven. 

That the good people of this colony may, on so 



and wish for indepen lence. If you ask an Ameri- trying an occasion, continue steadfastly directed 



Can who is his master? he will tell you he has none, 
nor any governor but .Tesus Christ. I do believe 
it, and it is my fir'Ti nninion, that t!ie opposition 
to the me-'sures of the legislature of tliis country, 
is a deter'oined prepossessio.i of the idea of total 
indenendence. 

After which the l>ill was committed for Friday 
next, without a division. 



to their most essential interests, in hopes that they 
will be influenced and stimulated by our example 
to Mie greatest industry, the strictest economy, and 
frugality, and the execution of every public virtue, 
oersualed that the merchants, manufacturers, and 
other inhabitants of Great Britain, and, above all, 
that the British parliament will be convinced how 
'much the true interest of that kingdom must 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



m 



depend on the lestorHtion and continuance of UiHt, .e colonies, we will not, directly or i-idireclly, 
mutual friendsliip and cordiality, which so happily | inapon or purcUase any Briiish East-India com- ' 

ciodity whatever, till the conjpany, or some other 
person, on their behaif. shall refund and fully re- 
store to the owners, all such sum or sums of money 
as may be so extorted. 

Siliiy. We do resolve, that unless \merican 
grievances be redressed bTore the 10' h day of 
\ugust, 1775, we will not, after that day, directly 
or indirectly, exp;;rt tobacco or any other article 
whatever, to Great Britain; nor will we sell any 
such articles as we think can be exported to Great 
Britain with a prospect of gain, to any person or 
persons whatever, w'lAi a design of putting it into 
I'is or their power to export the same to Great 
Britain, either on our own, his or their account. 
And that this resolution maybe the more efiectually 
carried into execution, we do hereby recommend 
it to the inhabitants of this colony, to refnain from 
the cultivation of obaccoas much as conveniently 
may be, and in lieu thereof that they will, as we 
resolve to do, apply their attention and indiistr;', 
"^o the cultivation of all such articles, as may form 
a proper basis for manufactures of all sorts, which 
we will endeavor to encourage throughout this 
colony to the utmost of our abilities. 

6thly. We will endeavor to improve our breed 
of sheep, and iiicrease their number to the utmost 
extent, and to tliis end, we will be as sparing as 
we conveniently can, in killing of sheep, especially 
those of the mo-i profitable kind, and if we should 
at any time he overstocked, or can conveniently 
spare any, we will dispose of them to ourneighbors, 
especially thepoorersori of people, upon moderate 
Itrms. 

7thly. Resolved, that the merchants and others, 
venders of goods and merchandizes v/iihin this co- 
lony, ought not to take advantage of the scarcity 
of goods that may be occasioned by this associa- 
tion, but that they ought to sell the same, at the 
rates they have been accustomed to for twelve 
months past, and if they shall sell any such goods 
on higher terms, or shall in any manner, or by any 
device whatever, violate or depart from this resolu- 
tion, we will not, and are of opinion that no inha- 
bitant of this colony ought, at any time thereafter, 
to deal with any such persons, their factors, or 
agents, for any commodity whatever; and it is re- 
commended to the deputies of the several counties, 
that committees be chosen in each county, by such 
persons as accede to t'lis association, to take ef- 
iectual care that these resolves be properly observ- 
ed, und for corresponding occasicualjy with tht 



subsisted between us, we have unanimously, and, 
with one voice, entered into the following resolu 
tions and association, which we do oblige our- 
selves, by tliose sacred ties of honor and love to 
our country, strictly to observe; and further 
declare, before God and the world, that we will 
religiously adhere to and keep the same inviolate, 
in every particular, until redress of all such Ame- 
rican rjrievances as may be defined and settled at the 
general congress of delegates from the difierent 
colonies, shall be fully obtained, of, until this 
association shull be abrogated or altered by a ge- 
neral meeting of the deputies of this colony, to be 
convened, as is herein after directed. And we do, 
with the greatest earnestness, recommend this our 
association, to all gentlemen, merchants, traders, 
and other inhabitants ef this colony, hoping that 
they will cheerfully and cordially accede thci'eto. 

1st. We do hereby resolve and declare that we 
will not either directly or indirectly, af;er the first 
day of November next, import from Great Britain, 
any goods, wares, or merchandizes, whatever, 
(medicines excepted,) nor will we, after that day, 
import any British manufactures, either from, the 
West-Indies, or any other place, nor any article 
whatever, which we shall know, or have reason to 
believe, was brought into such countries from Great 
Britain, nor will we purchase any such articles, so 
imported, of any person or persons whatsoever, 
except such as are now in the country, or such 
as m<y arrive on or before the said first day of 
November, in consequence of orders already given, 
and which cannot now be countermanded in time. 

2dly. We will neither ourselves import, nor 
purchase any slave, or slaves, imported by any per. 
son, after the lirst day of November next, either 
from Africa, the West-Indies, or any otlitr place. 

3dly. Considering the article of tea as the 
deiestable instrument which laid the foundation of 
the present sufiVrings of our distressed friends in 
the town of Boston, we view it with horror, und 
therefore resolve that we will not, from this day, 
either import tea of any kind whatever, por will we 
use or suffer, even such of it as is now at hand, to 
be used in any of our families. 

4thly. If the inhabitants of the town of Boston, 
or any other colony, should, by violence or dire 
necessity, be compelled to pay the Easi-I ^dia com- 
pany for destroying any tea, which they have lately, 
by their agents, unjustly attempted to force mio 



soo 



I»RINC1PLES AND ACTS OF THE RESOLUTION. 



T^'-^ 



general coinml.tee of roire-pondence in the cii} 
of Williamsburg'. Provided that, if exchange 
should rise, such advance may be made in lh( 
prices of goods as shall be approved by the com- 
mittee of each county. 

Sthly. In order the better to distinp^uisb such 
worthy merchants and traders, who are well 
v/ishers to this colony, from those who Inay attempt, 
through motives of self-interest, to obstruct our 
views, we do hereby resolve, that we will not^ after 
the first day of November next, deal with any 
merchant or trader, who will not sign this associa- 
tion, nor until he havh obtained a certificate of his 
having done so from the county committee, or any 
three members thereof. And if any merchant, 
trader, or other person, shall import any goods or 
merchandize, after the first day of November, 
contrary to this association, we give it as our opi 
nion, that such goods and merchandize should be 
eith er forthwith re-shipped, or delivered up to the 
county committee, to be stored at the risk of the 
importer, unless such importer shall give a proper 
assurance to the said committee, that such goods or 
merchandizes shall not be sold within this colony 
during the continuance of this assoeiation; and if 
such importer shall refuse to comply with one or 
the other of these terms, upon application and due 
caution given to him or her, by he said committee, 
cr any three members thereof, such committee is 
required to publish the truth of the case in the 
Gazettes, and in the county where he or she resides, 
and we will thereafter consider such person or per- 
sons as inimical to this country, and break oil" every 
conneston and all dealings with thera. 

9thly. Resolved, That if any person or persons 
shall export tobacco, or any other commodity, to 
Great Britain, after the lOih day of August, 1775, 
contrary to this associaiion, we shall hold ourselves 
©bliged to consider such person or persoiis as 
Bimical to the community, and as un apyraver oj 
American grievances,- and give it as our opinion, 
that the public should be advertised of his conduct, 
as in the 8i.h article is desired. 

lOthly. Being fully persuaded that the unitet: 
wisdom of the general congress may improve thest 
our endeavors to preserve the rights and liberties 
in British America, we decline enlarging at pre 
sent, but do hereby resolve that we will conform 
to, and strictly observe, all such alterations, ov Francis Slaughtez', 



llthly, Ue-oivtd, That we thii.k oursplves callea 
upon by every principle of humanity and brotherly 
afi'pction, to ex'.ei^d the utmost and speediest reUef 
to our distressed fellow subjects in tJie town of 
Boston, and therefore most earnestly recommend 
it to all the inhabitants of this colony, to make 
such liberal contribuLions as they can aflord; to be 
collected and remitted to Boston, in such manner 
as may best answer so desirable a purpose. 

ISthly, and lastly. Resolved, that the moderator 
of this meeting, and, in case of his death, Robert 
Carter Nicholas, esquire, be empowered, on any 
iu'ure occasion, that may in his opinion require it, 
10 convene the several delegates of this colony, at 
such time and place as he may judge proper; and 
in case of the death or absence cf any delegateg- 
it is recommended that another be chosen in hi? 
place. 

Sleiiwethfer Smith, 
diaries Broadwater^ 
Thomas Marshall, 
James Scott, junior, 
Isaac Zane, 
George llootes, 
Thomas Whiting, 



Peyton Randolph, 
Robert C. Nicholas, 
Richard Bland, 
Richard Henry Lee, 
George VVashington, 
Benjamin Harrison, 
Edmund Pendleton, 



Patrick Henry, junior. Lewis Burwell, 



Southy Simpson, 
lsa:ic Smith, 
J Walker, 
I homas JefFcrsorf, 
John Tiibb, 
John Winn, 
William Cabell, 
Joseph Cabell, 
Frederick Macklin, 
Henry Tazewell, 
Henry Bels, 
R. Rutherford, 
Williaim Acrill, 
P Carrington, 
James Speed, 
Archibald Gary, 
IJ. Watkins, 
Henry Pendleton, 
Henry Field, junior 
William Fleming, 
Jo'mi Mayo, 
Robert Boiling, 
John Banister, 



additions, assented to by the delegates for this 
colony, as they may judge ii necessary to adop-, 
after the same shall be published and mac^e known 
to us. 



Henry King, 
Worlich VVestwood, 
Jumes Edmon son, 
W. R.jane, 



Th >mas M. Rat.dolpb^ 
John Woodson, 
Nathaniel Terry, 
Micaj ih Watkins, 
J. Mercer, 
J. Syme, 
Richard AdatnS, 
Samuel Du Val, 
William Norwell^ 
John S. Wills, 
John Dsy, 
Richard Hardy, 
Joseph Jones, 
William Fi'zhugb,' 
Gfoig?^ Brooke, 
George Lyne, 
Carter Braxton, 
William Aylett, 
James Seldi^n, 
C^a^les Carter, 
Fri-cis Pejton, 
Thomas Walker, 
T>"^mas Peitus, 
Edmund B^rlieleyj 
Jam R Mont igue, 
liobr ! t Burton, 
Beiiper G ode, 
Lemuel R.ddick, 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOxN, 



201 



Benjamin Baker, 

Burwell Basset, 

B. Dandridge, 

Thomas Newton, jun. 

James Holt, 

Adiel Milby, 

John Bowdoin, 

Peter Presley Thornton, 

Rodham Kenner, 

Thomas Barbour, 

William Bibb, 

John Morton, 

Peter Poythress, 

William Robinson, 

Christopher Wright, 

Henry Lee, 

T. Blackburn, 

Robt. Wornaeley Carter, 



Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
Edwin Gray, 
Henry Taylor, 
George-Stubblefield, 
Mann Page, jun. 
John Alexander, 
C. Carter, 
Allen Cocke, 
Nicholas Faulcon, jun. 
David Mason, 
Michael Blow, 
William Harwood, 
William Langhorne, 
Richard Lee, 
Dudley Digges, 
Thomas Nelson, jun. 
Champion Travie, 
Joseph Hatchings. 



Instructions for the deputies appointed to meet in gene- 
ral congress on the part of the colony of Virginia, 

The unhappy disputes between Great Britain 
and her American colonies, which began about the 
thii'dyear of the reign of his present majesty, and 
since continually increasing, have proceeded to 
lengths so dangerous and alarming as to excite just 
apprehensions, in the minds of his majesty's faithful 
subjects of this colony, that they are in danger of 
being deprived of their natural, ancient, constitu- 
tional, and chartered rights, have compelled them 
to take the same into their most serious considera- 
tion; and being deprived of their usual and ac- 
customed mode of making known their grievances, 
have appointed us their representatives to consider 
what is proper to be done in this dangerous crisis 
t>f American affairs. R being our opinion that the 
united wisdom of North America should be col- 
lected in aB«iefal congress of all the colonies, we 
have appointed the honorable Peyton Randolph, 
esquire, Richard Henry Lee, George Wasliington, 
Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Beijamin Harrison, 
and Edmund Pendleton, esquires, deputies to re- 
present this colony in the said congress, to beheld 
at Philadelphia on the first Monday in September 
nest. 

And that they may be the better informed of our 
sentiments, touching the conduct we wish them to 
observe on this important occasion, we desire they 
will express, in the first place, our faith and true 
allegiance to his majesty king George the third, 
our lawful and rightful soverei;^n; and that we are 
determined, with our lives and fortunes, to support 
him in the legal exercise of all his j-ist right-; and 



prerogatives; and however misrepr senled, we 
sincerely approve of a constitutional connexion 
with Great Britain, and wish most ardently a re- 
turn of that intercourse of aifection and commercial 
connexion that formerly uni'vd both countries, 
which can only be affected by a removal of those 
causes of discontent which have of late unhappily 
divided us. 

It cannot admit of a doubt but that British sub- 
jects in America, are entitled to the same rights 
and privileges as their fellow subjects possess ia 
Britain; and therefore, that the power assutied by 
the British parliament to bind America iy their 
statutes, in all cases whatsoever, is unconstitu- 
tional, and the source of these unhappy differences. 

The end of government would be defeated by 
the British parliament exercising a power over the 
lives, the property, and the liberty of the American 
subject; who are not, and from their local cir- 
cumstances cannot, be there represented. Of ihis 
nature we consider the several acts of parliament 
for raising a revenue in America, for extending 
the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty, for 
seizing American subjects and tran .^.orting them 
to Britain to be tried for crimes committed in Ame- 
rica, and the several late oppressive acts respect- 
ing the town of Boston, ajid provisiceof the Massa- 
chusetts-Bay. 

The originalconstitutlonof the American colonies 
possessing tlieir assemblies with the sole right of 
directing their internal polity, it is absolutely 
destructive of the end of their institution tliat tlieir 
legislatures should be suspended, or prevented, by 
hasty dissolutions, from exercising their legislative 
powers. 

Wanting the protection of Britain, wc have lonpf 
acq^uesced\n. their acts of navigation restrictive of 
our commerce, which we consider as an ample 
recompense for such protection; but as those acts 
derive their efficacy from that foundation alone, we 
have reason to expect they will be restrained, so as 
to produce the reasonable purposes of Britain, v/ith- 
out being Injurious to us. 

To obtain a redress of those grievances, withoLit 
which the people of America can neither be sufi?, 
free, nor happy, they are willing to undergo the 
great inconvenience that will be derived to them 
from stopping all imports whatsoever from Great 
Britain, after the first day of November next, and 
also to cease exporting any commodity whatsoever, 
to the same place, after the lOUi d -y of August, 
1775. The earnest desire we have, to make as 



202 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE PvEVOLUTION. 



quick aid full payment, as possible, of our debts lo 
Cireat Britain, and to avoid the heavy injury thai 
would arise to this country from an earlier adoptioi 
of the non-exportation plan, after the people hav 
already applied so much of their labor to the pev- 
feciing of the piesent crop, by which means the;, 
have been prevented from pursuing other methods 
of clothing and supporting their fiimilies, have 
rendered it necessary to restrain you in this article 
of non-exporiation; but it is our desire that you 
cordially co-operate with our sister colonies, in 
general congress, in such other just and proper 
methods as t!)ey, or the majorify, shall deem neces- 
sary for the accomplishment of these valuable ends. 

The proclamation issued by general Gage, in the 
government of the province of the Massachusetts- 
Bay, declaring it treason for the inhabitants of that 
province to assemble themselves to consider of 
their grievances, and form associations for their 
common conduct on the occasion, and requiring 
the civil magistrates and ofBcers to apprehend all 
such persons to be tried for their supposed offences, 
is the moat alarming process that ever appeared in 
a British government; that the said general Gage 
hath thereby assumed and taken upon himself 
powers denied by the constitution to our legal 
sovereign; that he, not having condescended to 
disclose by what authority he exercises such exi.en- 
sive and unheard of powers, we are at a loss to 
determine whether he intends to justify himself as 
the representative of the king, or as the commander 
in chief of his majesty's forces in North America. 
If he considers himself a> acting in the chnracter of 
his majesty's representative, we would remind lum, 
that the statute 25th Edward III. has expressed 
and defined all treasonable offences, and that the 
legislature of Great Britain hath declared that no 
oRence shall be construed to be treason but such 
as is pointed out by that statute, and that this was 
done to lake out of the hands of tyrannical kings, 
and of iveak and ivicked ministers, that deadly 
wenpon which constructive treason had furnished 
lliem with, and which had drawn the blood of the 
best and honestest men in the kingdom, and that 
the king of Great Britain hath no right, by his pro 
ciamaupn, to subject his people to imprisonment, 
pains, and penalties. 



'constitutional rights of his majesty's subjects, 
vhenever they interfere with the plan he has 
brmed for oppressing the good people of the 
Massachusetts Day; and therefore, that \\\e execut' 
ing, or attempting to execute, such proclamation, 
will justify nEsisTANCE and reprisal. 

Phtladelphta, Mdrch 27, 1775. 
.1 speech deHveredin Carpenteu's hali., JMarch \6ih, 
before the subscribers, toioards a fund for estoblisk. 
ing mamifactories of -woolen, cotto7i and linen, vi the 
city of Philadelphia. — Published at the request of 
the company. 

Gentlemen — When I reflect upon the extent of 
the subject before me, and consider the small 
share of knowledge I possess of it, I confess I rise 
with timidity to speak in this assembly; and it is 
only becausetherequests of fellow-citizens in ^vcry 
laudable undertaking should always operate with 
the force of commands, that I have prevailed upon 
myself to execute the task you have assigned me. 

My business, upon this occasion, is to lay before 
you a few thoughts upon the necessity, possiHiLtTir 
and advantages of establishing woolen, cotton, and 
linen manufactories among us. 



That, if the said general Gage conceives he is 
cmpowf red to act in this manner, as the commander 
in chief of liis majesty's forces in America, tli.s 
od oils and illegal proclumstion must be consid -red 
as a plain and full declaration that this despotic 
viraroy will be bound by no la-u; nor regard the 



The NECESSITY of establishing these manufac- 
tories is obvious from the association of the con- 
gress, which puts a stop to the importation of Bri- 
tish goods, of which woolens, cottons, and linens, 
always made a considerable part. So large has 
been the demand for these articles, and so very 
necessary are they in this country, that it is im- 
possible for usto clotheourselves without substitut- 
ing some others in their room. I am far from think- 
ing that the non-importation agreement will be so 
transitory a thing, as some have supposed. The 
appearance of a change of measures in England 
respecting the colonies, does not flow from a con- 
viction of their injustice. The same arbitrary 
ministers continue in office, and the same arbitrary 
favorites continue to abuse the confidence of our 
sovereign Sudden conversion should be trusted 
with caution, especially, when they have been 
brought about by interest or fear. I shall think 
the liberties of America established at an easy 
price by a two or three years non-importation 
agreement. By union and perseverance in this 
mode of opposition to Great Britain, we shall af- 
ford a new phenomenon in the history of mankind, 
and furnish posterity with an example to teach 
ihem that peace, with all the rights of humanity 
and justice, may be maintained by the exertion of 
economical, as well as military virtues. "VVe shall. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



20J 



moreover, demonstrate tlie filsehood of those sys- 
tems of government, which exclude patriotism 
from the list of vlrUies; and show, that we act most 
iiirdif for ourslves, when we act most disinterestedly 
for the public. 

The POSSIBILITY of establishing woolen, cotton 
and linen manufactories among us is plain, from ''le 
success v/liich hath attended several attempts that 
have been made for that purpose. A great part 
of ilie inhabitants of several of the counties in this 
province, clothe themselves entirely with woolens 
and linens manufactured in their own families. Our 
wool is equal in quality to the wool of several 
European countries, and if the same pains were 
bestowed in the cullure of our sheep, which are 
used in England and Spain, I have no doubt but 
in a few years our wool would equal the wool of 
Segovia itself. Nor will there be a deficiency in 
the quantity of wool which will be necessary for 
us, if we continue to adhere to the associalion of 
the congress, as strictly as we have done. If the 
city of PiiikJelphia consumes 20,000 sheep less 
this year, than it did last, how many 20,000 sheep 
may we suppose will be saved throughout the whole 
province. According to the ordinary increase in 
the breed of sheep, and allowing for the additional 
quantity of wool, which a livtle care of them will 
produce, I think I could make it appear that in 
five years there will be wool enough ra'sed in the 
province to clothe the whole of its inViabiianls. — 
Cotton may be imported upon such terms from the 
West-Indies and southern colonies, as to enable us 
to manufacture thicksets, calicoes, &c. at a much 
cheaper rate than they can be imported from Bri- 
tain. Considering how much these stuffs are worn 
by those classes of people who constitute the ma- 
jority of the inhabitants of our country, the en- 
couragement of the cotton manufactory appears to 
be an object of the utmost consequence. I can- 
not help suggesting in this place, although it may 
appear foreign to our subject, that the trade to the 
West Tidies and 'iouthern colonies for cotton, would 
create such a commercial union, wiih the middle 
and northern colonies, as would tend greatly to 
Strengthen that political union which now subsists 
between them. I need say nothing of the facility 
of cultivating flix, nor of the excellent quality of 
of the linens which have been already manufactured 
among us. I shall only add, that tliis manuf ictory 
may be carried on without lessening the value of 
that trade which arises from the exportation of our 
flaxseed to I:<land. 

I cannot help laying a good deal of stress upon 
the public spirit of my countrymen, which removes 



the success of these manufactories beyond a bare 
possibility, and seems to render it in some measure 
certain. Tl\e resolves of the congress have beeu 
executed with a fidelity hardly known to laws in 
ai>y country, and that too without the assistance 
of fire and sword, or even of the civil magistrate, 
and in some places, in direct opposition to them 
all. It gives me the utmost pleasure to mentiou 
here, that our province is among the foremost of 
the colonies in the peaceable mode of opposition 
recommended by the congress. When I reHect 
upon the temper we have discovered in the pre- 
sent controversy, and compare it with the habitual 
spirit of industry and economy for which we are 
celebrated among strangers, I know not how to 
estimate our virtue high enough. I am sure no 
objects will appear too difficult, nor no under- 
takings too expensive for us in the present strug- 
gle. The sum of money which has been already 
subscribed for the purpose of these manufactories, 
is a proof that I am not loo sanguine in my expecta- 
tions from this province. 

I come now to point out the advantages w& 
sliall derive from esialdishing the woolen, cottoa 
and linen manafactoriss among us. The first ad- 
vantage I shall mention is, we shall save a large 
sum of money animdiy in our province. The 
province of Pennsylvania is supposed, to contain 
400,000 inhabifanls. Let us suppose, that only 
50,000 of these are clothed with the woolens, 
cottons and linens of Great Britain, and that the 
price of clothing each of these persons, upon an 
average, amounts to £a sterling a year. Jf this 
computation be just, then the sum annually saved 
in our province by the mauufactory of our clothes 
will amount to ^250,000 sterling. Secondly, Manu- 
factories, next to agriculture, are the basis of the 
riches t.f every country. Cardinal Ximenes is re- 
membered at this day in Spain more for the im- 
provement he made in the breed of sheep, by im- 
porting a number of rams from Barbary, than for 
any other services he rendered his country. King 
Edward the IV. and queen Elizabeth, of England, 
are mentioned with gr-.titude by historians for 
passing ads of parliament to import a number of 
sheep from Spain; and to this mixture of Spanish 
witii English sheep, the wool of the latter owes 
its peculiar excellenre and repulation, all over the 
world. Louis the XIV. king of France, knew the 
importance of a woolen manufactory in his king, 
dom, and in order to encourage it, allowed several 
exclusive privileges to t!ie company of woolen 
traders in Paris. The effects cf this royal patron- 
age of this manufiiciory have been too sensibly felt 



£04 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



by \he Englisli, who have, within these thirty or 
forty ytars, had the morlification of seeing' the 
tradii up the Levant, for woolen cloths, in some 
measure monopolized by the French. It is remark- 
able that the riches, and naval power of France 
have incressed in proportion to this very lucrative 
trade. Thirdly, By establishing these manufac- 
tories among us, we shall employ a number of poor 
people in our city, and that too in a way most 
agreeable' to themselves, and least expensive to 
the company; for, according to our plan, the princi- 
pal part of the business will be carried on in their 
own lt|nises. Travellers through Spain inform us, 
that in tiie town of Segovia, which contains 60,000 
inhabitants, there is not a single beggar to be seen. 
This is attributed entirely to the woolen manu- 
factory which is carried on in the most extensive 
manner in that place, affording constant employ- 
ment to the whole of their poor people. Fourthly, 
By estahiisl)]! g t!ie woolen, cotton and linen manu- 
factoi'ies in this country, we shall invite manufac 
turers from every part of Europe, particularly from 
I>ritair) and Ireland, to come and settle among us, 
To men Mho want money to purchase lands, and 
who, from habits of manufacturing, are disinclined 
to agriculture, the prospect of meeting with eirj- 
ployment as soon as they arrive in this country, in 
a way they have been accustomed to, would lessen 
the difficulties of emigration, and encourage thou= 
Bands to come and settle in America. If they 
increased our riches by increasing the value of 
our property, and if they added to our strength by 
adding to our numbers only, they would be a great 
acquisition to us. But there are higlier motives 
which should lead us to invite strangers to settle 
in this country. Poverty, with its other evils, has 
joined with it in every part of Europe, all the 
miseries of slavery. America is nov^ the only 
asylum for liberty in the whole world. The pre- 
eent contest with Great Britain was perhaps intend- 
ed by the Supreme Being, among other wise and 
benevolent purposes, toshow the world this asylum, 
which, from its remote and unconnected situation 
with the rest of the globe, might have remained a 
secret for ajes. By establishing manufactories, we 



from the torpid state in which they existed in thei.. 
own country, and place them in circumstances 
which enable them to become husbands and fathers, 
and thus we add to the general tide of human 
happiness. Fifthly, The establishment of manu- 
factories in this country, by lessening our imports 
from Great Britain, will deprive European luxuries 
and vices of those vehicles in which they have been 
transported to America. The wisdom of the con- 
gress cannot be too much admired in putting a 
check to them both. They have in effect said to 
them^-"Thus far shall ye go, and no further."— 
Sixthly, By establishing manufactories among us^ 
we erect an additional barrier against the encroach- 
ments of tyranny. A people, who are entirely de- 
pendent upon foreigners for food or clothes, must 
always be subject to them. I need not detain you 
in setting forth the misery of holding property, li= 
berty and life upon the precarious will of our 
fellow subjects in Britain. I beg leave to add a 
thought in this place which has been but little 
-attended to by the writers upon this subject, and 
that is, that proverty, confineFnent and death are 
trifling evils, when compared with that total de- 
pravity of heart which is connected with slavery. 
By becoming slaves, we shall lose every principle 
of virtue. We shall transfer unlimited obedience 
from our Maker, to a corrupted majority in the 
British house of commons, and shall esteem their 
crimes, the certificates of their divine commission 
to govern us. We shall cease to look with horror 
upon the prostitution of our wives and daughters, 
by those civil and military harpies, who now hover 
around the liberties of our country. We shall 
cheerfully lay them both at their feet. We shall 
hug our chains. We shall cease to be men. We 
shall be slaves. 

I shall now consider the objections which have 
been made to the establishment of manufactories 
in this country. 

The first, and most common objection to manu- 
factories in this country is, that tiiey will draw off 
our attention from agriculture. This objection 
derives great weight from being made originally 



stretch forth a hand from the ark to invite the | by the duke of Sully, against tlie establishment of 
timid m.inufacturei-:i to come m. It might afford | manufactories in France. But the history of that 



us pleasure to trace the new sources of happiness 
which would immediately open to our fellow 
creatures from their settlement in this country. 
Manufactories have been accused of being un- 
friendly to population. I believe the charge should 



country shows us, that it is more founded in specula- 
tion than fact. France has become opulent and 
powerful in proportion as manufactories have 
flourished in her, and if agriculture has not kept 
pace with her manufactories, it is owing entirely 



fall upon slavery. By bringing manufacturers into to that ill-judged policy which forbad ti»e e.'cporta. 
this kfid of liberty and plenty, we recover them 1 tion of grain. 1 believe it v/iil be found, upon en. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



205 



^uiry. that a gre-ter number of ba- .Is l.uve I) .• f ••'''^ v >nutariM^<s Hy n.anufacturing owr own 
taken from the plough, and employed in importmf:. cloths we deprive oursHv^s of the only weapon 
retailing and transporting British woolens, cotton J by which we can here.^er efTectually oppose Great 



and linens, than v/ould be sufficient to manufHCtur' 
as much of them, as would clothe all the inhabitants 
of the provii.ce. There is an endless variety in 
the geniuses of men, and it would be to preclude 
the exeriion of the f:ic«lties of the mind, to con- 
fin'^ 'hem entirely to the simple arts of agriculture. 
Besiies, if these manufacto' ies were conducted as 
they ought to be, two thirds of the labor of them 
will be carried on by those members of society who 
cannot be employed in agriculture, namely, by wo- 
men and children. 

A second objection is, that we cannot manu 
facture cloths so cheap here, as they can be im- 
ported from Britain. It has been the misfortune 
of most of the manufactories which have been set 
up in this country, to afford labor to journeymen, 
only for six or nine months in the year, by which 



Britain. Before we answer this objection, it be- 
comes us to Acknowledge the obligations we owe 
'o our merchants for consenting, so cheerfully, to 
a suspension of their trade with Britain. From 
the benefits we have derived from their virtue, 
it would be unju.t to insinuate that ever there will 
be the least danger of trusting the defence of our 
liberties to them; but I would wish to guard against 
placing one body of men only upon that forlorn 
hope to which a non-importation agreement must 
always expose them. For this purpose, I would 
fill their stores with the manufactures of Ameri- 
can looms, and thus establish their trade upon a 
foundation that cannot be shaken. Here then we 
derive an answer to tlie last objection that waft 
mentioned; for, in proportion as manufactories 
flourish in America, they must decline in Britain, 



and it is well known that nothing but her manu- 
roeans their wages have necessarily been so highj. . • . , , , c - , . , - ,, 

° ' . factories have rendered her formidable m all our 



as to support them in the intervals of their labor. 
It will be found, upon enquiry, that those manu 



;contests with her. These are the foundations of 

jail her riches and pawer. These have made her 
factories which occupy journeymen the whole year, , ,, ,, . 

t^j ■> ■> ^ merchants nobles, and her nobles princes. These 



are carried on at as cheap a rate as they are in 
Britain. The expense of manufacturing cloth will 
be lessened from the great share women and chil- 
dren will have in them; and I have the pleasure of 



carried her so triumphantly through the late ex- 
pensive war, and these are the support of a power 
more dangerous to the liberties of America, than her 

fleets and armies, I mean the power of corruption, 
informing you that the machine lately brought into i „ . „,, • i- »- .• , 

° ^ JO 1 am not one of those vindictive patriots who exult 



in the prospect of the decay of the manufactories 
of Britain. I can forgive her late attempts to 



this city for lessening the expense of time and 
bands in spinning, is likely to meet with encourage- 
ment from the legislature of our province. In a .„,„„„ ,„ •„tk^.^„„^ r j /■ 

^ ^ 1 enslave us, in the memory of our once mutual free- 

word, the experiments which have been already i,-^ „„, l„„„- „^ 4„i u ii i v. . . 
* "^ ■' >aom and happiness. And sbould her liberty— her 

arts — her fleets and armies and her empire, ever be 
interred in Britain, I hope they will all rise in Bri- 
tish garments only in America. 



made among us, convince us that woolens and 
linens of all kinds, may be made and bought as 
cheap as those imported from Britain, and I be- 
" lieve every one, who has tried the former, will 
acknowledge that they wear twice as well aa the 
Jatter. 

A third objection to manufactories is, that they 
destroy health, and are hurtful to population. The 
same may be said of navigation, and many other 



Wateutowpt, ..Jpril 26/h, 1775,. 
In provincial corfgress of Massachiiselts, to the inha^ 
bitants of Great Britain. 
Friends and fellow subjects — Hostililies are at 
length commenced in this colony by the troops 



arts which are essential to the happiness and glory under the command of general CJage, and it being 
of a state. I believe that many of the diseases to jof the greatest importance, tliat an early, true, 
which the manufacturers in Britain are subject, are land authentic account of this inhuman proceeding 
brought on, not so muqh by the nature of their j should be known to you, the congress of this colony 
employment, but by (heir unwholesome diet, damp ! have transmitted the same, and from want of a 



houses, and other bad accommodations, each of 
which may be prevented in America. 

A fourth objection to establishing manufactories 
in this country is a political one. I'he liberties of 



session of the hon. continental congress, tliiuk it 
proper to address you on the alarming occasion. 

Bv the clearest depositions relative to tliis 
transaction, it will appear that on the night preced- 



America have been twice, and we hope will be a hng the nineteenth of April instant, ii body of th 
third time preserved by a non-imporlalion of B.i- Icing's troops, under command of colonel Smith, 



206 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



were secretly landed at Cambridge, with an ap- 
parent design to take or destroy the military and 
other stores, provided for the defence of this co- 
lony, and deposited at Concord — that some inha- 
bitants of the colony, on the night aforesaid, whilst 
travelling peaceably on the road, between Boston 
and Cniicurd, were seized and greatly abused by 
armed men, who appeared to be officers of gene- 
ral Gage's army; that the town of Lexington, by 
these means, was alarmed, and a company of the 
inhabitants mustered on the occasion — that the 
regular troops on their way to Concord, marched 
into the said town of Lexington, and the said com- 
pany, on their approach, bearan to disperse — that, 
notwithstanding this, the regulars rushed on with 
great violence and first began hostilities, by firing 
on said Lexington company, whereby they killed 
eight, and wounded several others — that the re- 
gulars continued their fire, until those of said com- 
pany, who were neither killed nor wounded, had 
made their escape — that colonel Smith, with the 
detachment then marched to Concord, where a 
number of provincials were again fired on by the 
troops, two of them killed and several wounded, 
before the provincials fired on them, and that these 
hostile measures of the troops, produced an engage- 
ment that lasted through the day, in which many of 
the provincials and more of the regular troops were 
killed and wounded. 

To give a particular account of the ravages of 
the troops, as they retreated from Concord to 
Charleslown, would be very difficult, if not im- 
practicable; let it suffice to say, that a great num- 
ber of the houses on the road were plundered and 
rendered unfit for use, several were burnt, women 
in child-bed were driven by the soldiery naked into 
the streetH, old men peaceably in their houses 
were shot dead, and such scenes exhibited as 
would disgrace the annals of the most uncivilized 
nation. 

These, brethren, are marks of ministerial ven- 
geance against this colony, for refusing, with her 
sister colonies, a submission to slavery; but they 
have not yet detached us from our royal sovereign. 
We profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects, 
and so hardly dealt with as we have been, are still 
ready, wilh our lives and fortunes, to defend his 
person, family, crown and dignity. Nevertheless, 
to tljc persecution and tyranny of his cruel ministry 
we will not tamely submit — appealing to Heaven 
for the justice of our cause, we determine to die 
or be free. 

We cannot think that the honor, wisdom and 
valour of Britons will suffer them to be longer 



inactive spectators of measures in which they 
themselves are so deeply interested— measures, 
pursued in opposition to the solemn protests of 
many noble lords, and expressed sense of conspicu- 
ous commoners, whose knowledge and virtue have 
long characterized them as some of the greatest 
men in the nation — measures, executed contrary 
to the interest, petitions and resolves of many 
large, respectable and opulent counties, cities and 
boroughs in Great Britain — measures highly in■^ 
compatible with justice, but still pursued with a 
specious pretence of easing the nation of its bur- 
thens — Measures which, if successful, must end in 
the ruin and slavery of Britain, as well as the per- 
secuted American colonies. 

We sincerely hope that the Great Sovereign of 
the universe, who hath so often appeared for the 
English nation, will support you in every rational 
and manly exertion with these colonies, for saving 
it from ruin, and that, in a constitutional connection 
with the mother country, we shall soon be altoge- 
ther a free and happy people. 
By order, 

JOSEPH WARREN, president, P. T. 

The follo-iiring is a copy of a letter from general Lee 
to general Btirgoyne, upon his arrival in Boston. 

Phtladelphia, June 7, 1775, 
My dear sir — We have had twenty different ac- 
counts of your arrival at Boston, which have been 
regularly contradicted the next morning; but as I 
now find it certain that you are arrived, I shall not 
delay a single instant addressing myself to you. 
It is a duty I owe to the friendship T have long and 
sincerely professed for you; a friendship to which 
you have the strongest claim from the first mo- 
ments of our acquaintance. There is no man from 
whom I have received so many testimonies of 
esteem and affection; there is no man whose esteem 
and affection could, in my opinion, have done me 
greater honor. I intreat and conjure you, there- 
fore, my dear sir, to impute these lines not to a 
petulant itch of scribbling, but to the most 
unfeigned solicitude for the future tranquility of 
your mind, and for your reputation. I sincerely 
lament the infatuation of the times, when men of 
such a stamp as Mr. Burgoyne and Mr. Howe, can 
be seduced into so impious and nefarious a service 
by the artifice of a wicked and insidious court and 
cabinet. You, sir, must be sensible that these 
epithets are not unjustly severe. You have your- 
self experienced the wickedness and treachery of 
this court and cabinet. You cannot but recollect 
their manceuvres in your own select committee^ 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



£Q7 



and the treatment yourself, as president, received land integrity, (because of a certain profession) lay 



from these abandoned men. You cannot but re- 
collect the black business of St. Vincents, by an 
opposition to which you acquired the highest and 
most deserved honor. I shall not treuble you with 
my opinion of the right of taxing America without 
her own consent, as I am afraid, from what I have 
seen of your speeches, that youhave already formed 
your creed on this article; but I will boldly affirm, 
bad this right been established by a thous.ind 
statutes, had America admitted it from time 
immemorial, it would be the duty of every good 
Englishman, to exert his utmost to divest parlia- 
. ment of this right, as it must inevitably work the 
subversion of the whole empire. The malady un- 
der which the state labors is indisputably derived 
from the inadequate representation of the subject, 
and the vast pecuniary influence of the crown. To 
add to this pecuniary influence and incompetency 
of representation, is to insure and precipitate our 
destruction. To wish any addition, can scarcely 
enter the heart of a citizen, who has the least spark 
of public virtue, and who is at the same time 
capable of seeing consequences the most imme- 
diate. I appeal, sir, to your own conscience, to 
your experience and knowledge of our court and 
parliament, and I request you to lay your hand up- 
on your heart, and then answer with your usual 
integrity and frankness, whether, on the supposi- 
tion America should be abject enough to submit 
to the terms imposed, you think a single guinea, 
raised upon her, would be applied to the purpose 
(as it is ostentatiously held out to deceive the peo 
pie at home) of easing the mother country? or whe- 
ther you are not convinced that the whole they 
could extract would be applied solely to heap up 
still further the enormous fund for corruption, 
which the crown already possesses, and of which a 
most diabolical use is made. On these principles 
I say, sir, every good Englishman, abstracted of 
. *U regard for America, must oppose her being 
taxed by the Ilritish parliament; for my own part, 
I am convinced that no argument (not totally 
abhorrent from the spirit of liberty and the British 
constitution) can be produced in support of this 
right. But it would be impertinent to trouble you 
upon a subject which has been so ampjy, and in 
my opinion, so fully discussed. I find by a speech 
given as your's in the public papers, that it was 
by the king's positive command you embarked in 
this service. I am somewhat pleased that it is not 
an office of your own seeking, though, at the same 
time, I must confess that it is very alarming to 
every virtuous citizen, when he sees men of sense 



it down as a rule implicitly to obey the mandates 
of a court, be they ever so flagitious. It furnishes, 
in my opinion, the best argjuments for the total 
reduction of the army. But I am running into a 
tedious essay, whereas I ought to confine myself to 
the main design and purpose of this letter, which 
is to guard you and your colleagues from those 
prejudices which the same miscreants, who have 
infatuated general Gage and still surround him, 
will labor to instil into you against a brave, loyal 
and most deserving people. The avenues of truth 
will be shut up to you. I assert, sir, that even 
general Gage will deceive you as he has deceived 
himself; I do not say he will do it designedly. I 
do not think him canable; but his mind is so totally 
poisoned, and his understanding so totally blinded 
by the society of fools and knaves, that he no longer 
is capable of discerning facts as manifest as the 
noon day sun. I assert, sir, that he is ignorant, that 
he has from the beginning been comsummately 
ignorant of the principles, temper, disposition and 
force of the colonies. I assert, sir, that his letters 
to the ministry, (at least such as the public have 
seen) ;ire one continued issue of misrepresentation, 
injustice, and tortured inferences from misstated 
facts. I afiirm, sir, that he has taken no pains to 
inform himself of the truth; that he has never 
conversed with a man who has had the courage or 
honesty to tell him the truth. — I am apprehensive 
that you and your colleagues may fall into the 
same trap, and it is the apprehension that you may 
be inconsiderately hurried, by the vigour and 
activity you possess, into measures which may he 
fatal to many innocent individuals, may hereafter 
wound your own feelings, and which cannot possi- 
bly serve the cause of those who sent you, that 
has prompted me to address these lines to you. I 
most devoutly wish, that your industry, valor and 
military talents, may be reserved for a more honora- 
ble and virtuous service against the natural ene- 
mies of your country, (to whom our court are so 
basely complaisant) and not be wasted in ineffectual 
attempts to reduce to the wretchedest state of 
servitude, the most meritorious part of your fel- 
low subjects. 1 say, sir, that any attempts to ac- 
complish this purpose, must be ineffectual. You 
cannot possibly succeed. No man is better ac.?' 
quainted with the state of this continent than my- 
self I have ran through almost the whole colonies, 
from the North to the South, and from the Soutk 
to the North. I have conversed with all orders of 
men, from the first estated gentlemen, to the lowest 
planters and fartrers, and can assure you, that 



208 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



the same spirit animates the whole. Not less than of the Bbstonians, or of the other provinces which 
an hundred and fifty thousand gentlemen, yeomen ; constituted their crimes. But it is the noble spirit 
and farmers, are now In arms, determined to pre- jof liberty manifestly pervading the wholecontinent, 
serve their liberties or perish. — As to the idea that .which has rendered them the objects of ministerial 
the Americans are deficient in courage, it is too and royal vengeance. — Had they been notoriously 
vidiculous and glaringly false to deserve a serious .of another disposition, had they been homines ad 

refutation. 1 never could conceive upon |sem<j<t/inewj parados, they might have made as free 

what this notion was founded. 1 served several with the property of the East-India company as 

campaigns in America the last war, and cannot i the felonious North himself with impunity. But 
recollect a single instance of ill behavior in the the lords of St. James', and their mercenaries of 



provincials, where the regulars acquitted them- 
selves well. Indeed We well remember, some in- 
stances, of the reverse, nart'cularly where the late 
colonel Grant, (he who lately pledged himself for 
the general cowardice of America) ran-away with 
a large body of his own regiment, and was saved 
from destruction by the valor of a few Virginians. 
Such preposterous arguments are only proper for 
the Rigby's and Sandwich's, from whose mouths 



St Stephen's, will know that, as long as the free 
spirit of this great continent remains unsubdued, 
the progress they can make in their scheme of 
universal despotism, will be but trifling. Hence 
it is, that they wage inexpiable war against Ame- 
rica. In short, this is the last asylum of persecuted 
liberty.— Here, should the machinations and fury 
of her enemies prevail, that bright Goddess must 
fly off from the face of the earth, and leave not a 



never issued, and to whose breasts, truth and j trace behind. These, sir, are my principles; this 
decency are utter strangers. You will much oblige) is my persuasion, and consequentially I am deter» 



me in communicating this letter to general Howe, 
to whom I could wish it should be considered in 



mined to act. I have now, sir, only to entreat that 
whatever measures you pursue, whether those 



some measure addressed, as well as to yourself I which your real friends (myself amongst then?.) 
Mr. Howe is a man for whom I have ever had the would wish, or unfortunately those which our 
highest love and reverence. I have honored him accursed misrulers shall dictate, you will still 



for his own connections, hut above all for his 
admirable talents and good qualities. I have court- 
ed his acquaintance and friendsiiip, not only as a 
pleasure, but as an ornament; I flattered myself 
that I had obtained it.— Gracious God! is It possi- 
ble that Mr. Howe should be prevailed upon to 
accept of such an oflSce? That the brother of him, 
to whose memory the much injured people of Bos- 
ton erected a monument, should be employed as 
one of the instruments of their destruction!— But 
the fashion of the times it seems is such, as renders 
it impossible that he should avoid it. The com- 
mands of our most gracious sovereign, are to cancel 
all moral obligations, to sanctify every action, even 
those that the satrap of an eastern despot would 
start at. — I shall now beg leave to say a few words 
with respect to myself and the part I act. — I was 
bred up from my infancy in the highest veneration 
for the liberties of mankind in general. W!iat 1 
have seen of courts and princes convinces me, that 
power cannot be lodged in worse hands than in 
theirs; and of all courts I im persuaded that ours 
is the most corriipt and hostile to the rights of 
humanity. I am convinced that a regular plan 
has been laid (indeed every act, since the present 
accession, evinces it) to abolish even the shtdow 
of liberty from amongst us. It ■^'a.s not the demoli- 



tion of the tea, it was not any other particular act jl wUl state to you as concisely as I can, the princi 



believe me to be, personally, with the greatest 
sincerity and affection, 

Your's &c. C. LEE, 

A letter from general Burgoyne, in anssoer to one 
ivrote him by general Lee. 

BosTOBT, July 9, 1775. 
Dear sir — When we were last together in ser« 
vice, I should not have thought it within the 
vicissitude of human aflTairs that we should meet 
at any time, or in any sense as foes; the letter you 
have honored me with, and my own feelings com- 
bine to prove we are still far from being personally 
such. 

I claim HO merit from the attentions you so kindly 
remember, but as they manifest how much it was 
my pride to be known for your friend: Nor have 
I dppartedfrom the duties of that character, when 
I will not scrwple to say, it has been almost gene- 
ral offence to maintain it: I mean since the violent 
|)art you have laken in the commotions of the 
colonies. It would exceed the limits and propriety 
of our present correspondence to argue at full, 
the great cause in which we are engaged. But 
.nxiius to preserve a consistent and ingenuous cha- 
racter, and jealous, I confess, of having the part I 
sus.ain imputed to such motives as you intimate. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



209 



pies upon which, not voluntarily, but most con- 
scientiously, I undertook it. 

I have, like you, entertained frorrt my infancy a 
Veneration for public liberty. I have likewise re- 
garded the British constitution as the best safe- 
guard of that blessing, to be found in the history 
of mankind. The vital principle of the constitu- 
tion, in which it moves and has its being, is the 
supremacy of the king ir\ parliament; a compoand, 
indefinite, indefeasible power, coeval with the origin 
of the empire, and coextensive over all its parts-- 
■ 1 am no stranger to the doctrines of Mr. Locke and 
other of the best advocates for the rights of man- 
kind, upon the compact always implied between 
the governing and governed, arid the right of 
resistance in the latter, when the compact shall be 
so violated as to leave no other means of redress. 
1 look with reverence, almost amounting to idolatrj'. 
Upon those immortal whigs v.'ho adopted and ap- 
plied such doctrine during part of the reign of 
Charles the 1st, and in that of James the lid. — 
Should corruption pervade the three estates of the 
realm, so as to pervert the great ends of their 
institution, and make the power, vested in them for 
the good of the whole people, operate like an abuse 
of the prerogative of the crown, to general op 
pression, I am ready to acknowledge, that the same 
doctrine of resistance applies as forcibly against 
the abuses of the collective body of power, as 
against those of the crown, or either of the com- 
ponent branches separately: sti'l always understood 
that no other means of redress can be obtained. — 
A case, I contend, much more difficult to suppose 
when it relates to the whole thjm when it relates 
to parts. But in all cases that have existed, or 
can be conceived, I hold that resistance, to be 
justifiable, must be directed against the usurpation 
or undue exercise of power, and that it is most 
triminal when directed against any pow'er itself 
inherent in the constitution. 

And here you will discern immediately why I 
drew a line in the allusion I made above to the 
reign of Charles the first. Towards the close of i. 
the true principle of resistance was changed, and 
a new system of government projected accordingly. 
The patriots, previous to the long parliament and 
during great part of it, as well as the glorious 
revolutionists of 1688, resisted to vindicate and 
restore the constitution; the republicans resisted, 
to subvert it. 

Now, sir, lay your hand upon your heart, as you 
have; enjoined me to do on mine, and tell me, to 



which of these purposes do the proceedings of 
America tend.? Is it the weight of taxes imposed, 
and the impossibility of relief, after due representa- 
tion of her burthens, that bus induced her to take 
arms? Or is it a denial of the legislative right of 
Great Britain to impose them, and consequently a 
struggle for total independency?— For the idea of 
:t power that can tax externally and not internally, 
and ,■^11 the sopiiistry that aitends it, though it may 
catch the weakness aiid piejudices of llie multitude, 
in a speech or a pamphlet, is too preposterous to 
weigh seriously with a man of your understanding, 
and I am persuaded you will admit the question 
fairly put. 

Is it then for a relief from taxes— or from ths 
controul of parliament, "in all cases whatsoever," 
that we are in war? If for the former, the quarrel 
is at an end — There is not a man of sense and in- 
formation in America, who does not see it is in 
the power of the colonies to obtain a relinquish- 
ment of the exercise of taxation immediately and 
forever.— I boldly assert it, because sense and in- 
formation must also suggest to every man, that it 
can never be the interest of Britain to make a 
second trial. 

But if the other ground is taken, and it is in- 
ended to wrest from Great Britain, a link of that 
substantial, and I hope perpetual chain^ by which 
the empire holds — think it not a ministerial man-- 
date; think it not mere professional ardour; think 
it not prejudice against any part of our fellow sub- 
jects, that induces men of integrity, and among such 
you have done me the honor to class me, to act 
with vigor: — But be assured it is conviction that 
the whole of our political system depends upon 
preserving entire its great and essential parts, and 
none is so great and essential as the supremacy of 
legislation — It is conviction that as a king of Eng- 
land never appears in so glorious a capacity as when 
he employs the executive power of the state to 
maintam the laws, so in the present exertions of 
that power, his majesty is particularly entitled to 
our zeal and grateful obedience, not only as soldiers 
but as citizens. 
* 
These principles, depend upon it, actuate the 
army and fleet throughout. And let me, at the 
same time add, there are few, if any, gentlemen 
amoiig us wjio would have druwn his sword in the 
cause of slavery. But, why do I confine myself to 
the fleet and army: I affirm the senumenis I here 
touched, to be those of the great bulk of the na- 
tion. I appeal even to those trading towns which 



210 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



arc sufferers hy the dispute, and the ciy of London 
at the head of them, notwithstanding the petitions 
and renrtonstrances that the ans of panic's and 
factions have extorted from some individuals; and 
last, because least in your favor, I appeal to the 
ir.ajorities of the last year upon American questions 
in parliament. The most licentious news writer 
Wants assaranceto call these majorities ministeral; 
much less will you, when you impartially examine 
the characters of which they were in a pjreat degree 
composed — men of the most independent principles 
and fortunes, and many of them professedly in op- 
posiuon in their geiieral line of conduct. 

Among other supp'>r'ers of British rights against 
American claims, 1 will not speak positively, but 
I firmly believe, I may name the men of whose 
integrity and judgment you have the highest opi- 
nion, and whose friendship is nearest your heart: I 
mean lord Thanel, from whom my aid de camp has 
a letter for you, with another from sir C. Davers. 
I do not enclose them, because the wriiers, little 
imagining how difficult your conduct would render 
our intercourse, desired they might be delivered 
into your own Y ands. 

For this purpose, as well as to renew "the rights 
of our fellow-ship," I wish to see you; and above 
all I should think an interview h>ippy if it induced 
such explanations as might tend in their conse- 
quences to peace. I feel, in co.r.mon wish all around 
me, for the unhappy deluded bulk of this country 
—they foresee not the distress that is impending 
I know Great Britain is ready to open her arms up 
on the first reasonable overtures of accommoda- 
tion; I know she is equally resolute to maintain 
her original ri^^hts; and 1 also know, that if the 
war proceeds, your hundred and fifty thousand 
men will be no match for her power I put my 
honor to these assertions, as you have done to 
others, and I claim the credit I am willing to give. 

The place I would propose for our meeting is 
the house on Boston Neck, just within our advanc 
ed sentries, called Brown's house. I will obtain 
authority to give you my parole of honor for your 
secure return: I shall expect the same on your 
part, that no insult be offered to me. If the pro 
posal is agreeable to you, name your day and hour 
. — And, at all events, accept a sincere return of tue 
assurances you honor me with, and believe me 
aft" ctionately yours, J. BURGOYNE. 

P. S. 1 have been prevented by business answer 
jng your letter sooner — I obeyed your command: 
in regard to general Howe and Ciiutoni and 1 like 



wise communicated to lord Percy ^he coi.tenis of 
your letter and my answer. — They all join with me 
in compliments, and authorise me to assure you 
ihey do the same in principles. 

Getieral Lee's answer to general Burgoyne's letter. 
Cambhidbe, HEAn-QuAiiTERs, Jvly 11, \775. 
General I.ee's complimens to general Buhgoyne. 
— \Vould be extremely happy in the interview he 
so kindly proposed. But as he perceives that ge- 
neral BuRG'^rwE has already made up his mind on 
this great subject; and that it is impossible that 
he [gen. Lee] should ever alter his opinion, he is 
apprehensive that the interview might create those 
jealousies and suspicions, so natural to a people 
struggling in the dearest of all causes, that of their 
liberty, property, wives, children, and their future 
generations. He must, therefore, defer the happi- 
ness of embracing a man whom he most sincerely 
loves until the subversions of the present tyrannical 
■ninisLry and system, which he is persuaded must 
be in a few months, as he knows Great Britain can- 
not stand the contest.— He begs general Burgotnb 
will send the letters which his aid de camp has 
for him. If Gardiner is his aid de camp, he desires 
his love to him. 

Copy of a letter sent by William Tryon, esq to his 
excellency governor Tnimbull, of Connecticut. 
New York, April 17th, 1778. 
Sir — H v'.n^ beea honored with the ki ig's com- 
mands, to cir;:ulate the enclosures to the people at 
large, I take .he liberty to ofler then to you fur 
your candid coisiieration, and to r.'coinmend that, 
through your means, the inhabitants within your 
province may be acquainted with the same; as also 
the other provinces to the eastward. 

I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

W. TRYON. 
Governor Tkumbui,!. 

His excellency* s answer. 

Lebano.i, April 23, 1778. 

Sir — Your letter of the 17t!i inst. from iVew York, 

is received, with its enclosures, and the several 

similar packets, of various addresses, with which 

it was accompanied. 

Proposals of peace are usually made from the 
supreme authority of one contending power, to the 
similar autliority of the other; and the present is 
tie first instance, within my recollection, when a 
vague, half blank, and very indefinite draught of a 
bill, once only read before one of the three bodies of 
he legislature of the nation, has ever been aidres- 
sedto the people at large o?' the opposite power, as 
'an overture of reconciliation. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



211 



There was a day, when even this step, from our 
then acknowledged parent state, might have been 
accepted with joy and gratittuU'; but that day, sir, 
is past irrecov ra'-ly. The repeated in^'olent rejec- 
tion of our sincere and sufficiently humble peti 
tions, the unproviked commencement of hostilities; 
the barbarous inhumanity which has marked the 
provoc itio.1 of the war on yoir part, in its several 
stages; the insol -nee which displays itself on every 
petty advantage; the cruelties which have been 
exercised on those unhappy men whom the fortune 
of war has thrown into your hands — all these are 
insuperable bars to the very idea of concluding a 
peace with Great Britain, on any other conditions 
than the most absoluie and perfect independence. 
To the congress of the United States of America, 
therefore, all proposals of this kind are to be ad- 
dresse 1; and you wili give me leave, sir, to say that 
the present mode bears too much the marks of an 
insiduous design to disunite the people, and to lull 
us into a state of quietude, and negligence of the 
nece sary preparations for the approaching cam- 
paigi. Ifthisbethe real design, it is fruitless. If 
peace be really the ooject, let your proposals be 
properly addressed to th- proper power, and your 
negociations* behonorab y conducted, we shall then 
have some prospect of (what is the raosi ardent wish 
of every honest American,) a lasting and honorable 
peace. The British nation may then, perhaps, find 
us as aftectioiiate aad valiable friends, as we now 
are fatal and determined enemies, and will derive 
from that friendship, more solid and real advan- 
tage, than the most sanguine can expect from con- 
quest. 

I am, sir, your humble servant, 

J. TRUMBULL. 
William Tutow, esq. 

** Instructions from the freeholders of Cumberland coiiU' 

t!/> fVirg'inia.J 
*'To John Mayo and IVilliam Fleming, gentlemen, 
their delegates, March, 1775. 
•'We, the freeholders ofCumberland county, hav- 
ing elected you to represent us in a provincial con- 
vendon, to be held in the town of Ilichmond, on 
Monday the 20th of this instant, and being con- 
vinced that the safety and happiness of British 
America depend on the unanimity, firmness, and 
joint effirts of all the coloiies, we expect yju will, 
on your parts, let your measures be as much for 
the common safety, as the peculiar interests of this 
colony will permit; and that you, in p;»riicular, 
comply with the recommendation of the conti.'ien- 
tal congress, in appointing delegates to meet in 
the city of Philadelphia, in May next. 



"The means of constitu'ional legislation in this 
colony, being row interrupted, and entirely pre- 
carious, and being convinced that some rule is ne- 
cessary, for speedily putting the colony in a state 
of defence, we, in an especial manner, recommend 
this matter to your consideration in convention; and 
you may d^^pend that any general tax, by that body 
imposed, for such purposes, will be cheerfully 
submifed to, and paid by the inhabitants of this 
county. 

"We desire that you will consider the Bostnnians 
as suffering in the common cause, and cheerf illy 
join in their support to the utmost of your power: 

"That you will direct the deputies to congress, 
on the part of this colony, to use their best endea- 
vors to establish a ird !e bet veen the c ilonies; and 
to procure a c\^\a.nu\.y of gwi-po-wder, and a number 
of cotton and wool cards from the northward, or 
elsewhere. 

"We desire further, that you will not depart 
from the association formed by the continental con- 
gress in September last, but wjll strictly adliere to 
it in every particular." 

Forces of America. 

The following was the estimate which genera! 

Gage laid before the British ministry in 1775, of 
the force wliich could be raised m the colonies, 
and maintained in the field. 

New England . . . 37,000 

New York .... 11,000 

Pennsylvania and Jersey . . 16,000 

Virg'nia and Maryland . . 13,000 

Carolinas . , , . 5,U0O 



82,000 



The speech of the right hon. the earl of Chatham, tit 
the house of lords, January 20th, 177-5, on a mo^ 
tionfor an address to his majesty, to give immediate 
orders for removing his troops from Boston, forth' 
■with, in order to quiet the minds and take away the 
apprehensions of his good subjects in America, 
My lords — After more than six weeks possession 
of the papers now before you, on a subject so mo- 
mentous, at a time when the fate of this nation 
hang.s on every hour, the ministry have at length 
condescended to submit, to the consideration of 
ihe house, intelligence from America, with which 
your lordships and the public have been long and 
fully acquainted. 

The measures of last year, my lords^ which have 
produced the present alarming state of America* 



212 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



were founded upon misrepresentauon — they were counlry, and the magnitude of danger han^Miig over 



violent, precipitate and vindic ive. The natio" 
was told, that it was only a faction in Boslon, 
which opposed all lawful governnnent; that an un- 
warrantable injury had been done to private pro- 
perty, for which the juslice of parliament was cal 
led upon, to order reparatjnn; — that the least ap- 
pearance of firmness would awe the Americans 
into submission, and upon only passing the Rubicon 
we should be fine clade victor. 

That the people mipht choose their representa- 
tives, under the impression of those misrepresen- 
tations, the pariiument was precipitately dissolved. 
Thus the nation was to be rendered instrumental 
in executing the vengeance of administration on 
that Injured, unhappy, tniduced people. 

Rut now, my lords, we find, that instead of sup- 
pressing the opposition of the fac ion a( Bostoi., represented here, I pronounce them futile, frivo- 
these measurps have spread it ovrr the whole con. lo"s and groundless.-^Property is, in its nature, 
tinent. They have united that whole people, by single as an atom. It is indivisible, can belong to 
the most indissoluble of all bands—intolerable | ""^ o"'y» an^^ cannot be touched but by his own 
v.-ionECs. The just retribinion is an indiscriminate, consent, The law that attempts to alter this dis- 
unmerciful proscription of the innocent wli!> the posal oi it annihilates it. 



this country from the present plan of misadmlnis- 
tration practised against them, I desire Rot to be 
understood to argue for a reciprocity of indulgence 
between England and America: I contend not for 
indulgence, but justice, to America; and 1 shall 
ever contend that the Americans owe obedience to 
us, in a limited degree; they owe obedience to our 
ordinances of trade and navigation; but let the 
line be skilfully drawn between the objects of those 
ordiuancfts, and their private, internal property: 
Let the sycredness of their property remain invio- 
late; let it be taxable only by their own consent, 
given in their provincial assemblies, else it will 
cease to be property: As to the metaphysical re- 
finements attempting to shew that the Americans 
are equally free from obedience to commercial re- 
straints, as from taxati')n for revenue, as being un- 



guilty, unheard and untried. The bloodless vic- 
tory, is an impotent general, with his dishonored 
army, trusting solely to the pick-axe and the spade, 
far sf'Curiiy against the just indignation of an in- 
jured and insulted people. 

My lords, I am happy that a relaxation of my in- 
firmities perrriiLS nie to seize this e irliest opportuni- 
ty of offering my poor advice to save tkis unhappy 
country, at this moment tottering to its ruin. But 
as I have not the honor of access to his majesty, I 
will endeavor to transmit to him, through the con- 
stitutional channel of this house, my ideas on Ame- 
rican business, to rsscue him from the misadvice 
of his present ministers. I congratulate your lord- 
ships that that business is at last entered upon, by 
the noble lord's (lord Dartmouth) laying the pa- 
pers before you. As I suppose your lordships are 
too well apprised of their contents, I hope I am not 
premature in submitting to you my present motion 
(reads the motion.) I wish my lords not to lose a 
day in this urging present crisis: An hour now lost 
in allaying the ferment in America, may produce 
years of calamity; but, for my own part, I will not 
desert for a moment the conduct of this mighty 
business from the first to the last, unless nailed to 
my bed by the extremity of sickness; I will give it 
unremitting attention: I will knock at the door of 



When I urge this measure for recalling the troops 
from Boston, I urge it on this pressing principle — 
that it is necessarily preparatory to the restoration 
of your prosperity. It will then appear that yoy 
are disposed to treat amicably and equitably, and 
to consider, revise and repeal, if it should be found 
necessary, as I affirm it will, those violent acts and 
declarations which have disseminated confusion 
throughout your empire. Resistance to your acts, 
was as necessary as it was just; and your vain de- 
clarations of the omnipotence of parliament, and 
your imperious doctrines of the necessity of sub- 
mission, will be found equally impotent to convince 
or enslave your fellow subjects in America, who 
feel that tyranny, whether ambitioned by an indivi- 
dual part of the legislature, or by the bodies which 
compose it, is equally intolerable to British prin- 
ciples. 

As to the means of enfo'-cing this thraldom, they 
are found to be as ridiculous and weak in practice, 
as they were unjust in principle: Indeed 1 cannot 
but feel, with the most anxious sensibility, for the 
situation of general Gage and the troops under his 
command; thinking him, as I do, a man of humani- 
ty and understanding, and entertaining, as I ever 
shall, the highest respect, the warmest love, for the 
British troops. Their situation is truly unworthy 



I 



this sleeping, or confounded ministry, and will j pent up, pining in inglorious inactivity. They are 
rouse them to a sense of their important danger. | an army of impotence. You may call them an army 
Wii§n I slate the importance of the colonies to this 'of safety and of guard; but they are in truth an ar- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



21J 



Wy of impote c ■ a id ' O'ltcjinp — aid la readrr -U' 
folly equ 1 totiC d Si^ra^e, they are a" army of ir 
ritation. I do noi mean to censure the inactivity 
of-lhe 'roops. Ii is ap-udent and necessary inac- 
tion. Bit it is a miserable condition, where dis- 
grace IS prudence^ and Adhere it is necessary to be 
contemptiole. This tameness, ho>^ever disgrace 
ful, oug^ht not to he blamed, as I am surprised to 
hear is done by these ministers The fi. st drop o 
blood, sh^d ina civil and unnatiial war, would be 
an immediccibile vulnus. It would entail hatred an 1 
contention between the two pe iple, from j^^eiera- 
tion to generation. Woe be to him who sheds the 
first, the Uciexpiable drop of blood in an impious 
war, with a people contendi"g in the great cau^e 
of public liberty. I will tell you plainly, mj 
lords, no son of mine nor any one over whom I hive 
influence, shall ever draw his sword upon his fellow 
subjects. 

I therefore urge and conjure your lordships im- 
mediately to adopt this concilintory measure. I 
will pledge myself for its immediately producing 
concdiatory effects, from its being well timed: Bui 
it you delay, till your vain hope of triumphantly 
dictating the terms shall be accomplished — you 
delay forever. And, evpn admitting that this hope, 
which in truth is desperate, should beaccorrplished, 
what will you gain by a victorious imposition of 
amity? Youwillbeuntrustedand unthanked. Adopt 
then the grace, while you have the opportunity of 
i'econcilement, or at least prepare the way; allay 
the ferment prevailing in America, by removing the 
obnoxious hostile cause. Obnoxious and unservicea- 
ble; for their merit can be only inaction. "Non 
dimicare eslvincere." Their viciory can never be 
by exertions. Their force would be most dispro- 
portionately exerted, against a brave, generous, 
and united people, with arms in their hands and 
courage in tbeir hearts; three millions of people, 
the genuine descendants of a vsliant and pious 
ancestry, driven to these desarts by the narrow 
maxims of a superstitious tyranny. And is the 
spirit of tyrannous persecution never to be appeas- 
ed.' Are the brnve sons of those brave forefathers 
to inherit their sufferings, as they have inherited 
their virtues? Are they to sustain the inflictions 
of the most oppressive and unexampled severity, 
beyond the accounts of history or the description 
of poetry? "li'iadamanthus habet durissima reg;ia, 
castigatque auditque." So s^ys the v^isest states- 
man and politician. But the Bostonians have been 
condemned cnuearj). The indiscriminating hand 
of vengeance has lumped together innocent and 
guilty: with all the formalities of hostility, has 



blocked up the town, and reduced to begj^ary and 
famine 30,000 inhabitants. Bit his majesty is 
advised that the union o" America cannot last.— 
'vliiiisters have more eyes than I, and should have 
more eurs, but from all the information I have 
been able to procure, I can pronoupce it a union 
-olid, permanent cid effectual. Ministers may 
satisfy themselves and delude the public with the 
reports of what they call commercial bodies in 
.\merica. They are not commercial. They are 
your piickers and factors; they live upon notliing, 
for I call commission nothing; I mean the minis- 
t'='rial AUTHoniTS for their American intellig-ence. 
The runners of government, who are paid for their 
intelligence. But these are not the men, nor this 
•he infl'iPnce to be considered in America, when 
we esiimate the firmness of their union. Even to 
extend the question, and to take in the really 
mercantil? circle, will be totally inadequate to the 
consideration. Trade indeed increases the wealth 
and glorj of a country; but its real strength and 
stamina are to be looked for annong the cultivators 
of the land. In their simplicity of life is founded 
the simplicity of virtue, the integrity and courage 
of freedom. Those true genuine sons of the earth 
are invincible; as.d they surround and hem in the 
merearile bodies; even if those bodies, which 
suppusiiion I totally disclaim, could be supposed 
disaffected to the cause of liberty. Of this— gene- 
ral spirit existing in the American MATioir, for so 
1 wish to distinguish the re&l and genuine Ameri- 
cans from the pseudo traders I have described; of 
this spirit of independence, animating the natios 
of Auierioa, 1 have the most authentic information. 
It is not new among them; it is, and ever has beeit 
their established principle, their confirmed persua- 
sio-^ ; it is their nature and th.eir doctrine. I remem- 
bersomeyears ago when the repeal of the stamp act 
was in agitation, conversing in a friendly confidence 
with aperson of undoubted respect and authenticitj^ 
on this subject; and he assured me wiih a certaimy 
which bis judgment and opportunity gave him, that 
these were the prevalent and steady principles of 
America: That you might destroy their towns, and 
cut tjiem oft" from the superfiuities, perhaps the 
cor.venicncies of life, but that they were prepared 
to despise your power, and would not lament their 
loss, whilst they had, what, my lords'— Their 
woods and liberty. Tiie name of my authority, if 
I am called upon, will authenticate the opinion 
irrefragably. 

If illegal violences have been, as it i.s said, com- 
mitted in America, prepare the way, open a door 
of possibility, for acknowledgment and satisfaction. 



2t4 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THR REVOLUTION. 



B. proceed not to such coerci. n, suciproscripuou:. iiead, vhe disunotioa 1 contend for, is and must b< 
Cease your indiscriminate hiQictions; amerce not observed, 
thirty thousands, oppress- not three millions, for the 
faulis -if for'.y or fifty. Such severity of injustice 
must forever render incurable the wounds you have 
given your colonies; you irritate them to unap- 
peasable rancour. What though you march from 
town to town, and from province to province?— 
Tt:otigh you shouM be able to force a temporary 
and local submission, which I only supnose, no< 
adn it, how shall you be able to secure the obedi 
«nce of the cou.try yo-j leave behind you in your 
progress? To grasp the dominion of 1.800 miles 
of cnntineni, populous in v.ilor, liberty and res.s- 
tance? This resistance to your j.r'ntrary system of 
taxation n.ight have been foreseen; it was obvious 
from the nature of t» injrs and of mankind; and 
above all, from the whitrgish spirit flourishing in 
that c.ou;.«ry. The spi- it which now resists your 
taxation in America, is the same which form'^rly 
opposec', »' d wiih success rpposnd. loans, benevo- 
lences, and ship money in England— the same spirit 
which called all E' gland on its ibgs, and by the 
bill of rights vinr<icate(* the Engrsh constitution— 
the same spiri which established the great funda- 
ment .1 and es^sential maxim of your liberties, that 
no subject shall be t^xed, but by his own con- 
SEST. If your lordships will turn to the politics 
of those times, you will see the attempts of the 
lords to poison this inestimable benefit of the bill, 
by an insidious proviso: You will see their attempts 



Jifif lords — Tills country superintends and conr 
trouls their trade and navigHtion; but they tax 
THEM.ELVEs. And this distinction between external 
and internal controul, is sacred and insurmounta- 
ble; it is involved in the abstract nature of things. 
Property is private, individual, absolute. Trade 
is an extended and complicated consideration; it 
reaches as far as ships can sail, or winds can blow. 
It is a great and various machine — To regulate the 
numberless movements of its several parts, and 
combine them into etlect for the good of the whole, 
requires the superintending wisdom and energy of 
the supreme power in the empire. But this supreme 
poAer has no effect towards internal taxation — for 
it does not exist in that relation. There is no such 
thing, no such idea in this constitution, as a supreme 
power operating upon property. 

Let this distinction then remain forever ascertain, 
ed. Taxation is theirs, commercial regulation is 
ours. As an American, I would recognize to Eng- 
land her supreme right of regulating commerce 
and navigation: As an Englishman, by birth and 
principle, I recognize to the Americans their su- 
preme, unalienable right in their property; a right 
which they are justified in the defence of, to the 
extremity. To maintain this principle is the com- 
mon cause of the whigs on the other side of the 
Atlantic, and on this. Tis liberty to liberty 



defeated, in their conference with the commons, | engaged, that they will defend themselves, their 



by the decisive arguments of the ascertainers and 

maintainers of our libery; you will see the thin, 

inconclusive and fallacious stuff <:f those enemies 

to freedom, contrasted with the sound and solid 

reasoning of serjeant Glanville and the rest, those 

great and learned men who adorned and en ightened 

this country, and placed her security on the summit 

of justice and freedom. And whilst I am ot my 

legs, and thus do justice to the memory of those 

great men, I must also justify the merit of the 

living by declaring my firm and fixed opinion, that 

such a man exists this day [looking towards lord 

Cambden]; thisgloriousspirilofwhiggism animates 

three millions in America, who prefer poverty with 

liberty, to golden chains and sordid affluence; and 

who will die in defence of their rights, as men— 

as freemen. What shall oppose this spirit? aided 

by the congenial fia.me glowing in the breast of 

every .whig in England, to the amount, I hope, of 

at least double the American numbers! Ireland 

they have to a man. In that country, joined as it 

is with the cause of the colonies, and placed at their 



families and their country. In this great cause 
they are immoveably allied. It is the alliance of God 
and nature — immutable, eternal, fix'd as the firma- 
ment of Heaven! To such united force, what force 
shall be opposed! What, my lords, a few regi- 
ments in America, and 17 or 18,000 men at home! 
The idea is too ridiculous to take up a moment of 
your lordships time — nor can such a national prin- 
cipled union be resisted by the tricks of office or 
minisierial manoeuvres. Laying papers on your 
table, or counting noses on a division, will not 
avert or postpone the hour of danger. It roust 
arrive, my lords, unless these fatal acts are done 
away; it must arrive in all its horrors; And then 
these boastful ministers, 'spite of all their con- 
fidence and all their mana-uvres, shall be forced to 
hide their heads. But it Is not repealing this act 
of parliament, or that act of parliament— it is not 
repealing a piece of pahchment that can restore 
America to your bosom. You must repeal her 
fears and her resentments, and you may then hope 
lor her love and gratitude. But now insulted witU 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. 



SiS 



-an armed force posted in Boston, irrivated with an 
hostile array before her eyes, her concessions, if 
you could force tliem, would be suspicious and 
insfcurp: T'ley will be, irato animo: They will 
not be the sound, honorable pactions of freemen; 
they will be the dictates of fear and the extorions 
of force. But it is more than evident that you 
CANNOT force them, principled and united as they 
are. to your unworthy terms of submission. It is 
impossible. And when I hear genefid Gage cen- 
siu-ed for inactivity, I must retort with indignation 
on those whose intemperate measures and im- 
provident counsels have betrayed him into his pre 
sent situation. His situation reminds me, my lords, 
of the answer of a P'rench gen. in the civil wars of 
France, Monsieur Turenne, I think. The queen 
said to him, with some peevishness, I observe that 
you were often very near the prince during the cam- 

. paign, why did you not take him? — The Mareschal 
replied with great coolness — J'avois grand peur, 
qwi Monsieur 5e prince ne me pris, — I was very 
much .frtid the prince would take rne. 

When your lordships look at the papers trans- 
mitted us from America, when you consider their 
decency, firmness and wisdom, you cannot but re- 
spect their cause, and wish to make it your own 
—for myself [ must declare and avow that, in all 
my readiag and observation, and it has been my 

•favorite study — I have read T'.tucidydes, and have 
studied and admired the master states of the world 
— th-.t for solidi'y and reasoning, force of sagacity, 
and wisdom of conclusion, under such a complica- 
tion of different circumstances, no nation or body 
of men can stand in preference to the general con- 
gress at Philadelphia. — 1 trust it is obvious to your 
lordships, tliat all attempts to impose servitude 
on such m?n, to establish despotism over such a 
mig' ty continental nation — must be vai — must be 
futile. — We shall be forced ultimately to retrac , 
whilst we can, not when we must. 1 say we mus 
necessarily undo these violent and oppressive acts: 
— they must be repealed — you will repeal them: I 
pledge myself for it you will in the end repeal 
them: I stake n<y reputation on it: I will consent 
to be taken for an ideot if Ihey are not finally re- 
pealed.— Avoid then this humiliating, disgraceful 
necessity. — With a digniiy becoming your eXiilt^d 
isiiiia'ion, make tlie first advances to concord, to 
peace and happiness, for that is your true dignity, 
to Hct -.vith prudence and with justice. That you 
should first concede is obvious from sound and 
rational policy. Concession comes wi h belter 
grace and more salutary effect from the superior 
power. It reoaiiiiiles superiority of power with the 



feelings of rr.m; a d establi>,hes solid confidence 
in the foundation of aff'c'ion a'ld gratitud?". So 
thought the wisest poet, and ppr'iaps the wisest 
men in political sagacity, the friend cf Ms-enas, 
and the eulogist of Augustus. To him the adopted 
son and successor of the first Caesiir, to him, the 
master of the world, he wisely urged this conduct 
of prudence and dignity, 

Tiigue prior, &c. Virgil. 

Every motive, therefore, of justice and of policy, 
of dignity and of prudence, urges you to allay the 
ferment in America, by a removal of your Ironpg 
from Boston, by a repeal of your acts of parliament, 
and by demonstration of amicable dispositions to- 
wards your colonies. On the other hand, every 
danger and every hazard, impend to deter you 
from perseverance in your present ruinous mea- 
sures: Foreign war hanging over your heads by a 
sliglitand brittle thread: France and Spain watch- 
ing your conduct and waiting for the maturity of 
your errors; with a vigilant eye to America and 
the temper of your colonies, more than to their 
own concerns, be they what they may. 

To conclude, my lords, if the ministers thtiS 
persevere in nsisadvising and misleading the king, 
I will not say that they can alienate bis subjects 
from his crown, but I will affirm that they will 
make the crown not worth his wearing: I shall not 
say that the king is betrayed, but I will pronounce 

THAT THK KIMUDOM IS UNDOHK. 

A SERMON 
On the present situation of Ameiiicah Affairs: 
Preached in CaajsT-CHuncK, June 23, 1775, at the 
request of the officers of the third battalion of 
tie city of Philadelphia, and district of South- 
wark — 
By William Smith, D. D. Provost of the college 
in that city. 

The Lord God of Gods-the Lord God of Gods-Heknoweth, anrt 
Isi-ai 1 lie shali know, if it be in lebellion, or in transgression 
against tbe Lord— save UJ not this A&y— Joshua, xxii. 22. 

These words, my brethren, will lead us into a 

train of reflections, wholly suitable to the design 

of our present meeting; and I must beg your 

indulgence till I explain, as briefly as possible, the 

solemn occasion on wliich they were first delivereda 

hoping the application, I may afterwards make of 

tiiem, may fully reward your attention. 

The two tribes of Reuben and of Gad, and the 
half tribe of Manasseh, had chosen their inhei-i- 
lance, on the eastern side of Jordan, opposite to the 
other tribes of Israel. And although they knew 
th*t tl,is si.natiea wouij cleprive tUtm of so.t»« 



2tlS 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



privileges which remained with theiV brell-ren on 
the other side, and particularly that great privil;^ge 
of having the place of the altar and tabernacle of 
God among- them; yet, as the land of Canaan was 
judged too small forall the twelve tribes, they were 
centented with the possession they had chosen.— 
And thus they spoke to Moses— 

"It is a land of cattle, and thy servants have 
much cattle. Wherefore, if we have found grace in 
thy sight let this land be given to us for a possession, 
and we will build sheepfolds here for our cattle, 
and cities for our little ones; and we ourselves will 
go ready armed before our brethren, tiie children 
of Israel— and will not return into our houses, until 
they have inherited every man his inheritance." — 

"And Moses said unto them — If you will do this 
thing, and will go all of you armed over Jordan be- 
fore the L )rd, until he hath driven out his enemies 
from before him; and the land (of Canaan) be 
subdued (for your brethren;) then aftervvaids ye 
shall return, and this land (of Gilead) shall be your 
possession before the Lord."* 

This, then, was the great original contract, under 
which these two tribes and a half were allowed to 
separate from the rest, and to dwell on the other 
side of Jordan. They were to assist their brethren 
in their necessary wars, and to continue under one 
government with them — even that of the great 
Jehovah himself— erecting no separate altar but com- 
ing to perform their sacrifices at that one altar of 
Shxloh, where the Lord had vouchsafed to promise 
his special presence. 

Though this subjected them to inconveniences, 
yet as uniformity of worship and the nature of their 
theocracy required it, they adhered faithfully to 
their contract. 

In the fear of God, they bowed themselves at his 
altar, although not placed in their own land; and, 
in love to their brethren, they supported them in 
their wars, "till there stood not a man of all their 
enemies before them;" and at last, Josuux, their 
great leader, having no farther need of their assis- 
tance, gave them this noble testimony— That they 
had, in all things obeyed his voice as their general, 
and faithfully performed all they had promised to 
Moses the servant of God. Wlierefore, he blessed 
them, and dismissed tljem to return to their own 
land "with much riches, and wiih cattle, and with 
silver, and with gold, and with much raiment." 

No sooner, therefore, had ihey entered their own 



*Numb. 32. 



c untry, I an, m the fullness of gratitude, on the 
banks of Jnr 'an, at the common passage over 
■against C-.naan, they built an high or great altar. 
Mist it might remain an eternal monument of their 
being of one stock, and entitled to the satne civil 
and religious privileges, with their brethren of the 
other tribes. 

But this their work of piety and love was directly 
misconstrued. The cry was immediately raised 
agains': them. The zealots of that di<y scrupled 
not to declare them rebels against the living God, 
violators of his sacred laws and theocracy, in 
setting up an altar against his holy altar, and there- 
fore tiie whole congregations of the brother-tribes, 
that dwelt in Canaan, gathered themselves together, 
to go up to war against their own flesh and blood, 
in a blind transport of unrighteous zieal, purposing 
to extirpate them from the fuce of the earth, as 
enemies to God and the commonwealth of Israel! 

In that awful and important moment (and, oh! my 
God that the example could be copied among the 
brother tribes of our Israel, in the parent land) I 
say, in that awful and important moment, some 
milder and more benevolent men there were, whose 
zeal did not so far transport them, but that, be- 
fore they unsheathed the sword to plunge it with 
unhallowed hand into the bowels of their brethren, 
they thought it justice first to enquire into the 
charge ag:jinst them. And, for the glory of Israel, 
this peaceable and prudent council prevailed. 

A most solemn embassy was prepared, at the 
head of which was a man of sacred character, and 
venerable authority, brenthing the dictates of 
religion and humanity; Phinehas, the son of Eleazer, 
the high priest, accompanied with ten other chiefs 
or princes, one from each of the nine tribes as well 
as from the remaining half tribe of Manasseh. 

Great was the astonishment of the Gileadites* 
on receiving this embassy, and hearing the charge 
against them. But the power of conscious innocence 
is above all fear, and the language of an upright 
heart superior to all eloquence. By a solemn ap-= 
peal to Heaven for the rectitude of their inten- 
tions, unpremeditated and vehement, in the words 
of my text, they disarmed their brethren of every 
suspicion. 

"The Lord God of Gods," say they (in the fer- 
vency of truth, repeating the invoc-tion) "the Lord 
God of Gods" — He that made the Heavens and the 



*The iwo tribes ami n half arc' Lere briLfly and 
gene-aily denominaie i Gikadiles, from the name 
of the land they had chuseo. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



21? 



pedigree with yourselves, and entitled to the same 
civil and religious privileges. 

Tiiis noble defence brought an immediate re» 
conciliation among the discordint tribes. "The 
words, (when reported) pleased the children of 
Israel— they blessed God together" for preventing 
the effusion of kindred blood, "and did not go up 
to destroy the Und wliere their brethren, tUe chil- 
dren of Reuben'* and Gad, dwelt." 
Oh thou sovereign Ruler of the universe— our 1 
God and our Fathers' God— "if it be in rebellion or The whole history of the bi^le cannot furnish a 
in transgression against thee," that we have raised passage more insiructive than this, to the members 
this monument of our zeal for the commonwealth of » great empire, whose dreadful miifortune it is 
of Israel "save us not this day!" If the most | to have the evil demon of civil or religious discord 



earth, who searcheth the hearts, and is acquaint- 
ed with the most secret thoughts of all men— "He 
knoweth, andall Israel shallknow," by our unshaken 
constancy in the religion of our fathers — chat this 
charge against us is utterly false. 

Then turning from their brethren, with unspeak- 
able dignity of soul and clearness of conscience, 
tliev address the Almighty Jehovah himself— 



distant thought has entered our hearts of erecting 
an independent altar; if we have sought, in one 
instance, to derogate from the glory of that sacred 
altar which thou hast placed among our brethren 
beyond Jordan, as the common bond of union and 
worship among all the tribes of Israel — let not this 
day's sun descend upon us, till thou hast made us 
a monument of thine avenging justice, in the sight 
of the surrounding world! 

Afier this astonishing appeal to the great God 
of Heaven and earth, they proceed to reason with 
their brethren; and tell them that, so far from 
intending a separation, either in government or 
religion, this altar was built with a direct contrary! 
purpose— "That it might be a witsess between us 
and you, and our generations after us, that your 
children may not say to our children, in time to 
come, ye have no part in the Lord.'* We were 
afraid lest, in some future age, when our posterity 
may cross Jordan to offer sacriiices in the place 
appointed, your posterity may thrust them from 
the altar, and tell them that because they live not 
in the land where the Lord's tabernacle dwelleth, 
they are none of his people, nor entitled to the 
Jewish privileges. 



gone forth among them. And would to God, th.»t 
the application I am now to make of it could be 
delivered in accents louder than thunder, till they 
iiave pierced the ear of every Brilon; and especially 
their ears who have laeditated war and desiruction 
against tlicir brother-tribes of Reuben and Gad, in 
this our AMERICAN GILEAD. And let me ad J 
—would to God too that we, who this day consider 
ourselves in the place of those tribes, may, like 
them, be still able to lay our hands on our hearts 
in a solemn appeal to the God of Gods, for the 
rectitude of Our intentions towards tlie whi'le com- 
monwealth of our Bhitirh Iskael. For, called to 
this sacred place, on this great occasion, I know it 
is your wish that I should stand supt-rior to all 
partial motives, and be found alike unbiassed by 
favor or by fear. And happy it is that the parallel, 
now to be drawn, requires not the least sacrifice 
either of truth or virtue? 

Like the tribes of Reuben and Gad, We have 

chosen our inheritance, in a land separated from 

that of our fathers and brethren, not indeed by a 

small river, But an immense ocean. This iniieri- 

tance we likewise hold by a plain original contract^ 

entitling us to all the natural and improvable 

^ . u-1 ^1.- w . J .1 1 11 1 V, . advantages of our situation, and to a communitv 

Butwhilethisaltar stands, they shall always have! ." ' ^.u iiuiu...i.y 

, ™, .,, , ,, . ,,r, of privileges with our brethren, in every civil and 

an answer ready. They will be able to say — ''Be-I ; ^>f ^I'ln mm 

■ ,, , ,.. f... ,, r*i T J I u i religious respect, except in this, that the throne 

hold the pattern of the altar of the Lord which our ! ° f > t > '"•»>• inc uuuiic 

/., 1,. xr c t. Lj^i- L-.u "•" seat of empire, that ereat aliar at which the 

fathers made." If our fathers had not been of the j ^ ' &*>.<»• ai ul wniuii me 

J £. T 1 .u ij 4.1, r ji • 1 .'n^'' of >-his world bow, Was to remain amon? them, 

seed of Israel, tbey would not have fondly copied ' auiung mciu. 

your customs and models. You would not have Regardless of this localinconv.nience.uncanker: 
beheld in Gilead, an altar, in all things an imitation | .^ by jealousy, undepressed by fe«r, and cemented 
of the true altar of God, which is in Shiloh, except j by mutual love and mutual benefits, we trod the 
only that ours is an high "or great altar to »ee"ip^tij ^f glory with our brethren for an hundred 
from far. And this may convince you that it was Lgars and more-enjoying a length of felicity 

not intended as an altar of sacrifice (for then it i ' ■■ ^ 

would have been but three cubits In height, as our *Tliougli for bieviiy, the sacred texi, in this 
, „ V . ^ u * .11.*-. and other places, only mentions Reuben and Gad, 

law directs) but as a monumental altar, to mstruct|yet the half tribe of Man^sseb is aUo supposed to 

o'jr generations forever, that they aro of the same [be inuiHded- 
28. 



318 



PRINCI£LES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Srarce <-ver esperienced bj any oiJifr people — 
Mindful of the hands that protected us in our 
youth, and s'lbmitting to every j«st regulauon for 
appropriiting- to them the berefit of our trade — 
our wealth was poured in upon them from ten 
thousand channels, widening as they flowed, asid 
inaRing' their poor to siTig, and industry to smile, 
through every corner of their land. And as often 
as dangers ihrta^enfd, and the voice of the British 
Israel called our brethren to the field, we left them 
not alone, but shared their toils and fought by tlieir 
side, "till there stood not a man of all their ene- 
mies before liiem," — Na3-,thry themselves testified 
on our behaif, that in all things we not only did our 
pyrt, but more than our par. for the common good, 
and they dismissed us home loaded with silver and 
with gold,* in recompense for our extraordinary 
services. 

So f;.r you see the parallel holds good. But 
what high altars have we built to alarm our Bri- 
tish Israel; and why have the congregations of our 
British IsrBel, a^ d why have the congregations of 
our brethren gathered ihemselvee together agai st 
Us? why do their embattled hosts already cover our 
plains? will they not examine our case, and listen 
to our plea? 

"The Lord God of Gods — he knows," and the 
whole surrounding wdrld shall yet kno*, that what- 
ever American altars we have built, f^r from intend 
ing to dishonor, have been raised with an express 
view to perpetuate the name and glory of that 
sacred altar, at^d seat of empire and liberty, which 
we left behind us, and wish to remain eternal among 
Our brethren in the parent land. 

Esteeming our relation to them our greatest 
felicity; adoring the I'lovidence ihat gave us the 
same progenitors; glorying in this, that when the 
new world was to be portioned cut among the 
kingdoms of theold, the mosiimport«nt part of this 
continent fell to the sons of a protes aot and free 
nation; desirous of worshipping forever at the si»ni'= 
altar with them; fond of <heir manners even to 
exces?; enthusiasts to that sacred plaii of civil and 
j-eligious happiness, for the preservation of whiclj 
they have sacrificed from age to age, maiittainiog, 
and always ready to maintain, at the risque of 
every thing that is dear to us, the most utishaken 
fidelity to our coM»mon sovereign, as the great 
centre cf our uniop, in^^ ^uxrdian of out muual 



* Iheparljumeniary reinilnirst^nients for our extor- 
tions in the late wuv, sunii.r to \vh«i. Joshua f,SiVf. 
the two tribts aim m liMit un the close of hie wars. 



rigliis — I say, wi h these principles and these 
views, we thought it our du y, to build up Ameri< 
can altars, or constitutions, as nearly as we could, 
upon the great British model. 

Having never sold our hirth-right, we con' 
S'dered ourselves entitled to the p ivileges of our 
father's house — "io erjoype.ce, liberty and safety;" 
o le governed, like our hrf thren, by our own laws,, 
in all matters properly j^flTccting ourselves, and to 
offer up our ov/n sacrifices at the alt ir of British 
e^tpire; contending that a forced devotion is 
idolatry, and that no p.)wer on earth has a right 
to com? in heiween us and a gracious aovereign, to 
TJieasure forth our loyalty, or to grant our property, 
without our consent. 

These are the principles we inherited from Bri. 
tons tiien'selves. Could we depart from them, we 
should be deemed bastards and not sons, aliens and 
not brethren. 

The altars therefore which we have built, are 
not* high or rival altars to create jealousy, but 
humble monuments of our union and love, intended 
to bring millions, yet unborn, from everj' corner of 
this vast continent, to bend at the great parent 
altar of British liberty; venerating the country from 
which they sprimg, and pouring their gifts into 
her lap when their countless thousands shall far 
exceed hers. 

It was our wish that there should be an eternal 
"witness between our brethren and us," that if, at 
any fu'ure period, amid the shifting scenes of hu- 
man interests and human affections, their children 
should say to our children — "Ye have no portion" 
in tlie birth-right of Britons, ar^ to seek to push 
them from the common shrine of freedom, when 
they come to puy their homage there, they might 
alvva) s have an answer ready — "Behold the p">.ttern 
'<F the altar wiiicli our fathers built." Behold your 
own reli;.,ious an.l civil instittuions, and then ex, 
amine the fiances of gtivernment and systems of 
laws raided by out fail.ers in every part of Ame- 
rica? Could these have been such exact copies 
ofjour own, if th?y had not inherited the Same 
spirit, and sprung from laesaine s'ock, with your- 
selves. 



*Iu this re.sptC, our f>lea Is -ve.i s ronj^er t lan 
tliat of the t>o tribes a:i<i i\ hof. F , tii* an ez- 
planiition was giv'=;», tlie hfiv.':i uf the r Iv .r, like 
those of the heathen, w.o ioved tf> s.cr.fice on iofiy 
;.iaces, might creaie, •» suspicim i>f i >e. "i p^ing 
"into idolatry; either i.nterictiiig lO wor-h p ci'.U r 
" Gods, or the God of I^-.fl ii an u.iiavvful place 
" and EQaaner,"--Br. rAXRicK. 



PRINCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUT[OV. 



2i9 



Tims fur you see tlie parallel yet liolda good, 
and I ihink cannot be called a perversion of my 
text, if you will allow tliat the Supreme Power of 
an en^plre, whether theocratical, monarchical, or 
howsoever distributed, may be represented under 
the fiijure of one common altar, at wliich the just 
devotionof all the subjects is to be paid. 

Bui it is said that we have of late departed from 
our former line of Huty, and refused ou.- homage 
at the great «ltar of British empire. And to this 
it has been replied, that the very refusid is the 
afrongest evidence of our veneration for the altar 
itself. Nay, it is contended by tliose charged with 
this breach of devotion, that when, in the shape of 
unconstitutioHal exactions, violated rights an>. 
jnutilated charters, they were called to worship 
idols, instead of the true divinity, it was in a 
transport of holy jealousy, that they dashed them 
to pieces, or whelmed theoi to the bottom of the 
ocean. 

This is, in brief, the state of the argument on 
each side. And hence, at this dreadful moment, 
ancient friends and bret!<ren stand prepared for 
events of the most tragic nature. 

Here the weight of my subject almost overcomes 
me; but think not that I am going to damp iha' 
noble ardor which at tliis instant glows in every 
bosom present. Nevertheless, as from an early 
acquaintance with many of you, I know t!iat your 
principles are pure, andyour humanity only equalled 
by your transcendent love of your counlyy, I am 
sure 3'ou will indulge the passing tear, wiiich a 
preacher of the gospel of love must now shed over 
the scenes that lie before us — great and deep 
distress about to pervade every corner of our land! 
millions to be called from the peaceful labors by 
*'the sound of the trumpet, and tlje alarm of war! 
Garments rolled in blood," and even victory itself 
only yieldi.')g an occasion to weep over friends ard 
relatives slain! These are melancholy prospects, 
and therefore you will feel with me the difficulties 
I now labor under — forsaken by my text, and left to 
lament alone that, in the parent land, no Phinehas 
has prevailed; no embassy* of great or good men 

*It is acknowledged with gratitude that many 
great and exalted chiiraciers have pled the cause 
of America; am!, previous to all coercive measures, 
advised an enquiry or hearing, similir to lliut for 
which Phinehas was appointed. What is here 
lamente>l, and will be long lamented, is that this 
councd could not take place. If brethren could 
come togeiher in such a temper as tisis, the igsue 
could noc fail to be foe their rautuai glory and 
muUial happiness. 



has been raised, to stay the sword of destruction, 
to cx;imine into the truth of our rase, and save the 
eflusion of kindred blood. I am left to lament that, 
in this sad instance, Jewish tenderness has put 
Christian benevolence to shame. 

"Our brethren, the liouse of our fathers, even 
" they have called a multitude against us. H;id an 
•' enemy thus reproached us, then perhaps we n.ight 
" have borne it. But it was you, men our equals, 
'• our guides, our acquaintance, with whom we look 
" sweet council and walked together into the lon'^e 
"of God" Or had it been f-r any essential benefit 
to the commonwealth at large, we would hi.ve laid 
our hands on our mouths, and bowed obedier,ce 
with our usuhI silence. But, for disnitt and su- 
i-nKMACT! V\ hat are tljey when set in opposition 
to common uiility, common justice, and the whole 
fdiih and spirit of the constitution? True dignity 
is to govern freemen, not sl.ives, and trut, supre- 
macy is to excel in doing good. 

It is lime, and indeed more than time, for a' 
great and enlightened people to niake names bend 
to tilings, and ideal honor to practical safet}?— 
Precedents and indefinite claims are sureiy thing* 
too nugatory to convulse a mighty empire. I« 
there no wisdom, no great and liberal plan of 
pol'cy to re unite its members, a< the s ;le bulwark 
•..f liberty and protestantism, raiher than by their 
deadly strife to increase the iniportance of those 
states that are foes tu freedom, truvh and humas iiy? 
To devise such apian, rfnd to behold British colo- 
nies spreading over this immense Ci-minent, rejoic- 
ing in the common rights cf Ireemen, and imitating 
the parent slate in every exrelleiice— is more glory 
than to hold lawless donuniort over all the nation* 
on the face of the earth! 

But I will weary you no longer with fruitless 
lamentations concerning things that might be done. 
The quf stion now is— since they are not done, n.ust 
we tamely surrender any part of our birth-right, op 
of that great cliarler of privdeges, which we not 
only claim by inheritance, but by the express terms 
of our col "niZHtion? I say, God forbid! For here, 
in particular, 1 wish to speak .so plain that neither 
my own principles, nor those of the church to 
which I belong, be misunderstood. 

Although, in the beginningof this great contest, 
we thought it not our duty to be forward in widen- 
ing the breach, or spreading discontent; althougli it 
be our ferventdesire to heal the wounds of the pub. 
lie, and to shew by our temper that we seek not * 
distress, but to give the parent state an opporiui 



220 



PRINCIPLES AND 7\CTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



of .stiviug theirselves and Eaving us before it be toof pressures and sufferings come, when the veight 



late, nevertbelps?, as we know that our civil and 
religious rights are linked together in one indissolu- 
ble bond, vre neither have, nor seek to have, any 
*(nterest separate from that of our country, nor can 
Ave advise a desertion of its cause. Religion and 
liberty must flourish or fall together in America. 
We pray that both may be perpetual. 

A continued submission to violence is no tenet 
of our church. When her brightest luminaries, 
near a century past, were called to propagate the 
court doctrine of a dispensing power, above law — 
did they treacherously cry — "Peace peace," when 
there nas no pence*? Did they not magnanimously 



of power grows intolerable, a people will fly to the 
constitution for shelter; and, if able, will resume 
that power which they never surrendered, except 
s-o far as it might be exercised for the common 
safety. Pulpit-casuistry is too feeble to direct or 
controul here. God, in his own government of the 
world, never violates freedom; and his scriptures 
themselves would be disregarded, or considered as 
[perverted, if brought to belie his voice, speak- 
ing in the hearts of men. 

The application of these principles, my brethren, 
is now easy and must be left to your own consci- 
ences and feelings. You are now engaged in one 



set their foot upon the line 6f the constitution, of the grandest struggles, to which freemen can 
and tell majrsty to is face that "they could not be called. You are contending for what you ccn- 
betryy the public liber'y," and that the monarch's reive to be your constitutional rights, and for a 



only BMfety consisted "in governing according to 
the laws?" Did not their example, and consequent 
suflerirgs, kiiidle a flame that illuminated the land, 
and introduced that noble system of public and 
personal liberty, secured by the revolution? Since 
that period, have not the avowed principles of our 
greatest divines been against raising the church 
above the state; jealous of the national rights. 



final settlement of the terms upon which this 
country may be perpetually united to the parent 
state. 

Look back, therefore, with reverence look back, 
to the times of ancient virtue and renown. Look 
back to the mighty pui^Doses, which your fathers 
had in view, when they traversed a vast ocean. 



and planted this land. Hecall to your minds their 
resolute for the protestant succession, favorable i, , ,-,...,. 

labors, their toils, their perseverance, and let a 



to the reformed religion, and desirous to maintain 
the f.iiih of toleration? If exceptions have happen- 
ed, let no society of Christians stand answerable 
for the deviations, or corruptions, of individuals. 

The doctrine of absolute non-resistance has been 
fully exploded among every virtuous people. The 
free-born soul revolts against it, and must have been 
long debased, and have drank in the last dregs of cor- 
ruption, before i; can brook the idea "that a whole 
people injured may, 'in no case,' recognise their 
trampled majesty." But to draw the line, and say 
vhere subuission ends and resistance begins, is 
not the province of the ministers of Christ, who 
Ins given no* rule in this matter, but left it to the 
feelings and i-on^cifncesoF ihe injnred. For, when 



*rhe aut!;or, in a sermon first published twenty 

years sgo, on 1. Pet, ii 17, delivered I, is ^enlimpn;s 

fully on this poiiu.— jn ihe following words, viz.— 

"It would be absurd to argue as some have done, 

that tlie Apo! tie here meant to enjoin a continued 

siihmisiinv io violence — The love of mankind, and 

the fear ot God, tiiose very priuf-iples, from which 

we irac? tV.e divine original of just government, 

\iv\\\ lead us, by all proSable mf ans, to resist every 

yttempt to enslave t!ie free-born soul, and oppose 

^e righteous will of God by defeati' g the happi- 

\ss of men. Rtsisiancp, however, i.s to be a Isst 

\)urce, and none but the majority of a whole peo- 

\can determine in what c;ises it is necessary. 



divine spirit animate you in all your actions. 

Look forward also to distant posterity. Figure 
to yourselves millions and millions to spring from 
your loins, who may be born freemen or slaves, as 
Heaven shall now approve or reject our councils. 
Think that on you it may depend, whether this 
great country, in ages hence, shall be filled and 
adorned with a virtuous and enlightened people, 
enjoying liberty and all its concomitant blessings, 
together with the religion of Jesus, as it flows 
uncorrupted from his holy oracles, or covered 
with a race of men more contemptible than the 
savages that roam the wilderness, because they 
once knew the things which belong to their happi. 
ness and peace, but suffered them to be hid from 
their eyes. 

And while you thus look back to the past, and 
forward to the future, fail not, I beseech you, to 
look up to "the God of Gods— the rock of your 
salvation. As the clay in the potter's hands," so 
are the nations of the earth in the hands of him, 



inculcated in general terms. For a people may 
Sometimes imagine grievances they do not feel, 
but will never miss to feel and complain of them 
where they really are, unless their minds have 
,. been gradually prepared for slavery by absurd 
*priptures, therefore, obedience is rightly tenets!"' 



PRI^XIPLES AND ACTS OF THE HKVOLUTfO^:. 



£21 



fne everlasting JEnoyAH!-be lifeth up, an-1 he. While you profess yourselves ron'en-^.ing for li 
ca8teth down-He resisteth the proud and gWeth Iberty, let it be with the temper and diprnity of free 



grace to the humble— He will keep the feet of his 
saints— the wicked shall be silent in darkness, and 
Iry strength shall no man prevail. 

The bright prospects of the gospel; a thorough 
veneration of the Saviour of the world; a conscicn- 



men, undaunted and firm, but without wrath or 
vengeance, so far ss grace may be obtained to 
assist tlie weakness of nature. Consider it as a 
hsppy circumstance, if such a struggle must bave 
happened, that God hath been pleased to postpone 
it to a period, when our country is adorned with 



tious obedience to his divines laws; faith in his .j^^gj^ ^fp^jj^ji^^^p^j j,eal, when the arts and sciences 
promises, and the s'edfast hope of immortal I'fe u^g planted among us to secure a succession of 
through him, these only can support a man m all Luch men; when our morals are not far tainted by 



times of adversity as well as prosperity. You might 
more easily "strike fire out of ice," than stability 
or magnanimity out of crimes. But the good man, 
he who is at peace with the God of all peace, will 
know no fear but that of offending him, whose hand 
can cover the righteous "so that he needs not fear 
" the arrow that fieeth by day, nor the destruction 
"that was'eth at noon-day; for a thousand shall 
" fall beside liim, and ten thousand at his right 
** hand, but it shall not come nigh to him; for he 
" shall give his angels charge over him to keep 
"him in all his ways." 

On the omnipotent God, therefore, through his 
blessed Son, let your strong confidence be placed; 
but do not vainly expect that every day will be to 
you a day of prosperity or triumph. The ways of 
Providence lie through mazes, too intricate for 
human penetration. Mercies may often be held 
forth to us in the shape of sufferings; and the 
vicissitudes of our fortune, in building up the Ame- 
rican fabric of happiness and glory, may be various 
and chequered. 

But let not this discourage you. Yes, rather 
let it animate you with a holy fervor— n divine 
enthusiasm — ever persuading yourselves that the 
cause of virtue and freedom is the cause of Gon 
upon earth; and that the whole theatre of human 
nature does not exhibit a more august spectacle 
than a number of freemen, in dependence upon 
Heaven, mutually binding themselves to encounter 
every difficulty and danger in support of their na- 
tive and constitutional rights, and for transmitting 
them holy and unviolated to their posterity. 

It was this principle that inspired the l;..'roes 
of ancient times; that raised their names to the 
summit of renoM'n, and filled all succeeding ages 
with their unspotted praise. It is this principle 
too tliat must animate your conduct, if you wish 
your names to reach future gererations, conspicuous 
in the roll of glory; and so far ss tins principle 
leads you, be prepared to follow — whether to life 
or to death. 



luxury, profusion or dissipation; when the princi- 
ples that withstood oppression, in the brig'-iest 
era of the English history, are ours as it were by 
pecular mheritance; and when we stand upon our 
own ground, with all that is dear around us, animat- 
ing us to every patriotic exertion. Under such 
circumstances and upon such principles, what 
wonders, what achievements of true glory, have 
not been performed? 

For my part, I have long been possessed with a 
strong and even enthusiastic persuasion that Heaven 
has great and gracious purposes tov/ards this con- 
tinent, which no human power or human device 
shall be able finally to frustrate. Illiberal or mis- 
taken plans of policy may distress us for a while, 
and perhaps sorely check our growth; tut if we 
maintain our own virtue; if we cultivate the spirit 
of liberty among our children; if we guard against 
the snares of luxury, venality and corruption, the 
GBNitrs of America will still rise triumphant, and 
that with a power at last too mighty for opposition. 
This country -wilt be free — «ay, for ages to come, » 
chosen seal of freedom, ai-ts, and heaven!y knorjfedyc; 
which are now either drooping or dead in most 
countries of the old world. 

To conclude, since the strevgth of all ptiblic 
bodies, under God, consists in their unioiv, bear 
with each other's infirmities, and even varities of 
sentiments, in things not essential to the main point. 
The tempers of men are cast in various moulds. 
Some are quick and feelingly olive in all tlieir 
mental operations, especially those which relate 
to their country's weal, and are therefore ready to 
burst forth into flame upon every alarm. Others 
agai>, wit!i intentions alike pure, and a clear un- 
quenchable love of their country, too stcdfast to 
be damped by the mists of pi cjudice, or worked 
up into conflagration by the rude blasts of passion, 
think it their duty to weigii consequences, and to 
deliberate fully upon the probable means cf obiain- 
inr public ends. Boili lliose kinds of men shoiili; 
bear with each other; for both are friends to «l)eir 
country. 



252 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



One tiling fur her lei. me add, that, without order 
and j'ist subordination, there can be no vivo7i in 
public bodies. However much you may be equals 
on other occasions, yet all this must cease in an 
united and associated capacity; and every i'idividu>«l 
is bound to keep the place and duty assigned hirr., 
by lies far more powerful over a man of vir'.ue yncl 
honor, than all the othpr ties which human polic\ 
can contrive. It had been better never *o hi<v«- 
lifted a viice in your cour»try's c^us-, th>)n to 
betray it by want ai union; or to leave ivorthy meti, 
who have embarked their all for the common good, 
to suffer, or stand unassisted. 

"Lastly, by every metho 1 in your power, and i^ 
every possible case, support the laws • f your coun 
try. In a contest for liberty, think \vh«l a crime 
it would bf, to suff :r owe freeman to he i'rsnl'.erl, 
or wantonly i'-jured in his liberty, so far as by your 
means it may be prevented. 

Thus animated and thus acting — We may then 
sisp with the prophet — 

"Fear no*, O land! be glad and rejoice, f r the 
" Lord will do great things. Be not afraid, ye 
*' beasts of the field, f r the pastures of the wildei- 
*• ness do spring — The tree bearevh Iier fruit — the 
" fig-tree and the vine yield their frui ." 

Thus animated and thus acting — we may like- 
wise PHAT with the prophet — 

"O Lord be gracious unto us — we have waited 
*• for thee. Be thou our arm every morning, our 
"salvation also in time of trouble. Some trust in 
" chariots and some in horses, but we will remem- 
*' her the name of the Lord otir God — O thou hope 
"of Israel, the Saviour thereof in time of need — 
" thou art in the midst of us and we are called by 
"thy name — leave us not. Give us ove heart and 
" one way, that we may fear thee forever, for the 
"good of ourselves and our children after us — We 
*' looked for peace but no good came; and fur a 
" time of health, but behold we are in trouble — YpI 
" will we trust in the Lord forever; for in the Lord 
••Jehovah is everlasting strength — He will yet bind 
" up the broken hearted, and comfort those that 
" mourn" — even so, oh! our God, do thou comf )rt 
and relieve them, that sr> the bones which thou 



directed to such, as thou in thy sovereign gOf>d» 
ness shall be pleased to render effectual for the 
s<ilvation of a great empire, and reuniting all its 
members in one sacred bond of harmony and pub- 
lie happiness! Grant this, oh father, for thy son 
Jesus Christ's sak"; to whoin, wi h thee and the 
holy Spirit, one Gc^, be glory, honor and power 
now and forever! AMEN. 

Ahjtapolis, 1775. 

In provincial convention, ^Inirvst f, 1775, the follow 
ing memorial q/* James Chuistje, ^7W73. of Baltimore 
to-wn, meirhcifit, 7vas read — 

To the honorable the delegates of the freemen of 
the province of Maryland, in convention now as- 
sembled. 

'I'he memorial of Jamet Christie, jxm. of Baltimore 
county— 

Sheweth — That your memorialist did, on the 
22d day of FehruHry last, write the letter, a copy 
of which is hereunto annexed, to his friend and 
cousin-german, lieutenant colonel Christie, in the 
island of Antigua: That, at the time of writing 
the said letter, your memorialist unfortunately 
could not approve of the measures then pursued 
in this province, as a petition from the hon. con- 
tinental congress was then lying at. the foot of the 
throne of Great Britain, the result of which was 
not at that time known in America. 

That the said letter, having been intercepted by 
means, to your memorialist altogether unknown, 
was, on the 13th of July instant, laid before the 
committee of Baltimore county, who came to such 
resolutions on the same as will appear to this con- 
vention, by a copy of the proceedings hereunto 
annexed: That, in pursuance of the said resolu- 
tions, your memorialist has aire idy suffered a pain- 
ful imprisonment, and hath paid to the guard ap- 
pointed by the committee, the sum of thirty-one 
pounds, seventeen shillings and six pence current 
money, as will appear by the receipt for the same, 
ready to be produced. 

That, by a subsequent resolution of the said com- 
miHee on the 24th instant, the said guard waS 
discharged, on the application of your memorialist 
for that parpose, upon your memorialist's giving 
an obligation, with five securities, not to depart 



hast broken^hiay yet rejoice. Inspire us with a'the province without leave of the said committee 
high and commanding sense of the value of our! or this convention. And your memorialist pre- 
cop.Btitutional rights: may a spirit of wisdom and; sumes, with all deference, to say, that the letter 
virtue be poured down'upon us all; and may ouri in question, the contents of which has excited so 
representatives, those who are delegated to devise\m\iQ.\i uneasiness in the minds of the good people 
and appointed to execute public measures, be| of this province, could not be productive of any 



JPRINCIFLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



22S 



ill effect, being wrote by a private individual t 
Lis friend and relation, a person who had not the 
power, if he had the inclination, and who, fron. 
regard to his own private interest, and from the 
tics of blood (his wife, family and fortune being 
in t! is country) cannot be supposed to be active 
in devising measures to crush the liberues there- 
of; and in the most solemn nnanner your memori -list 
avers, that he never harbored a wish to introduce 
a military force into this province for the purpose 
ef enslaving the inhabitants thereof. And your 
memorialist begs leave to add, that he is extremely 
jorry tliat his private opinion should have given 
any offence; he was far from intending any; he con- 
sidefed himself as writing to a friend In confidence, 
and had no expectation or wish, that such private 
opinions would ever appear in public, or be pro 
ductive of any public measures whatever. 

That the said committee having referred all fur- 
ther proceedings on your memorialist's ca^e to the 
gentlemen delegated by this province to the con- 
tinental congress, and they having referred the 
oame to ihe consideration of this convention, obliges 
your memorialist to make this application, humbly 
to request that this honorable convention will 
consider your memorialist's case, and discharge 
your memorialist and his securities from the said 
obligation, and also grant permission to your me- 
morialist to depart the prnvince with all con- 
Tenieiice, without molestation in person or pro- 
perty. 



Your memorialist, relying on the wisdom and 
humanity of this honor .ble ccnven^ion, most cheer. 
fully submits his case to their decision, humbl5i>^ 
Paying, 

That the blessings of peace and tranquility may 
be restored to every part of the British empire; 
that the rights and privileges of America may be 
established on a firm and lasting basis, and a speedy 
and honorable reconciliation take place between 
the parent state and her colonies, is the sincere 
wish of your memorialist. 

JAMES CHRISTIE, jun. 

Baltimore, July 27, 1775. 

And upon reading the letter of the said James 
Christie therein refe-red to, dated the 22d of Fe- 
bruary, UTS', to Gabriel Christie, lieut. colonel of 
the 60th regiment, in which the said Christie re- : 
presented the inhabitants of that town as con- 
cerned in measures, in his opinion, treasonable and 



this convention, and thereupon it is resolved, That 
the Said James Christie, by the said letter, hath 
manifested a spirit and principle altogether inimical 
to the rights and liberties of America: That the 
said Jimes Christie, by insinuating the necessity 
of introducing a military force into this province, 
lias Bianiffsted an inveterate enmity to the liberties 
of this province in particular, and of British Ame- 
rica in general. 

Therefore, resolved. That the said James Christie 
is and ought to be considered as an enemy to Ame- 
lica, and that no person trade, deal, or barter 
with him hereafter, unless for necessaries and pro- 
visions, or for the sale or purchase of any part of 
his real or personal estate, of which he may be at 
this time seized or possessed. 

Resolvedi That the said James Christie be ex- 
pelled and banished this province forever, and that 
he depart this province before the first day of 
September next. 

Resolved, Thai the said James Christie deposite 
m the hands of this convention, or into the haHds 
of such person or persons as they shall appoint, 
the sum of five hundred pounds sterling, to be 
xpetded occasionally towards his proportion of 
II charges and expenses incurred or to be incurred 
for the defence of America, during the present 
contest with Great Britain; the overplus, if any, 
after a reconciliation shall happily be effected, t» 
be restored to the said James Christie. 



Resolved, That no punibhment be inflicted on the 
said James Cliristie, other than what is now direct^ 
ed by this convention. 

Rssohed, That the fire hundred pounds sterling 
is to be paid in surling, or other money at par. 

Resolved, That the resolutions of the committee 
of Baltimore county are, by the determinations of 
this convention superseded, and that therefore the 
said James Christie may iiegociate his bills of ex- 
change; and tliat he may assign, or he, or any per-^ 
son for him, may collect the debts due to him, ia 
the same manner as other persons may negociate 
their bills of exchange, assignorcollect their debts- 
SignedJIb) order of the convention, 

G. DUVA.LL, clerk. 

The speech o/ Edmund Burke, esq. on moving hit 
resolutions for conciliation xvilh the colonies, March 
22, 1775. 



rebellious, and that a number of soldiers wotild I hope, sir, that, notwithstanding the austerity 
keep them very quiet, the same was considered by lof the chair, your good nature will incline you to 



224 



PJIINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



some degree of indulgence towards human frailty 
You will not think it unnatural, that those who 
have an object depending, which strongly engages 
their hopes and fears, should be somewhat inclined 
to stiperstitifin. As I came into the house full of 
anxiety about the event of my motion, I found, to 
my infinite surprise, that the grand penal bill, by 
which we had passed sentence on the trade and 
sustenance of America, is to be returned to us from 
ihe other house.* I do confess I could not help 
looking on this event as a fortunate omen. I look 
upon it as sort of Providential favor, by which we 
are put once more in possession of our deliberative 
capacity, upon a business so very questionable in 
its nature, so very uncertain in its issue. By the 
return of this bill, which seemed to have taken its 
flight forever, we are at this very instant nearly as 
free to choose a plan for our American government, 
as we were on the first day of the sess'on. If, sir, 
we incline to the side of conciliation, we are not at 
all embarrassed (unless we please to make our- 
selves so) by any incongruous mixture of coercion 
and restraint. We are therefore called upon, as 
it were by a superior warning voice, again to attend 
to America; to attend to the whole of it together; 
and to review the subject with an unusual degree 
«)f care and calmness. 

Surely it is an awful subject; or there is none so 
on this side of the grave. When I first had the 
honor of a seat in this house, the affairs of that 
continent pressed themselves upon us, as the most 
important and most delicate object of parliajmenlary 
attention. My little share in this great delibera- 
tion oppressed me. I found myself a partaker in a 
very high trust; and having no sort of reason to 
rely on the strength of my natural abilities for the 
proper execution of that trust, I was obliged to 
take more than common pains, to instruct myself 
in every thing which relates to our colonies. I 
was not less under the necessity of forming some 
fixed ideas, concerning the general policy of the 
British empire. Something of this sort seemed to 
be indispensable, in order, amidst so vast a fluctua- 
tion of passions and opinions, to concenter my 
thoughts; to ballast my conduct; to preserve me 



*Tlie act to restrain the trade ana commerce of 
the provinces of Mass.<tchusetts-13ay and New- 
Humpshire, and colonies of Conneaticiit and Riiude- 
Island, and Providence Piuntation, in North Ame- 
rica, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British 
islands in the Wr»t -Indies; and to prohibit such 
provinces ar.d colonies from carrying on any fishery I 
on the banks of Neu'foundlaud and other places 
thereifi mentioned, under certain conditions and| 
limitations. i 



from being blown about by every wind of fashiona- 
ble doctrine. I really did not think it safe, or 
manly, to have fresli principles to seek upon every 
fresh mail which should arrive from America. 

At that period, I had the fortune to find myself 
in perfect concurrence with a large majority in this 
house. Bowing under that high authority, and 
penetrated with the sliarpness and strength of that 
eiirly impression, I have continued ever since, with- 
out the least deviation, in my original sentimeata. 
Whether this be owing to an obstinate perseve- 
rance in error, or to a religious adherence to what 
appears to me truth and reason, it is in your equity 
to judge. 

Parliament, sir, having an enlarged view of ob» 
jects, made, during this interval, more frequent 
changes in their sentiments and their conduct, than 
could be justified in a particular person upon the 
contracted scale of private information. But 
though I do not hazard any thing approaching to 
a censure on the motives of former parliaments to 
all those alterations, one fact is undoub' ed, that un- 
der them the state of America has been kept in 
continual agitation. Every thing administered as 
remedy to the public complaint, if it did not pro- 
duce, was at least followed by, an heightening of 
the distemper; until, by a variety of experiments, 
that important country has been brought into her 
present situation; a situation, which I will n»t 
miscall, which I dare not name; which I scarcely 
know how to comprehend in the terms of any 
description. 

In this posture, sir, things stood at the beginning 
of the session. About that time a worthy* mem- 
ber, of great parliamentary experience, who, in the 
year 1766, filled the chair of the American com- 
mittee with much ability, totik me aside; and 
lamenting the present aspect of the politics, told 
me things were come to such a pass, that our 
former methods of proceeding in the house would 
be no longer tolerated. That the public tribunal 
(never too indulgent to a long and unsuccessful 
opposition) would now scrutinize our conduct witk 
unusual severity. That the very vicissitudes and 
shiftings of ministerial measures, instead of con- 
victing their authors of inconstancy and want of 
system, would be taken as an occasion of charging 
us with a pre determined discontent, which nothing 
could satisfy; whilst we accused every measure of 
vigour as cruel, and every proposal of lenity as 
weak and irresolute. The public, he said, would 

*.Mr. Rof.e Puller. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



295 



snol hive patience to see Us play the game out with I a reasonable proposition, bc'-aus'- it ha.l nothing 



our adversaries; we must produce owr hand, (t 
would be expected, that those who for many years 
had been acfive in such affairs should shew that 
they had formed some clear and decided idea of 
the principles of colony government; and were 
capable of drawing out something' like a platform 
of the ground, which might be laid for future and 
permanent tranquility. 

I felt the truth of what my hon. friend repre 
sented; but I felt my situation too. His application 
might have been made with far greater propriety 
to many other gentlemen. No man was indeed 
ever better disposed, or worse qualified, for such 
an undertaking than myself. Though I gave so 
far into his opinion that I immediately threw my 
thoughts into a sort of parliamentary form, I was 
by no means eqtially ready to produce them. It 
generally argues some degree of natural impotence 
of mind, or some want of knowledge of the world, 
to hazard plans of government, except from a seat 
of authority. Propositions are made, not only 
ineffectually, but somewhat disreputably, when the 
minds of men are not properly disposed for their 
reception; and, for my part, I am not ambitious of 
ridicule; nor absolutely a candidate for disgrace. 

Besides, sir, to speak the plain truth, I have in 
general no very exalted opinion of the virtue of pa 
per government; nor of any politics, in which the 
plan is to be wholly separated from the execution. 
But when I saw that anger and violence prevailed 
every day more and more, and that things were 



but its reason to rpcnmniend it. On the ohec 
hand, being totally destitute of all shadow of influ- 
ence, natural or adventitio'-i!>, I was very sure fat, 
if my proposition were futile or dangerous, if it 
were weakly conceived, or improperly timed, diere 
was nothing exterior to It, of po < er to awe, dazzle, 
or delude y.ui. Yiu will see it just as it is, and 
you will treat it just as it deserves. 

The proposition is peace. Kot peace through the 
medium of war. Not peace to be hunted through 
the labyrinth of intricate and endless negocia- 
tions. Not pe-v'ce to arise out of universal discord, 
fomented from principle in all pans of the em- 
pire. Not peace to depend on the juridical deter- 
minatiin of perplexing questions; or the precise 
marking the shadowy boundaries of a complex go- 
vernment. I is simple peace, sought in its natural 
course, and its ordinary haunts. It is pe ice souglit 
in thespirit of peace, and laid in principles purely 
pacific. I propose, by removing the ground of the 
difference, and by restoring the former unsuspect- 
ing confidence of the colonies in the mother coun- 
"T» to give permanent satisfaction to your people; 
and (far from # icheme of ruling by discord) to 
reconcile them to each other in the sa nf" net, and 
by the bond of the very same interest, wiiich recon- 
ciles th'^m to British government. 

My idea is nothing more. Refined policy ever 
has-been the parent of confusion, and ever will be 
so as long as the world endures. Plain good inten- 
tion, which is as easily discovered at the first viev, 
as fraud is surely detected at last, is, let me say, of 



hastening towards an incurable alienation of our j no ^ean force in the government of mankind. Ge- 
colonies, I confess my caution gave way, I felt this | „„;„£ simplicity of heart is an healing and cement- 
as one of those few moments in which decorum l jng principle. My plan, therefore, being formed 
yields to an higher duty. Public calamity is a upon the most simple grounds imaginable, may 



mighty leveller, and there are occasions when any, 



even the slightest, chance of doing good must be nothing to recommend it to the pruriency of 



laid hold on, even by the most inconsiderable per- 
son. 

To restore order and repose to an empire so 



disappoint some people when they hear it. It has 



ears. There is notliing at all new and captivating 
in it. 11 has nothing of the splendor of the pro- 
ject, wliich has been lately laid upon your table 
great and so distracted as ours, is merely,' in the by the noble lord in the blue riba.,d.* It does 
attempt, an undertaking that would ennoble the *<'That, when the governor, council or assenibly, 
flights of the highest genius, and obtain pardon or general court, of any of I, is Oiajc-sty's ptovinces 

for the efforts of the meanest understanding.- j ^' 5=^''""'" ''V^"'?'?k' ''''''' P.'^P'^*' '^° ^"'^'^^ P™' 

° vision, according to the coiuli.iori, circtimsiances 
Struggling a good while with these thoughts, by Lnd situation of such province or colony, f,r con- 
degrees I felt myself more firm. I derived, at { ^''''^U'i",', -i'^ir propi.ninn to the co.hriou defence 

lenn-th e^nsa ^^G^ „ r 1 * • .1 -I (snch proportioH to be raised iiniler t!ie auUioritV 

length, some conhdence from what in other cir-P-/.., ' , , , ut c i. 

oi the general court, or general assembly, of .-uch 
•umstances usuilly produces limidity. I grew kss province or colony, and .li^pos.ible by nni-li.,m- nt) 
anxious even from the idea of my own insignificance; U"** ■'*''=^" ^"H^S''" to make provision ais., ('•);• iie 
fi^^ ;,.-i „.:„., «r..,i » u 1 ■ ' support of liie civil governmeii, and thcadir.inistra- 

tor udgmg or what you are, by what you oug- it to .■ r- ,• • ,. - . Vi 

, J"^ '^ b "■ •-y I tion of j:isUoe, v\ sucu pr.n'iTtce or coionj, ii ,m11 

be, I persuaded myself Hut vou would not reject !bfc proper, if siich proposal shill be approved by 



226 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTlOx^. 



pot propose to fill your lobby with squabbling 
colony agents, wlio will req lire t!'e interposition 
of your mace, at every instant, to keep the peace 
amon^^st thern. It does not institute a ma^jnificeiil 
auction of finance, where captivated provinces 
come to general ransom by bidding against each 
ot'.er, until you ktock down the hammer, and 
determine a pro .ortion of payments, beyond all the 
powers of algebra to equalize and settle. 

The plan, wliich I shviU presume to suggest, 
derives, however, one great advantage from the 
proposition and registry of that noble lord's pro 
ject. The idea of ronciliition is admissible. Frst, 
the house, in accepting the resolution moved b^ 
the noble loid, hss admitted, notwithstanding the 
meuHcing front of our adilress, notwithstandinj^ 
our liPavy bill of pains and penalties, that we do 
not V ink ourselves precluded from all ideas of fiee 
grace and bounty. 

The house has gone farther, it has declared con- 
ciliation a]miss;ble, previous to any sabmi^^sion on 
the pnrt of Vnjerica. It has even shot a good Jea! 
b yo'd that ma' k, and has admitted that the com- 
plaints of our former mode of exerting the right of 
taxation were not wholly unfoun '.ed. That right 
thus exerted is allowed to have had something re- 
prehensible in it; so-nething unwise, or something 
grievous; since, in the midst of our heat and resent- 
ment, we of ourselves h .ve proposed a capital 
alteration and, in order to get rid of what seeined 
so very exceptionable, hnve instituted a m >de that 
is altogether new; one that is, indeed, wholly alien 
from all the ancient methods and forms of parlia 
ment. 

The principle of this proceeding is large enough 
for my purpose The means prop.ised jy the noSle 
lerd for carrying his ideas into execution, I think, 
indeed, are veiy i diftV.remly suited to the end; and 
this I shall eade.'xvop to shew you before I sit down. 
U'lt, for the present, I take my ground on the 
aJ fiited oriicipie. I m<a i to give peace. P'-acc 
inpUes re>*. 'Uoiliatio i; and, wiiere tnere !<as beer 
a ..i ■eKwl dispute, ricOT^Miiaion >lo'S io a m.'imer 

hi-, in-'jcstv, arid t! e two li uses of parii^meiit, ai.d 
foi so long assurh provi>.ion 3 uli be rawde accord 
in^.y, Ij f(<rbea , v\ resp -ct of such p ovinse o- 
c<;U)!y, to levy i y du y, tax, or assessis c t, ir to 
imposf- any fur her duty, tuX, oi a- sssmeiK, except 
sue') du'ies rts i may be expedient to continue t 
levy or impost for the rfgulation of co^unieiccj tl e 
ne.*. t)r«-duce of the -Jmies last mentioned to be 
carr ed to rh" acouut ot -ucli provi ice or c ion. 
re-p^"i*ely." Rv«!olutions (i.ov. d by lord Nor- 
in !.e cc^imiitee, aad agreed to by tLe houbt. 27 
Peo. 1775. 



•ihvays imply concession on the one part or on 'ie 
other. Intiiis slate of things' 1 make no difficulty 
in affirming that the proposal ouglit to originate 
from us. Great and acknowledged force is not 
impaired, either in effect or in opinion, by an un- 
willingness to exert itself. T'le superior power 
may offer peace with honor and wiih safety. Such 
;in off r, from such a power, will be attributed to 
magnanimity. But the concessions of the weak 
are the concessions of fear. When such a one is 
disarmed, he is wlioUy at the mercy of his superior, 
and he loses forever that time and those chances 
which, as t'ey happen to all men, are the strength 
and resources of all inferior power. 

The capital leading questions, on which yoti 
must this day decide, are these two. Fi.'st, whe- 
ther you ought to concede; and, secondly, what 
your concession ought to be. On the firsi of these 
questions we have gained (as 1 have just taken 
the liberty of observing to you) some ground. But 
I am se; sible that a good deal more is still to be 
done. Indeed, sir^ to enable us to determine both 
ju the one and the other of these great questions, 
with a firm and precise judgment, 1 think it may 
be necessary to consider distinctly the true nature 
and the peculiar circumstances of the object which 
we have before us. Because, after all our struggle, 
tvhether we will or not, we must govern America 
accordi ig to that nature, and to those circum- 
stances, and not according to our own imagina- 
lions; not according to abs'ract ideas of rigl^t; by 
BO means according to mere general thecies of 
government, the resoft of which appears to me, in 
our present situation, no better than arrant triflings 
I sha'd therefore endeavor, with your leave, to Uy 
before you some of the most materitl of these cir. 
cumsiances, in as full and as clear a manner as I 
am able to state them. 

The first thing that we have to consider, with 
regard to the nature of the object, is the number 
of people in the colonies. I have taken for some 
years a good deal of pains on that point. 1 can by 
no calcidation justify myself in placing the number 
b-'low two millions nf inhabitants of our orn 
Rur <pean Idood and color, besides at least 500,000 

) hers, who form no inconsiderable part of the 
strengih and opulence of the whole. This, sir, is, 
I believe, about the true number. There is n* 
occasion to exAggerate where plain truth is of so 
much weight and importance. But whether I put 
'he present numbers too high or too low, is a 

natter of little moment. Such is the strength 
with which populatiun shoots in that part of the 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TIIR RRVOLUTION. 



£27 



worid, \ha statp the numbers as UIkIi as we wilb 
whilst the dispute continues, the exaggeration ^nds. 
Whilst we are discussing any given magnitude, 
they are grown to it. Whilst we spend our lime in 
deliberating on the mode of governing two millions, 
we shall find we have millions more to manage. 
Your children do not grow faster from infancy to 
nianhoofl, than they spread from families to com- 
munities, and from villages to nations. 

1 put this consideration of the present and the 
growing numbers in the front of our deliberation; 
because, sir, this consideration will make it evident 
toa blunter discernment than yours, that no partial, 
narrow, contracted, pii.ched, occasional system will 
be at all suitable to such an object. Ii will sLew 
you that it is not to be considered as one of those 
"minima," which are out of ihe eye and consi lera- 
tion of the law; not apaliry excreseiceof heslae; 
not a mean dependant, w)io may be neglected with 
little damage, and provoked with little danger. It 
will prove that some degree of care and caution i* 
required in the handling such an object; it wili 
shew that you ought not, in reason, to trifle with 
.so larjfe a mass of the interests and feelings of the 
human race. You could at no time do so withou 
guilt, and be assured you will not be able to do ii 
iongwih impunity. 

But the population of this country, tl^e great and 
growing population, thotigh a very important con- 
sideration, will lose much of its weight if not com 
binsd with other circumstances. The commerce of 
your colonies i« out of all proportion beyond the 
nu.nbers of the people. T'is ground of iheir com- 
merce indeed has been trod some du3's ago, an^. 
with gr?at ability, by a distinguished* person a' 
your bar. This gentleman, afer thirty-five years 
-^it is so long since he first appeared at the same 
place to plea'. f)r the cimmer'^e of G eat Britain, 
ha-! comf" a:^.iin bffor? you to pi -ad the same cause, 
t?!'diout any otlier ciTect of time than that, to th' 
fire of imagination, and e.^ ent of erudition, whic' 
even then marked liim as one of the first liter iry 
charactfrs of hi>* age, he has addod a consumma'" 
knowledge in the commercial inier^^st of his coui> 
try, formed by a lo.ng course of en ightened and 
discriminati'-g experience. 

Sir, I should be inexcusable in coming :A\ev sue'. 
a person with any detail, if agreat p^rt of the mem 
bers, who now fill the house, had not themisfoi-iun 
to be absent vvlien he appeared at your bar. Ilisides 
sir, I propose to take the matter at periods of ti^iv 

*Alr, Glover. 



somewhat differeni from Iiis. There is, if I -i- ■''& 
not, a point of vie\v fri>!ti whence, if you will look 
at this su Ject, it is i np iss-ble that it should not 
make an impression upon you. 

I h.'ive in my liand two accounts, ori<" a coTi. 
Dfative Riate of t!ie export trade of Enf^r'an 1 to 
its c donies, as it stood in the year IfOt, and as it 
stood i;i the year IT72. The o'her a s'ate of the 
export tr'de of this country to its colonies alone, 
vs it stood in 1772, compared with the whole trade 
of Kiigland to all parts of the world (the colonies 
in'luded) in the year 1704. They are from good 
vouchers; the latter perio I from the accounts on 
vour t ble, the earlier from an original manuscript 
of Daveiiant, who first establislied the inspector- 
general's office, wliich has bef.n ever since his 
lime so abundant a source of parliamentary informa- 
tion. 

The export trade to the colonies consists of 
three great branches The Af-iran, which terminat- 
ing almost wholly in the colonies, must be put to 
the account of their co-nmerce, the West-Indiui 
and the North Aneric^n. All these are so inter- 
woven, that the attempt to separate them would 
teir to pieces the contexture of the whole; and, if 
not entirely destroy, 'v«uH v^ry much depreciate 
the value of all the pirts. I therefore consi.Ier 
these three deno ninatio.is to be, what in effect 
they are, one trade. 

The trade to the colonies, taken on the "xnort 
side, at the beginning of this century, that is, in 
the year 1704, stood thus: 
Exports to North America and the West- 

fnlie--, .£483 3^5 

To Africa, 86 665 

S6J,930 

In the year 1772, whic'i I t.ike as a middle yar 
between ih'? hig'iest aid '.he lowest of thns-^ l.ite'y 
laid on your tab!*", the accounts were as foliows: 
To North America, and the West- 
Indies, £i;79l.73^ 
To Af ica, 866,3^8 
To wliic 1 if you ad 1 th.e exnort trade to 
and from Scotland, which had in 1704 
no esis;ence, 364, 000 

6,i'22,132 

From five hundred and odd thousands, it has 
.nnvn to six millions; it lias mcreased no less than 
twelvefold. Tiiis is the state of the colony trade. 



228 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



as compared witli itself at these two periods, witli- 
in this centurv; and this is matter f ;r meditation 
But this is not all. EKasnine my second account. 
See how the export trade to the colonics alone, ii. 
1772, stood ill the oilier point of view, that is, as 
comp:ired to the whole trade of England, in 1704 
The whole exfjort trade of Eng;land, in- 

cUiding that to the colonies, in 1704, 6.509,000 
Export to the colonies alone, in 1772 6,024,000 



Difference 



485,000 



nosi fortunate men of his age, had opened to him 
in vision, that when, in the fourth generation, the 
third prince of the house of Brunswick had sat 
twelve-years on the throne of that nation, which 
(by the happy issue of moderate and healing coun- 
cils) was to be made Great Britain, he should see 
is son, lord Chancellor of England, turn back the 
current of hereditary dignity to its fountain, and 
rtise him to an higher rank of peerage, whilst he 
enriched the family with a new one; if, amidst these 
bright and happy scenes of domestic honor and 
prosperity, that angel should have drawn up t!ie 
curtain, and unfolded the rising glories of liis 
country, and wliilst he was guzing with admiration 
on ti.e then commercial grandeur of E igland, the 
genius should point out to him a little speck, scares 
visible in the mass of the national interest, a small 
seminal principle, rather than a formed body, and 
sliould tell him — "young man, there is America, 
which at this day serves for little more than tv> 
amuse you with stories of savage men, and uncouth 
manners; yet shall, before you taste of death, shew 
itself equal to the whole of that commerce which 
now attracts the envy of the world. Whatever 
England has heen growing to by a progressive in- 
crease of improvements, brought in by variety of 
people, by succession of civilizing conquests and 
civilizing setlemeats in a series of seventeen 
hundred years, you shall see as much added to her 
by America, in the course of a single life!" If this 
state of his country had been foretold to him, wo'.dd 
it not require all the sanguine credulity of youth, 
and all the fervid glow of enthusiasm, to make him 
believe it.' — Fortunate man, he has lived to see il! 
Fortunate indeed, if he lives to see nothing that 
shall vary the prospect, and cloud the setting of 
his day! 

E.tcuse me, sir, if turning from such thoughts I 
resume this comparative view once iBore. You 
have seen it on a large scale; look at it on a small 
one. I will point out to your attention a particuUr 
instance of it in the single province of Pennsylvania. 
In the year 1704 that province called for c£l 1,459 
in value of your commodities, native and foreign. 
This was the whole. What did it demand in 1772.? 
Why, nearly fiftj times as much, for in thut year 
the export to Pennsylvania was ^£507,909 nearly 
equal to the export to all the colonies together in 
Uie first period. 

I choose, sir, to enter into these minute and par- 
ticular details; because generalities, which in all 



The trade with America alone is now within less 
than ^500,000 of being equal to what this great 
cot.imerciai nuion, England, carried on at the 
bej^inniiig of this ce ;tM"y with t'"e whole wo'ddl 
If I h .d taken Ih.e largest year of those on your 
tabic, it would r.ither have esceeded. But it will 
be said, is not this American trade an unnatural 
protuberance, that has drawn the juices from the 
rest of the body? The reverse. It is the very 
food tl»at has nourished every other part into its 
present magnitude. Our general trade has been 
greatly augmer.tel; and augmented more or less 
in almost every part to which it ever extended; 
but v/ith this material difference, that of the six 
millions wiiich, in the beginning of the century, 
consti uted the whole mass of our export com- 
merce, t!»e colony trade was but one twelfth part; 
it is now (as a part of seventeen millions) considera- 
bly more tiian a tiiird of the whole. This is the 
relative proportion of the importance of the colo- 
nies at these two periods; and all reason concern- 
ing our mode of treating them mucthave this pro- 
portion as its b^sis, or it is a reasoning weak, rotten, 
and S'lphistical. 

Mr. Speak-'r, I cannot prevail upon myself to 
hurry over this great consideration. It is good for 

us to be I'.ere. We stand where we have an immense 

view of v.hat is, and what is past. Clouds Indeed, 

and darkness rest upon tiie future. Let us, how- 
ever, before we desceiul from this noble eminence, 

reflect th>it this growth of our national prosperity 

has happened within the short period of the life or 

m:in. It has happened within sixty-eight years. 

There are those alive, whose memory miglittouclj 

the two extremities! For instance, my lord Bathurst 

might remember all the stages of the progress. He 

was, in 1704, of »!• age at least to be made to com- 
prehend such things; he was then old enough, acvn 

parenturn jam iegere, et (jux sit proterit cognosorc 

virtus. Suppose, sir, liiattheangelof thisauspicions 

youth, foreseeing the many virtues, which made I iiher cases are apt to highten and raise the subject, 

him one of the moJt amiable, as he is one of iht'have here a tendency to sink it. When we speak 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



of the commerce with our colonies, fiction lag** 
sfter truth; invention is unfruitful; and imagination 
cold and ban-en. 

So far, sir, as to the importance of the object in 
the view of its cominerce, as concerned in the ex- 
ports from Enj^Und, If I were to detail the im 
ports, I could shew how many enjoyrrier.ts ;hey 
procure wliicli deceive the burtden of life; how 
m-iny materials which invigorate tl)e spriigs of 
national industry, andestendand aniniateevr-ry part 
of our foi-fignaiid Ocmestic commerce. This uould 
be a curious subject indeed; but 1 must prescribe 
bounds to myself in a matter so vast and v-rioiss. 

I pass, therefore, to the colonies in ano her point 
of view — their agriculture. This they have pro- 
secuted with such a spirit, that, besides feeding- 
plentifully their own growing muliitude, the:r 
annual export of grain, con^prehending rice, hits 
Some years ago exceededa mdlion in value; of tr eii 
last harvest, I am persuaded they will export mucii 
more. Ai the be^innmg of the century some of 
these colonies imported corn from ihe mother 
country. For some time past the old world has 
been fed from the new. The scarcity which you 
have felt would have been a desolating famine, if 
this cliild of your old age, with a true filial piety, 
with a Uoman charity, had not put the full breast 
of its youthful exuberance to the moutii of its 
exhausted parent. 

As to the wealth which the colonies have drawn 
from the sea by their fisheries, you had all that 
matter fully opened at your bar; you surely thought 
those acquisitions, for they seemed even to excite 
your envy; and yel the spirii, by which that enter- 
prizing employment has been exercised, ought 
rather, in my opinion, to have raised your esteem 
and admiration. And pray, sir, what in the world 
is equal to it? Pass by the other parts, and look 
at the manner in which the people of New Kngland 
have of late carried on the whale fishery. Whilst 
we follow them among the tumbling mountains of 
ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest 
frozen recesses of Hudson's Bay and Davis's Straits, 
whilst we are looking for them beneath the arctic 
circle, we hear that they have pierced into the 
opposite region of polar cold; that they are at the 
antipodes, and engaged under the frozen serpent 
of the south. Falkland island, which seemed too 
remote and romantic an object for the gi-asp et 
national ambition, is but a stage and resting place 
in the progress pf their victorious industry. Nor 
is the equinoctial heat more discouraging to them 



'■lan theacGumolated winter of both the poles. We 
know that wliilst some of them driw the line and 
s'rike the harpooM on the c iast of Afri.-a, others 
run the longitude, aid pursue the gigantic game 
along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what is 
vexed hy their fisher;es: no climate that is not 
witness to their :oils. Nei'her tlie perseverance 
of Holland, nor the activily of Fra!;ce, nor the 
uextrous and firm sagacity of English enterpiizc, 
ever carried this most perilous mode of hardy in- 
dustry to the extent to which it has been pushed 
by this rocoTii people; a people who are still, as it 
were, but in tlie gristle, and not yet h^irdened into 
the hone of manhood. When I contemplate these 
things; whenlknowthatthecoloni -sin general owe 
little or noihin- to any care of onrs, and tliat they 
are not squeezed into this happy form by ihc 
constrains <.f watchful and suspicious j;overnment, 
but tha., through a wise and saiutiry negUct, a 
generous n: ttire h^ts been snfiered to take her own 
way to perfection; when 1 reflect upon these efforts, 
when 1 see how profitable they have been to us, I 
feel all the pride of power sink, and all pivsumption 
in the wisdom of human contrivances nn If, and die 
away witliin me. My rigour relents. 1 pardon 
something to the spirit of liberty. - 

I am sensible, sir, that all which I have asserted 
in my detail, is admitted in the gro.ss; but that quite 
a different conclusion is drawn from it. America, 
gentlemen, I s>^y is a noble object. It is an object 
well wortii fighting Ur^. Certainly it is, if fi-htlng 
a people be the best way of gaining theni; gentle- 
men, in this respect, will be led to their choice of 
means by their complexions and their habiis. Those 
who understand the miliiary art, wiUof conric have 
some predilection for it. Tliose who wield the 
thunder of the state, may have more confidence i,i 
the eflicacy of arms. But 1 confess, possibly for 
want of this knowledge, my opinion is much more 
in favor of prudent management than offeree; con- 
sidering force not as an odious, but a feeble instru- 
ment, for preserving a people, so numerous, so ac- 
tive, so growing, so spirited as this, m a profitable 
and subordinate connexion with us. 

First, sir, permit me to observe that the use nf 
force alone is but temporary; it may subdue for a 
moment, but it does not remove the necessity of 
subduing' again; and a nation is not governed, which 
is perpetually to be conquered. 

My next object is its uncertainty; terror is not, 
always the effect of force; and an arinamcia is not 
a victory. If you do not succeed, you are witiioat 



230 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



resource; for, coiiriliu'ion fiilin^, force remain'^: 
but, force failing, no further ho^e of reconciliation 
is lefl. Power and authority are sometimes boupb • 
by kindness; but they c^n never he brg^ed as alms 
by an impoverished ai^d defeated violence. 

A farther objecsion to force is, t'lat you impair the 
object by your very endeavors to preserve it. The 
thing you fought for, is not the thing whicli you re- 
cover; but depreciated, sunk, wasted, and consum- 
ed in the contest. Nohing less will coment me 
than whole America. I do not choose lo consume 
its strength along with our own, because in all 
parts it is the British s'rength that I consume. I 
do not choose to be caught by a foreign enemy at 
the end of this ex'iaustnig conflict; and still less 
in the midst of it. 1 m .y escape, but I can m»ke 
no insurance against such an event. Let me add, 
that I do not choose wholly to break the Ameri- 
can spirit, because it is the spirit that has made the 
country. 

Lastly, we have no sort of experience in favor 
of force as an instrument in the.rule of our colon, s 
Their growth and their utility has been owing u> 
aneihods altogether difff rent. Our ancien. indul 
gence has been said lo be pursued to a fault. 1 
may be so. But we know, if feeling is evidence, 
that ou fault was more tolerable than our attempi 
to mend it, and our sin far more salutary than our 
peni eiice. 

These, sir, are my reasons for not entertaining 
that high opinion of untried force, by which man\ 
gentlemen, for whose sentiments inoth: r particulars 
I have great respcci, seem to be so greatly cap ivat- 
ed. But there is still behind a bird consideration 
concerning this object, which serves to determine 
my opinicn on the son of policy which ought to be 
pursued in the man.gementof America, even more 
than its population and its commerce, I mean its 
temper and character. 

In this character of the Americans a love of free 
dom is the predominati g feature, which marks and 
dii'tinguishes the whole; and as an ardent is always 
a jealous ff'^cuon, \ our colonies become suspiciou*-, 
restive, and untractablc, whenever they see the least 
attempt to wrest from them by force, or shufflt 
from them by chicane, wiiat tliey think the only 
advantage worth livnig for. TI is fierce spirit of 
liberty is stronger in the English colonies probabiy 
than in any otiier people of the eartlt, and tins fom 
a great variety of powerful causes; whicli, to under 
stand the true temper of their minds, and the 



directions which this spirit tak' s, it will not be 
amiss to lay open somewhat more largely, 

First, the people of the colonies are descendents 
of Englishmen. England, sir, is a nation which 
s ill I hope respects, and formerly adored her 
freedom. The colonists emigrated from you, when 
this part of your character was most predominant; 
and they took this bias and direction the moment 
th^y parted from your hands. They are therefore 
not only devoted to liberty, bu* to liberty accord- 
ing to English ideas, and on English principles. 
Abstract liberty, like other mere absiractions, is 
not be found Liberty inheres in some sensible ob- 
ject; and every nation has formed to itself some 
f><vorite point which by way of eminence becomes 
the criterion of their happiness. It happened, you 
know, sir, that the great contests for freedom in 
this country were from the earliest times chiefly 
upon the question of taxing. Most of the contests 
in the ancient commonwealths turned primarily on 
the right of election of magistrates; or on the 
balance among the several orders of thesta'e. The 
question of money was not with them so immediate. 
But in England it was otherwise, en this point of 
taxes, the ablest pens, and most eloquent tonguea 
have been exercised; the greatest spirits have acted 
and BufTered. 

In order to give the fullest satisfaction concern- 
i"g the importance of this point, it was not only 
necessary for those, who in argument defended the 
excellence of the English constitution, to insist on 
this privilege of granting money as a dry point of 
fact, and to prove that the right had been acknow- 
ledged in ancient parchments and blind usages, to 
reside in a certain body called an house of com. 
mons. They went nrwich further; they attempted 
to prove, and they succeeded, that in theory it 
ought to be so from the particular nature of a 

lOUse of commons, as an immediate representa- 
tive of the people, whether the old records had 
delivered this oracle or not. They took infinite 
pains to inculcate, as a fundamental principle, that 
in all monarchies the people must in eflTect tiiem- 
sclvcs mediately or imrftediately poshes the power 
of granting their own money, or no shadow of li- 
berty could subsist. The colonies draw from you, 
as wi'h their life blood, these ideas and principles. 
Their love of libeHy, as with you, fixed and attached 
on this specific point of taxing. Liberty might be 
SMfe, or might be endangered in twenty other par- 

iculars, without their being mtich pleased or 
jilarmed. Here they felt its pidse; and as they 
found that beat, they thought liiemselves sick ar 



I'RiNClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOIS. 



231 



sound. I do not say whether tliey were riglil ov 
wroijT in apolyinp your K^npraJ arpfuments to t'lcr 
own case. It is not easy indeed to make a nionopoly 
of tliporems and corolliries. The fact is, t!iat they 
did thus apply those general arguments; and your 
mode of governing tliem, whether through lenity 
or inddenre, through wisdom or mistake, confirm 
them in the imagination that they, as well as you, 
had an interest in these common principles, 

They were further confirmed in this pleasing 
error hy the form of their provincial legislative 
assemblies. Their governments are popular in an 
high degree, some &te merely popul«r; in sll, the 
popular representative is the most weighty; and 
this share of the people in their ordinary govern- 
went never fails to liippire them with lofty senti. 
iments, and with a strong aversion fronn whatever 
tends to deprive them of their chief importance. 

If any thing were wan'ing to this necessary opera- 
tion of the form of government, religion would have 
given it a complete effect. Religion, always a prin 
ciple of energy, in this new people^ is no way worn 
out or impaired; and their mode Of professing it is 
also one main cause of this free sp"rit. The peo- 
ple are protestan s; and of that kind which is the 
most averse to all implicit submission of mind and 
opinion. 

Tl is is a persuasion not only favorable to liberty 
but built upon it. I do not think, sir, tl at the rea- 
son of this averseness in the dissenting churches, 
from all that lo ks like abs-du e government, is so 
much lo be 6ouj,ht in their religious tenets, as in 
their history. Every ore knows, that the Uomsin 
Catholic relig'on is at leas, coeval wilJi most of the 
govf rnmen's where it prevails; that it has generally 
go e hand in hand with them, and received great 
favor and every kind of support from authority. 
The church of Engla' d too was formed from her 
cradle under the nursing care of regrll^^ govern- 
ment. But the dissenting interests have sprung 
up in direct opposition to all the ordinary powers 
of the world; and could justify that opposition 
only on a strong claim to na'ural liberty. Their 
very existence depended on the powerful and 
unremitted assertion of that claim. All Pro 
testantism, even the most cold and passive, is a 
«ort of dissent. But the religion most prevalent in 
our northern colonies, is a refinement on the prin- 
ciple of resistance, it is the diffidence of disseni; 
and the protestantism of die protectant religim. 
This religion, under a variety of denominations, 
agreeing in nothing but in the communion of tLe 



spnit of liberty, is pre 'ominant in most of the 
northern provinces; where the church of England, 
notwithstanding its legal rights, is in reality no 
more than a sort of private sect; not composing 
most probably the tenth of tlep'^ople. The colonists 
left England when this spirit was high: and in the 
emigrants was the highest of all, and even t!iat 
strain of foreigners, which has been constantly 
flowing into these colonies, has for the greatest 
part, been composed of dissenters from the estab- 
lishments of their several countries; and have 
brought with them a temper and character far from 
alien to that of a people witli whom they mixed. 

Sir, I can perceive, by their manner, that some 
gentleman object to the latitude of this description; 
because in the southern colonies the church of Eng- 
land forms a large body, and has a regular establish- 
ment. It is certainly true. There is, however, a 
circumstance altendi' g tiiese colonies, which in my 
opinion, fully counterbalances tliis difference, and 
makes the spirit of liberty still more high and 
iaug! ty than in those to the northward. It is that 
in Virginia and the Caroli las, they have a vast 
multitude of slaves. Where this is the case in any 
part of the world, those who are free, are by far 
the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Free- 
dom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind 
of rank and privilege. Not seeing there that free- 
dom, as in rountries where it is a common blessing, 
and as broad and general as the air, may be united 
with much abject toil, tvitb great misery, with all 
the exterior of servitude, liberty looks amongst 
them like something that is more noble and liberal. 
I do «ot mean, sir, to commend the superior 
morality of this sentiment, which has at least a» 
much pride as virtue in it, but I cannot alter the 
nature of man. The fact is so, and these people 
of the southern coilonies are much more strongly, 
and with an higher and more stubborn spirit, 
attached to liberty than those of the northward. 
!>uch were all the ancient commonwealths; such 
were our Gottiic ancestors; such in our days were 
the Poles; and such will be all masters of slaves, 
who are not slaves themselves. In such a people 
the haughtiness of domination combines with the 
!>pirit of freedom, fortiiies it, and renders it invinci- 
ble. 

To impoverish the colonies in general, and i<a 
particular to arrest the noble course of their marine 
enterprizes, would be a more easy Xn-k, 1 freely 
confess it. We have shewn a disposition even to 
continue the restraint after tlie offence, looking' 
on ourselvM as rivaUto «ur colonies, and peravud- 



2S2 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ed 'lidt of'couCse we must gain all that they shall 
lose. Much misrhief we may certainly do. The 
power inadequate to all otlier thins^s is ol\eri niorf 
than sufficient for this. I do not look on tlie direct 
and immediaie po-,ver of the coloaies to resist our 
violence as very formidable. In this, however, I 
may be mistaken. But when I consider, .that we 
have colonies f')r no purpose but to be serviceable 
to us, it seems to my poor understanding' a little 
preposterous, to make them unserviceable, in order 
to keep them obedient. It is, m truth, nothing- 
more than the old, and, as I thought, exploded 
problem of tjranny, which proposes to beggar i's 
subjects into siibnissiou. Rut remember when 
you have completed your system of impoverish- 
ment, that nature still proceeds in her ordinary 
course; that discontent will increase with misery; 
and that there are critical moments in the fortune 
of all states, when they, vvhoare too weak to con- 
tribute to your prosperity, may be strong enough 
to complete your ruin. Spoliatis ar«ia siipersunt. 
The temper and character, which prevail in our 
colonies, are, I am afraid, unalterable by any hu- 
man art. We cannot, I fear, falsify the pedigree 
of this fierce people, and persuade them that they 
are not sprung from a nation, in who.«e veins the 
blood ot freedom circulates. The language, in 
which they would hear you tell them this tale, 
would detect the imposiuon; your speech would 
betray you. An Englishman is the unfittest per- 
son on earth to argue another Englishman into 
slavery. 

I think it is nearly as little in our power to 
change their republican religion, as their free 
descent; or to substitute the Roman Catholic as a 
penalty, or the church of England as an improve, 
ment. The mode of inquisition and dragooning 
is going out of fashion in the old world, and I 
should not confide much to their efficacy in the 
new. The education of the Americans is also on 
the same unalterable bottom with their religion. 
You cannot persuade them to burn (heir books of 
curious science; to banish their lawyers from their 
courts of law, or to quench the lights of their assem 
blies, by refusing lo choose those persons who .are 
best read in their privileges. It would be no less 
impracticable to think of wholly annihilating the 
popular assemblies, in which these lawyers sii — 
The army, by which we must govern in their place, 
would be far more chargeable to us, not quite so 
effectual, and perhaps in the end, lull as ditlicuit 
to be kept in obedience. 

With regard to the high aristocratic spirit of 



Virginia and tlie souihein coloni^s. it has bee pro- 
posed, I know, to reduce it by declaring a general 
enfranciiiseinent of their shives. This project has 
had iis advocates and panegyris s; yet I never could 
argue myself into an opinion of it. Slaves are often 
much attached to their masters. A general wild 
offer of liberty would not always be accepted. — 
Hist, ry furnishes few instances of it. It is some- 
times as hard to persuade slaves to be free, as it 
is to compel freemen to be slaves, and in this 
auspicious scheme, we should have both these 
pleasing tasks on our hands at once. But when 
we talk of enfranchi.sement, do we net perceive 
that the American masters may enfranchise too, 
and arm servile hands in defence of freedom.'' A 
measure to which other people have had recourse 
more than once, and not without success, in a 
desperate situation of their affairs. 

Slaves, as these unfortunate black people are, and 
dull as all men are from slavery, must they not a 
little suspect the offer of freedom from that very 
nation which has sold them to their present mas- 
ters.' From that nation, one of whose causes of 
quarrel with those masters, is their refusal to deal 
any more in that inhuman traffic' An off<.r of free- 
dom from England wotild come raiher oddly, 
shipped to them in an African vessel, which is 
refused an entry into the ports of Virginia and 
Carolinia, with a cargo of three hundred Angola 
negroes. It would be curious to see the Guinea 
captain attempting at the same instant to publish 
his proclamation of liberty, and to advertise bis 
sale of slaves. 

But let us suppose all these moral difficulties 
got over. The ocean remains. You cannot pump 
this dry, and as loi.g as it continues in its present 
bed, so long ail the causes which weaken authority 
by distance will continue. "Ye Gods annihilate 
but space and time, and make two lovers happy!'* 
Was a pious and passionate prayer, but just as 
reasonable as many of the serious wishes of very 
lEjrave and solemn politicians. 

If then, sir, it seems almost desperate to think 
of any alternative course for changing the moral 
causes (and not quite easy to remove the natural) 
which produce prejudices irreconcileable to the 
late exercise of our authority; but that the spirit 
infallibly will continue, and continuing, will pro- 
duce such effects, as now embarrass us, the second 
mode under consideration is to prosecute that 
spirit in its overt acts as criminial. 

At this proposition I must pause a moment. The 
thing seems a great deal too big for my ideas of - 



t»riI>fC[PLKS AND ACTS OF THE RRVOLUTIOV. 



983 



Will it not teacli them that the g-overnment, af^n^'-st 
vvhi-h a claim of liberty is tantamount to hi^li 
treason, is a gnvernnfent to which submisMO- is 
equivalent to slav-i y? It msy not always bf qiiite 
convenient to impress dependent communities with 
such an idea. 



jurspnidence. It sliould seem, to m\ wxy of con 

cciving such matters, that there is a very wide 

difference in reason andpolicy, between t!.e mode of 

proceeding on the irregular conduct of scattered 

individuals, or pven of bands of men, who disturb 

order within the state, and the civl dissentions 

which may, from time to time, on ^rest qtiesiions.j We are, indeed, in all disputes with the colo^ 

agitate the several communivif-s which comprise a i,.,;es, by the necessi.y of ;! ings, the judge. It is 

great empire. It looks to tne to be narrow and ir.ie, sir. But I confess ^at tlip character of jtjHge 

pedantic, to apply the ordinary ideas of criminal j|n niy own c use, is a thing- ihnt frigltens me.— 

justice to this great ptiblic contes' 1 .1 not k"ow linste:id of filling me u-itli pride, I am exceedingly 

the method of drawing up an indinlment aeainsr hurnbled by it. 1 cannot proceed With a stf.rn, 



a whole people. I cannot insult and ridifule the 
feelings of millions of my fellow crtaiuies, as sir 
Edward C>ke insulted one excellent individual 



assured, judicial cliaracter. I must have tliese 
hesitations as !nng as I am compelle 1 to recnllncr, 
that, in my little reijding upon such contests as 



(sir Walter Rnwleigh) at the bar. I am not ripe these, the se; se of ma- kind has, at least, as often 
to pass sentence on the gravest public ho 'ies, Ljecided agiinst the suoerior as the subordinate 
entrusted with magistracies of great authoriy and power. Sir, let me add too, that the opinion of 
dignity, and charged with tlie safety of their fLl-| my having some abstnct rigiit in my favor, would 
low-citizens, tipon the very same title that I am. Ijnoi put me n)u>''.h a' my ease in pf^ssing sentence, 
really thi;k ihdt, for wise men, this is not j'idicious; unless I coidd he sure that there were no rights 



for sober men, noi decent; fir minds tinctured with 
humanity, not mild and merciful. 

Perhaps, sir, I am mistaken in my idea of an em- 
pire, as distinguished from a single state or king 
dom. But my idea of it is this, tiiat an empire is 



which, in their exercises under certain circum- 
stances, were not the most odious of all wrongs, 
"ud the most vexa'ious of all injustice. Sir, these 
considerations have great weiglit with me, when I 
find thing- so circumstanced, tliat I see tlie saine 
parly, at once a civil litigant ; gai'ist me in a point 
the aggregate of many states under one comm n | ^f j.jght, and a culprit before me, while I sit as a 



head; whether this head be a monarch or a presid 
ing republic. It does, in such constitutions, f e- 
quently happen (and notliing but the dis-nal, cold, 
dead uniformity of servitude can prevent its hap 
peningi tliat the suhordmate parts have nany local 
privileges and immunities. Between these pri- 
vileges, and the supreme common authority, the 
line may be extremely nice. Of course disputes, 
often too, very bitter dispu es, uid much ill-blood, 
will arise. But though every privilege is aii 
exemption (in the case) from the ordinary exer- 
cise of the supreme authority, it is no denial of it. 
The claim of privilege seems rather, ex vi termini, 
to imply a superior power. For to talk of the pri 
vileges of a state, or of a person, who has no su- 
perior, is hardly any better than speaking nonsense. 



-rimin.il judge, on acts of his whose moral quality 
is to be decided upon the merits of that very 
litigation. Men are every now and then put, l)y 
the complexity of human affairs, into strange situa- 
tions; but justice is the same, let the judge be in 
what situation he will. 

There is, sir, also^a circumstance which con- 
vinces roe that this mode of criminal proceeding 
is not (at least in the present stage of our contest) 
; Itogether expedient; which is nothing less than 
the conduct of those very persois who have seemed 
,o »dopr that mode, by lately declariig a rebellion 
in Massachusetts' Bay, as l!\ey had formerly ad- 
dressed to have traitors brought hither under an 
act of Henry the eighth for trial. For thou.,h 
rebellion is declared, it is not proceeded against 



Kow, in such unfortunate quarrels, among the ^^ g^^^j,. ^^^ ^avf any steps been taken towards 
component parts of a great political union of com- 
munities, I can scarcely conceive any thing more 
completely imprudent, than for the head of the em- 
pire to insist, that if any privilege is pleadeii 
against his will, or his acts, that his whole au 
thority is denied, instantly to proclaim ..-ebellion; 
to beat to arms, and to put the offending provinces 
under the ban. Will not tins, sir, very soon teacl 



the provinces to make no dtstinctiens c:i tlidr pan? 'our present case. 



the appreh^insion or convicvion of any individual 
oflender, eilher on our late or our former addres.s; 
but modes of public coercion have been adopted, 
jnd such as huve much more resemblance to a 
sort of qualified hostility towards an independent 
power than the pu.ishment of rebellious subjects 
All this seems rather inconsistrfnt, but. it shews 
low difficult it is to apply these juridical ideas to 



i34 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



In this situation, let us seriously and coolly 
ponder. What is it we liave got by all our menaces, 
which Iiave been many and ferocious? What ad- 
vantafje have we derived horn the penal laws we 
have passed, and which, for the time, liave been 
severe and numerous? What advances have we 
made towards our object by the sending of a force 



on the contrary, a right of taxation is necess,arily 
involved in the genpral principle of legislation, and 
inseparable from the ordinary supreme power? — 
These are deep questions, where great nan.es 
miliiate against each other; where reason is per- 
plexed, and an appeal to au'horities only thickens 
the confusion. For high and reverend authorities 



vhicit, by land an J sea, is no contemptible strength? I lift up their heads on both sides, and there is no 
Has the disorder abated? Nothing less.— When 1 sure footing in tbe middle. This point is the 
see things in this situation, after such confident great Serbonian bog, betwixt Damiata and Mount 
hopes, bold promises, and active exertions, 1 c n- Cussius old, where armies whole have sunk. I do 
no', for rriy lif , avoid a suspicion that the plan itself) not intend to be overwhcln.ed in that bog, though 



is not correctly right. 

If tlien the removal of the causes of this spirit 
of American liberty be, for llie greater part, or 
ratJer entirely, impracticable; if the ideas of crimi- 
nal process be inapplicable, or, if applicable, are 
in tlie highest degree inexpedient, what way yet 
remains? No way is open but the third and last; 
to comply with tlie American spirit as necessary, 
or if you please, to submit to it as a necessary evil. 

If we adopt this mode, if we mean to conciliate 
and concede, let us see of what nature the con- 
cession ought to be? To ascertain the nature of 
our concession, we nuisi look at their complaint. 
The colonies comphiin that tiiey have not the 
characteristic mark and seal of British freedom. 
Tl.py complain, that they .re taxed in a parliament, 
in which they are not represented. If you mean 
to s&tisfy thein at all, you must satisfy them with 
regard to this compUint. If you mean to please 
any peopkj you must give them the boon which 
they ask; not what you may think better for tbem, 
but of a kind totally diilerent. Such an act may 
be a wise reguUtion, but it is no concession; where- 
as our present theme is the mode of giving satisfac- 
tion. 

Sir, I think you must perceive, that I am resolved 
this day to have nothing at all to do with the ques- 
tion of the right of taxation. Some gentlemen 
startle — but it is true. I put it totally out of the 
question. It is less than nothing in my considera- 
tion, I do not indeed wonder, nor will you, sir, 
that genlUmen of profound learning are fond of 
displaying it on this profound subject. But my con. 
Bideralioo is narrow, confined, wr.d wlioily limited 
to the policy of the question. I do not examine, 
■whether the giving away a man's money be a 
power excepted and reserved out of the general 
trust of government, and how far all mankind, in 
all forms of polity, are entitled to an exercise of 
tjiat ritjht by the charter of nature. Or whether. 



in such respectable company. The question with 
me is, not whether you have a right to render your 
neople miserable, but whether it is not your in- 
terest to make them happy? It is not what a law- 
yer 'ells me I may do, but what humad'y. reason, 
and jtistice tells me 1 ought to do. I* a politic 
act the worse for being a generous one? Is no 
concession proper, but that which is made from 
your want of right to keep what you gran ? Or 
does it lessen the grace or dignity of relaxing in 
the exercise of an odious claim, because you have 
your evidence room full of titles, and all those 
arms? Of what avail are thi'y, when the reason of 
the thing tells me, that the assertion of title is the 
loss of my s"i'; and that I could do nothing but 
wound myself by the use of my own weapons? 

Such is stedfastly my opinion of the absolute 
necessity of keeping up the concord of tl;is empire 
by a unity of spirit, though in a diversity of opera- 
tions; that, if 1 were sure the colonists had, at their 
leaving this country, sealed a regular compact of 
servitude; that they had solemnly abjured all the 
rights of citizens; that they had made a vow to 
renounce all ideas of liberty, for them and their 
posverity, to all generations; yet I sliould hold my- 
self obliged to conform to the temper I found 
universally prev-nlenl in my own day, and to govern 
two millions of men, impatient of servitude, on the 
principles of freedom. I am not determining a point 
of law; 1 am restoring tranquility, and the general 
character and situation of a people must determine 
what sort of government is fitted for them. That 
point nothing else can or ought to determine. 

My idea, tberefore, without considering whether 
we yield as matter of right, or grant as matter of 
favor, is to admit the people of our colonies into 
an interest in the constitution; and, by recording 
that admission in the journals of parliament, to giva 
them as strong an assurance as the nature of tbe 
ihiwg will admit, that we mean forever to adhere to 
that solemn declaration of systeraaiic indulgence. 



PUI\CTPLKS AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



2-35 



S'TTie years ago the repeal of arevrniie ant, up- 
on its urderstood principle, might have served to 
ahev that we intended an unconditionnl abatement 
iof the exercise of a taxitig power. Such a mea- 
sure was tV.en sufficient to remove all suspicion, 
and to give perfect content. But unfortunate 
events, since that time, may make something far- 
ther necessary, and not more necessary for the 
satisfaction of the colonies than for the dignity and 
consistency of our own future proceedings. 

I have taken a very incorrect measure of the di?- 
posit^en of the house, if this proposal in ilself 
would be received with dislike. I tliink, sir, we 
have few American financiers. But our misfortune 
is, w*ft are too acute, we are too exquisite in our 
conjectures of the future, for men oppressed with 
such great and present evils. The more moderate 
among the opposers of parliamentary concession 



'le advocates of colony taxes to a clear t^dojissioa 
of the futility of the scheme, then, sir, the sleeping 
•fade laws revive fro fi their trance; and this, unless 
taxation is to be kept sacred, not for its own sake, 
but as a counterguard and security of the laws of 
trade. 

Then, sir, you keep up revenue laws which are 
mivchievous, in order to preserve trade laws that 
are useless; such is the wisdom of our plan in i)oth 
its members. They are separately given up as of 
no value, and yet one is always to be defended for 
the sake of the other. But I cannot agree with 
the noble lord, nor with the pamphlet from whence 
beseems to have borrowed these ideas, concerning 
the inutility of the trade laws. For without idoliz- 
ing them, 1 am sure they are still, in many ways, 
of great use to us; and in former times they have 
been of the greatest. Tlsey do confir.e, and they 



freely confess, that they hope nogoodfrom taxa'ion.U^o greiilly narrow, the market for the Americins. 
but they apprehend the colonists have further views,! ^'^^ "^V perfect conviction of this does not help me 
and if this point were conceded, they wonll instant- '" ^^ '^''^t to discern how the reveime laws form 



!y attack the trade laws. These gentlemen are 
convinced, that this was the intention from the 



any security whatsoever t* the commercial r?gula- 
lions; or that these commercial regulations i.re the 



beginning, and the quarrel of the Americans with '''"^ gionvA of ihe quarrel, or that the giving away, 
taxation was no more than a cloke and a covet* toj'" ""y '^'-^ instance of authority, is to lose all that 
this design. Such has been the language even of '"''> r'-tnai" unconceded. 



a gentleman* of real moderation, and of a natural 
temper well adjusted to fair and equal govern 
metu. I am, however, sir, not a little surprised at 



One fact is clear and Indisputable. The public 
ard avowed origin of tois quarrel Wiis on taxation. 



,. . , . J f ,. , ,, . J JTliis quarrel has indeed brought on new djspuies, 

this kmd of discourse, whenever I hear v; and II ^ f » 

. , . r .1 . i°" "^^ questions; but certainly the least biuer, 

am more surprised, on account of the argumentsl , , / ^ 

. . , , ♦,!«,• •♦, * .land the fewest of all, on the trade laws. To judge 

which t constantly t?nd in company with it, and! ,.,„... Jo 



which are often urged from the same mouths, and 
on the same day. For instance, when we allege 
that it is against reason to tax a people under so 
many resraints to trade as the Americans, the 
noble lordf in the blue riband shall tell you, that 
the restraints on trade are furtle and useless; of 
no advantage to us, atid of no burthen to those on 
whom they are imposed; that the trade to America 
is not secured by the acts of navigation, but by the 
natural and irresistible advantage of a commericial 
preference. 

Such is the merit of the trade laws in this posturf 
of the debate. Bui When strong internal circum- 
stances are urged against the taxes; when the 
scheme is dissected; when experience and the na 
tnre of things are brought to prove, and do prove, 
the utter impossibility of obtaining an eflective 
revenue from the colonies; when these things are 



wiiich of the two be the real j-adical cause of 
quarrel, we have to see whether the commercial 
dispute did, in order of time, precede the dispute 
on taxation? There is not a shadow of evidence 
(or it. Next, to tnaule us to judj^e whether at this 
moisient a dislike lo the trade laws be the real 
cause of quarrel, ii is absolutely neces.sary to put 
the taxes out of the question by a repeal. See how 
the Americans act in this position, and then you 
will be able to discern correctly what is the true 
object of the controversy, or whether any contro- 
versy at all will remain.' Unless you consent to 
remove this cause of dili'ercnce, it is impossible, 
witli decency, to assert that ihe dispute is not up- 
on what it is avoived to be. And 1 would, sir, re- 
commend to your strious consideration whether it 
be prudent to form a rule for punishing people, not 
on their own acts, but on your conjectures. S.rrely 
it is preposterous at the very best. It is not Jms ify- 



pressed, or rather press themselves, so as to dnvt '"^ >""'" '*"&^'' ^y ^''^''* misconduct, but ii is con- 
r i verting your ill-will into Uieir dei.iiqueiicy. 

• But the colonies will go farther.— Alas! alas! 



*iVlr. II, ie. 
^I.ord Ntmh. 



£36 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



W! pn will iliis speculating a^uinsv fr.n ami reaso' 
encl? Wliii* will quiet ihese janic fears, wlir.h we 
entertain cf 'he llot^tile effect of a con iliitory con- 
duel? Is it irue that rvo case cat. exist, in whicii 
it is proper for the sovereign to arcf de to tlie 
dr-sires of his discontet'terl subjects? I-i iliere an\ 
ti)ii:g peculiar in tills Cise, to make a rule foi 
itseif ? Is all auih'-irity of course lost, wl^en it is 
nol pushed to the ex'remi ? Is it a cert.nin nasim. 
that the fewer caises of dissatisfaction that are lefi 
by government, the more the subject will be it din- 
ed to resist and rebel? 

AM these objec ions, being in fact no more tl.an 
suspicions, conjectures, divinaiions formed in defi 
ance of fact and experience, did not, sir, di courage 
mc from entertaining the idea of a conciliator) 
concession, founded on the principles 1 Lave jus. 
staed. 

In forming a plan for this purpose, I endeavored 
to pat myself in that frame of mind, which was tlie 
most natural, and the most reasonable; and which 
was certainly the most probable means of securing 
me from all error. I set otit with a perfect distrust 
of my own abilities; a total renunciation of everv 
specuUtion of my own, and with a profound reve- 



instantly conari,unic<tted 'O lrei.>nd; and we nre 
equally sure that almost every successive improve- 
ment in constiiutioiul liberiy, as fast r.s it was 
made here, was transmitted thitlier. The feudal 
baronage, and the feudal kniglilho -d, the roots of 
o-;r primitive constitution, were early transplanted 
in;o that soil, and grew and flou;i'<hed there. — 
Mhgna Ci).'.!'ta, if it did not give us origii.ally the 
!i( use, gave us at least a house of commons of 
weight, and corisequence. But your ancestors did 
not churlishly sit down alone to tite feast of M'gna 
CI arta. Ireland '^ as m;'.de immediately a p^r' ktr. 
This benefit of Ei;g!ish lavs and liberties, 1 con- 
fers, was not at first extended to all Ireland. Mark 
the consequence. Engiish auth-riiy, and E glish 
liber ies had ex ictly the same boundaries. Your 
standard could never be advanced an inch before 
your privdfges. Sir John Davis shews, beyond a 
doub^that.ihe refusal of a general comn'unicHi.i;)n 
of tliese riglits. was the true cause why Ireland 
was five hundred years in subduing; and aftfr the 
v,ii) projects of a military g ivernment, atte-r.pted 
in the reign of queen Elizabe. h, it was soon dis- 
covered, that nnthing could make that coimtry 
English, in civility and allegiance, but your laws 
and y.ur forms of legislature. It was not English 
rence for the wisdom of our ancestors, who have j arms, but theE'iglish constituiiof, that conquered 
left us the inheritance of so luppy a constitution, i Ireland. From that time, Ireland has ever had a 



and so flourishing an empire, tuid what is a thousand 
times more valuable, the treasury of the maxims 
and principles which formed the one, and obtained 
the other. 

During the teigns of the kings of Spain of the 
Austrian family, w'.enever they were at a loss in 
the Spanish councils, it was comn on for their state - 
pien to say, that they ought to consult the genius 
of Philip the second. The genius of Philip the 
seco.td might mislead them, and the issue of their 
affu'is shewed that they had not chosen the mos' 
perfect standard. But, sir, I am sure that I shal! 
not be misled, when, in a case of constittitional 
difliculty, I consult the genius of the English co - 
stitution. Consulting at that oracle (it was with 
all due humility and piety) I fownd fnir capital 
examples in a similar case before me, those of Ire 
land, Wales, Chester, and Durham. 

Ireland, before the English conquest, though 
never governed by a despotic power, had no parlia- 
ment. How far the English parliament was at that 
time modelled, according to the present f -rm, is 
disputed among antiquarians. I5ut we have all 
the reason in the world to be assured that a form 
,of parliament, such as England then enjoyed, she 



general parliament as s^e had before a partial 
parliament; you char ged the people, you altered 
the religion, but you never touched the form or the 
vital substance of free government Y ax deposed 
kings; you restored them; you altered the sv^cces- 
sion to theirs, as well as to your own crown; but 
you never altered their constitution; the principle 
of which was respected by usurpation; restored 
with the restoration of monarchy, and established), 
I trust forever, by the glorious revi^lution. This 
has made Ireland' the great and flouris'iing king- 
dom that it is; atid from a disgrace and a burthen 
Intolerable to this nation, has rendered her r princi. 
pd part of our strength and orn iment. This cown- 
try cannot be s;<id to have ever formally taxed her. 
rhe irregular things done in the confusion of mighty 
troubles, and on the hinge of great revolutions, 
even if all were done that is said to have been done, 
form no example If they have any effect in argu- 
ment, they make an exception to prove the rule. 
None of your own lil)erties could stand a moment, 
if the casual deviations from them, at such times, 
were suffered to be used as proofs of their nullity. 
Ijy the lucrative amount of sucli casual breac'.es 
in the constitut-ion, judge wliat the stated and 
fixed rule of supply Las been in that kingdom. 



PRI"^CIPLES AKD acts OF THK REVOLUTION. 



237? 



Your Irisli pensioners would s awe, if they ha-'l no 
oC e- i'\m] to live on than taxes granted by Eng 
lish aulliorily. Turn your e\e3 to those popular 
grants from whence all your great supplies are 
come, and learn to respect that only source of pub- 
lic wealth in the British empire. 



My next example is Wales. Tliis country was 
said to be reduced by Henry the tUird. It was 
said more truly 10 be so by Elwvrd tlie first. But 
though tlien conquered, it was not looked upon as 
any part of the realm of England. lis old con 
stitution, whatever that might h-.ve been, was 
destroyed, and no good one was substitu ed in its 
place. The care of that tract was pu^ into the 
hand of lord Marchers— a form of government of 
a very singular kind; a strange heterogeneous 
ir.onster, something between hos.ilily ard govern- 
ment; perliaps it has a sort of t<eseiT.bl:iiice, accord- 
ing to the modes of tliose times, to that ..f com- 
mander in chief at present, to wliom all civil 
power is granted -s secondarj. The manners of 
the Welch nation followed tUe genius of the go- 
vernment; the people were ferocious, restive, 
savage, and imcr.llivated; sometimes composed, 
never pacified. Wdes within itself was in per- 
petual dis<)rder; and it kept the fronlier of Eng- 
land in perpetual alarm. Benefits from it to the 
state there were none. Wales was only known to 
England by incursion and invasion., 

Sir, during that state of tilings, parliament was 
not idle. They attempted to subdue iiie fierce 
spirit of the Welch by all sorts of rigorous laws 
T= ey prohibited by statute the sendmg all sorts 
of arms into Wales, as you prohibit by prochima- 
lion ('vith somelhir g more of doubt on the leg.lity) 
the sending arms to America. They disarmed 
the Welch by statute as you attempted (but still 
with more question on the legality) to disarm New 
Englaid by insiruc'ion. They made an act to 
drag offenders from Wales into England for trial, 
as you have done (but w» h more harilship) with 
regard to .\merica. By another act, wliere one 
of the parties was an Englishman, they ordained 
tkat his trial sh )uld be always by Erigli.sh. They 
made acts to restrain trade, as you da, and they 
prevented the Welch from the use of fair? and 
markets, as you do the Americans from fisheries 
and foreign ports In short, when th€ statute book 
was not quite so much swelled as it is now, you 
find no less than fifteen acts of penal regulation on 
the suhjeci of Wales. 

Here «e rub our hands— A fine body of pre- 



use of i'! 1 idm t 1' fuUv, and p>-.iy ad. 1 se ise 
to these precedents, that all the while Wales eyed 
this kingdom like an incubus; that ii was an un- 
profitable and oppressive burthen; and that an 
Englishman, travelling in that country, could not 
go six yards from the high road without being 
murdered. 

The mtrch of the human mind is slow, sir; it 
vas not until af:cr two hundred years discevercd, 
ha, by an eternal law, Pr.)Vidence had decreed 
vexation to violence and poverty to repine. Your 
.ncestors did hov.'ever at length open their eyes 
*o the ill husbandry of injustice. They found that 
the tyranny of a free people could, of all tyrannies, 
•he least be endured, anl that laws made against 
a whole nation were not the most efFecttial methods 
for securing its obedience. Accordingly, in the 
wenty-seventh year of Henry VIII. tlie course was 
entirely altered. With a preamble stating the 
entire and perfect rights of the crown of England, 
it gave to the Welch all the rights and privileges 
of English subjects. A political order was estab- 
lished; the milit ry power gfeve way to the civil; 
the murches were turned into cotinties. BHt that 
a ration should have a right to English liberties, 
and yet no share at all In the fundamental security 
of these liberties, the grant of their own property, 
seemed a thing so incongruous, that eight years 
after, that is, in the tliirly fifth of that reign, a 
coir.plete and not ill proportioned representation 
by counties and boroughs was bestowed upon 
Wales, by act of parliament. From that moment, as 
by a charm, the tumults subsided; obedience was 
restored, peace, order, and civilization followed 
in the train of liberty.— When the day star of the 
English constitution had arisen in their hearts, all 
was liarmony within and without. 
Simul alba nautis 
Stella refulsit, 
Defluit faxis agitstus humor; 
Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes; 
Et minax (quod sic voluere) ponto 
Unda recumbit. 



cedents for the authority ef pariiamait, and the rea-i to yo\K 



The very same year the county palatine of Ches« 
ter received the same relief from its oppressions, 
and the same remedy to its disorders. Be.'bre this 
ti.re Chester was little less distempered than 
Wales. The inhabitants, without rights them- 
selves, were the fittest to destroy the rights of 
others; and from ihence Richard H. drew the 
standi.g army of archers, with w'lich for a time 
he oppressed England, The people of Chester ap- 
plied to piirli.nnent in a petition, penned as I shall 



m 



PRIVCIPLRS AND ACTS OF THR REVOLUTION. 



•To the king, our sovereign lord, inmost hutr 
ble wise shewn unto your excellent majesty, tlic 
inhabitants of your grace's county palatine of Ches 
ter, that where the said county palatine of Chester 
is and hath been always hitlierto exemp*, excluded 
and separated out and from your high court of 
parliamen', to have any kiM';rht>* or burgesses with- 
in the said court; by re-son whereof the said inha- 
bita-ts have liilhertosust^ined manifold dis' erisons, 
Ipsses and damages, as well in their binds, goods, 
and bodies, as in the good, civil, and politic govern 
ance and m^im^enanceof thecommonwedth of their 
said county. (2.) \nd forasmuch as the said inha 
bitar.ts have always hitherto been bound by the 
acts and stfttutes made and ordained by your said 
highness, and your most noble progenitors, by au 
thority of the said court, as fitr forth as other coun- 
ties, cities, and boroughs hnve been, that have had 
their ki)ights and burgesses within your said court 
of parliament, and yet have had neither knight 
nor burgesses there for the said county pdatlne; 
the said inhabitants, for lack thereof, have been 
oftentimes touched, and grieved with acts and 
statutes made within the said court, as well 
derogatory unto the most ancient jurisdictions, li- 
berties, and privileges of your said county palatine, 
as prejudicial unto the commonwealth, quie'ness, 
rest, and peace of your grace's most bounden sub- 
jects inhabiting within the same." 

What did parliament with this audacious ad- 
dress.' Reject it as a libel? Treat it as an affront 
to government? Spurn it as a derogation from the 
rights of legislature? Did they toss it over the 
table? Did they burn it by the hands of the com- 
mon hangman i" They took the petition of griev- 
ance, all rugged as it was, without softening, or 
temperament, unpurged of the original bitterness 
and indignation of complaint; they made it the 
very preamble to their act of redress; and con- 
secrated its principle to all ages on the sanctuary 
of legislation. 

Here is my third example. It was attended 
with the success of my two for.ner. Chester, 
civilized as well as Wales, has demonstrated that 
freedom and not servitude, is the cure of anarchy; 
as religion, and not atheism, is the true remedy for 
superstition. 

Sir, this pattern of Chester was followed in the 
reign of Charles II. with regard lo the county 
pal-'.tine of Durham, which is my fourth example. 
This county had long lain out of the pale of fr^e 
legislation. So acrupuiowsly was the example ot 



Chester followed, that the style of the preHmble is 
nearly the same with that of the Chester act; and 
without afr"cting the abs ract estent of the au- 
thority of parliament, it recogniz-^s tlie eq-iity of" 
not s'lff ring any considerable distrirt in whinli '.he 
British subjects may act as a body, to be taxed 
without their own voice in the grant. 

Nov/ if the doctrines of policy contained in these 
preambles, and the force of tiiese examples m the 
acts of parliar^ent, aVKil any thing, what caA be 
said against ar^plyi'ig tliem with re;^Hrd to Anenca? 
Are not the people of Ar.frica as inncfi Kngiish- 
men as the Welch? The prestuible of the act of 
Henry VIII. says, the Welch speak n language • o 
way resembling that of his majesty's English sub- 
jects. Are the Americans not so numerous? If we 
may trust the learned and accurate judge Barrii^g- 
ton's account of North Wales, and take that as a 
standard to mensiire the rest, there is no com* 
parison. The people cannot amount to above 
200,000; not a tenth part of the number in the 
colonies. Is America in rebelliorr? Wales was 
hardly free from it. Have you attempted to govern 
America by penal statu'cs? You mule fifteen for 
Wales. But your legislative authority is perfect 
with regard to AmeriC"; w is it less perfect in 
Wales, Chester, and Durham? Rut An. erica is 
virtually represented. What! Does the electric 
force of virtual representation more easily pass 
over the Atlantic, than pervade W.les, which lies 
in your neighborhood; or than Chester and Durham 
surrounded by abundance of representation tliat is 
actual and palpable? But, sir, your ancestors 
thought this sort of virtual representation, how- 
ever ample, to be totally insufficient for the free- 
dom of the inhabiiants of territories that are so 
near, and comparatively so incoi.siderahie. H w 
then can I thiik it sufficient for those wiiich are 
infinitely greater, and infinitely more remote. 

You will now, sir, perhaps, imagine that I am 
on the point of propusiitg to you a scheme for a 
representation of the coloiues in parliament. Per- 
haps I might be inclined to enter'aui some such 
tlioug'it; bu> a great flood stops me in my course. 
Opposuil naiur —I caiino' remove the eternal 
barriers of the creation. The thing in that niode» 
1 do nov know to be possible. As 1 meddle with 
noli eoij, I do no absolutely assert the i.upractica- 
biluy of such a representution. But I do no see 
my way to it; aud tiiose .viio hiVc Oeen more 
onfiden , have not been mure successful. HjW- 
tvei, the Avm of pubnc benevolence is nui sliorien- 
eu, and there are often several meanb lo tae same 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



2o9 



enr]. Wliaf nature has disjoined in one way, wis- ;tio:i Th- first is a resnlntioi— "T'^ax tue colonies 
doni may unite in another. Wh^-n we cannot give | and plantation.*; of fireat Britain in Nonh America, 
the benefit as we would wish, let us not refuse it 'consisti-.g of fourteen separate governments, and 

containing two millions and upwards of free iniia- 
biiaiits, have not had the liberty and privilege of 
electing and sending any knights and buige-ses, 
lor others, to rer)res?nt them in the hifth court of 

Fortunately I am not obliged, for the ways and jp^rjij^^en^ » _Xais is a plain matter of fact, 

means ofthissubstiiule, to ax myownunproduc j ^p^pggj^j.y ^^ bg i^id down, and (excepting the 

descriptio;i) it is laid down in the language of the 
constituti.->n; it is taken nearly verbatim from acts 
of parliament. 



altogether. If we cannot give the principal, let 
us find a suhsiiluie. But how? Where? What 
substitute? 



tive invention. 1 am not even obliged to go to the 
rich treasury of the fertile fr^mers of imaginary 
Common"eHl<.l»s; not to the republic of Plato, no' 
to t' p Utopia of Mcore, not to the oceans of 
Il.'.rri'gton. It is bpfor( me — II is at my feet, 
and the rude swairt treads daily on it with his 
clouted shoon 1 only wish you to recognize, for 
the theory, the ancifn* constitutional policy of '.his 
kirgdom with reg rd to representati n, as that 
policy has been declared in acts of parliament; and 
as to the practice, to return to that mode which 
an uniform experience has marked out to you as 
best; and in which you walked with security, ad- 
vantage, and honor, until tlie year 1763. 



The second is like unto the first— "That the said 
colonies and plantations have been liable to, and 
bounden by, several subsidies, payments, rates, and 
taxes, given and granted by parliament, though the 
said colonies and plantations have not their knights 
and burgesses, in the said high court of parliament, 
of their own election, to represent the condition of 
their country; by lack whereof they have been 
oftentimes touched and grieved by subsidies given, 
granted, and assented to, in the said court, in a man_ 



ner prejudicial to the comnionwe^lth, qnietiiess. 
My resolutions, therefore, mean to establish the rest, and peace, of the subjects inhabiting within 
equity and justice of a taxation of America by t the same." 
grant and not by imposition. To mark the legal j ^^ ^^.^ description too hot, or too cold, too 



competency of the colony assemblies for the sup- 
port of their government in peace, and for public 
aids in time of war. To acknowledge that this 
legal competency has had a dutiful and beneficial 
exercise; and that experience has shewn the bene- 
iil of their grants, and the futiliiy of parliamentary 
taxation as a method of supply. 

These solid truths compose six fundamental pro- 



s rong, or too weak? Does it arrogate too much 
to the supreme legislaturt? Does it lean too iiiuch 
to the claims of the people? If it runs into any of 
these errors, the fault is not n iiie. it is the 
language of your own ancient acts of parliament. 
Non meus hie sermo, sed qua proccepii, ofella, 
rusiicus, abmrrais sapiens; it is the general pro- 
duce of the ancient, rustic, manly, homebred sense 
positions. There are three more resolutions jof this coimtry.— I did not ''are to rub off' a particle 
corollary to these. If you admit the first set youU'''he venerable rust tl:at rather adorns ^-nd pre 
can hardly reject the others. But if you admit serves than destroys the metal. It wouid be a 



the first, I shall be far from soliciious whether you 
accept or refuse the last. I think these six massive 
pillars will be of strength sufficient to support the 
temple of British concord. I have no more doubt 
than I entertain of my existence, that if you ad- 
mitted these, you would command an immediate 
peace; and with but tolerable future management, 
a lasting obedience in America. I am not arrogant 
in this confident assurance. Tlie propositions are 
all mere matters of fact; and if they are such facts 
as draw irresistible conclusions even in the stating, 
that is the power of truth, and not any management 
of mine. 

Sir, I shall open the whole plan to you together, 
Vf'ith such observations on the motions as may tend 
io illustrate them where they may want explana. 



profanation to touch with a tnoi the stones which 
construct the sacred altar of peace. I ^ould liot 
violate, wiili modern polish, the ingenious and no- 
ble roughness of these truly constitutional ma- 
terials. Above all things, I was resolved not to 
be guilty of tampering, the odious vice of restless 
and unstable minds. I put ir.y loot in tlie tracts of 
our forefathers, where I can neither wander nor 
stumble Determitiing to fix articles o*" peace, I 
was resolved not to be wise beyond what was 
written; I was resolved to use nothing else than 
the form of sound words; to let others abound in 
their own sense, and carefully to abstain from all 
expressions of my own. What tiie law has said, 1 
say. In all things else I am silent, I have no orj^an 
but for her words. This if it be not ingenious, I 
am sure is safe. 



240 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



There are, indeed, words expressive of grie 
Vance in this second resolution, whicli those who 
are resolved always to be in the right, will deny 
to contain matter of fact, as applied lo the present 
case; althougli parliament thought them true wiih 
regard to the counlifs of Chp?ter and D'irliam. — 
'i'hey will deny vhat the Americans were evpr 
"touched and grieved" with the taxes. If they 
consider nothing in taxes but their weight as 
pecuniary impositions, there might be some pre 
tence for this denial. Hut men may be sorely 
touched and deeply grieved m their privileges p.s 
well as in their purses. Men may lose little in 
property by the act which takss away all tlieir 
freedom. When a man is robbed of a trifle on the 
highway, it is not the twopence lost that con 
sti'utes the capital outrage. This is not confined 
to privileges; even ancient indulgences withdrawn, 
without ofTt nee on tlie part of those who enjoyed 
such f.ivors, operate as grievances. But were the 
Americans then not touched and grieved by the 
taxes, in some measure, merely asked? If .-o, why 
were they alm.ost ad either wIjoIIj repealed or ex- 
ceedingly reduced.' Were ihey not touched and 
grieved even by the regulating duties of the sixth! 
of George the II? Else why were the duties first I 
reduced to one third in 1764, and afterwards to a' 
third of that third in the year 1766? were they no' 
touched and grieved by the stamp act? I shall say 
tl.ey were tmtil that t x is revived. Were tliey 
rot touched and grieved by the duties of 1767, 
which were likewise repralfd, and which lord 
Hillsborough tells you (f r f e minlslr)) were laid 
contrary to the true principle of commerce? Is 
not the assurance given by that noble per.son to 
the colonies of a resolution to lay no more taxes 
on them, an adnii.ssion that taxes would touch and 
grieve them? Is not the resolution of the noble 
lord in the bhie rib.uid, now standing on your 
journals, the strongest of all proofs that parlia 
mentary su' sidies really touched and grieved them? 
Eise why ull these changes, modifications, repeals, 
assur.inces and resolutions? 

The next proposition is, "That, from the distance 
of the said colonies, and from other circumstances, 
no method has hitherto been devised for procur- 
ing a representation in parliawient fur the said 
colonies." Ttiis is an asscriion of a fact. I go no 
farther on the paper, though in my private judg- 
ment, an useful representation is impossible; 1 am 
sure it is not desired by them, nor ought it perhaps 
by US; but I abstain from opinions. 

The fourth resolution is. "that each of the said 



CO o ies haih within itself a bo 'y chosen in p irtp 
or in the whole, by the freemen, freeh dders, or 
oil er free inhabitants thereof, commonly called 
the general assembly, or genend court, with pow- 
ers legally to raise, levy, and assess, according to 
tiie several usage of such colonies, duiits and 
taxes towards defraying all sorts of public service." 

This competence in the colony assemblies is cer- 
tain. It is proved by the wiioie tenor of iheir acts 
of supply in all the assenihiies, in which the con- 
siaiil sljle of granting is, "An aid to his majesty;" 
nd acts, granli g to the crown, has regularly, for 
;:earacentiu-y, passed thepublic < ffices withou'f clis- 
pule. Those who have been pleased paradoxically 
to deny diis right, Lol(!ing that none bui the Biitish 
parliament can grant lo the cmwn, are wished to 
*ook to what is done, not only in the cotoni s, but 
m Ireland, in one uniform untiroken ten ir every: 
sesion Sir, I am surprised thnt this doctrine 
should come fron^ some of the luw S'-rvants of the 
crown. 1 say, that if the crown could be responsi- 
ble, liis majesty but cer ainly the ministers 

^re, even these law of^cers themselves, through 
whose hands the acts piss bien.iially in Ireland or 
annually in t'le colonies, in an habiuai course of 
committing impeachable offences. What haoitual 
offenders have been all presidents of the council, 
all secretaries of state, all firs* lords of trade, all 
jiiornies, and ;di solicitors gene.'-al! However, tdey 
are safe, as no one impeaches them, and there is 
no ground of charge against them, except in their 
own unfounded theories. 

The fifth resolution is also a resolution of fact, 
"that the said general assemblies, general cour s, or 
other bodies legally qualified as aforesaid, have at 
sundry times freely granted several large subsidies 
and public aids for his majesty's service according 
io their abilities, when required thereto by letter 
from one of his majesty's principal secretaries of 
state; and that their right to grant the same, and 
their cheerfulness and sufficiency in the said grants, 
.ave been at sundry times acknowledged by parlia- 
ment." To say nothing of their great expenses in 
the Indian wars; and not to take their exertion in 
foreign ones, so high as the supplies in the year 
1695; not to go back to tlieir public contributions 
in the year 1710; I shall begin to travel only where 
the journals give me light; resolved to deal in 
nothing but fact, authenticated by parliamentary 
record, and to build myself wholly on that solid 
basis. 

On the fourth of April, 1748, a committee of tliss 
house came to the foilowing resolution: 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



:4l 



"Resolvf.t), Tliat it is the opinion of this com* 
mittee, that it is just and reasonable that the several 
provinces and colonies of Massachusetts Bay, New 
Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, be 
reimbursed the expenses they have been at in tak- 
ing and securing to the crown of Great Britain, 
the island of Cape Breton, and its dependencies." 

These expenses were immense for such cohnies. 
They were above £200,000 sterling; money first 
raised and advanced on their public credit. 

On the twenty-eighth of January, 1756, a mes- 
sage from the icing' came to us to this effect — "His 
majesty, being sensible of the zeal and vigor with 
which his subjects of certain colonies in North 
America have exerted themselves in defence of his 
majesty's just rights and possessions, rpcommends 
it to this house to take tlie satue into their con- 
sideration, and to enable his majesty to give tlien 
such assistance as may be a proper reward and 
encouragement." 

On the third of February, 1756, the house came 
to a suitable resolution, expressed In words nearly 
the same as those of the message; but with tlie far 
ther addition, that the monpy they voted was :>s an jcompleled till some years after, and at dilFerent 
encouragement to the colonies to exert themselves times in different colonies. However, the taxes 



your own, and you cannot refuse in the gross, what 
you have so often acknowledged in detail The 
admission of this, which will be so honorable to 
them and to you, will, indeed, be mortal to ail the 
miserable s'ori.''s, by which the passions of the 
misguided people have been engaged in an un- 
happy system. The people heard, indeed, from 
the beginning of these disputes, one thing con- 
tinually dinned in their ears, that reason and jus- 
tice demanded that the Americans, who paid no 
taxes, should be compelled to contribute. How 
did that fact of their paying nothing stand wlien 
the taxirg system began? When Mr. Grenville 
began to form his system of American revenue, he 
stated, in this house, tliat the colonies were then 
in debt two millions six hundred thousand pounds 
sterling money, and was of opinion they would 
discharge the debt in four years. On this state, 
those untaxed people were uctiud'.y subject to the 
payment of taxes to the amou/it of six hundred 
and fif y thouitand a year. In fact, however, Mr, 
Grenville was mistaken. The funds given for 
sinking the debt did not prove quite so ample as 
both the colonies and he expected. The calcula- 
tion was too sanguine. The reduction was not 



with vigor. It will not be necessary to go through 

all the testimonies which your own records have 

given to the truth of my resolutions. I will only 

refer you to the places in the journals: 

Vol. XXVII. 16th and 19th of May, 1757. 

Vol. XXVI !I. —June 1st, 1758, April 26th and 

.?Olb, 1759. 

March 26th and 31st, and April 

28th, 1760. 
January 9th and 20th, 1761. 

Vol. XXIX. Jan. 22 J, and 26th, 1762; March 

I4th and 17th, 1763. 

Sir, here is the repeated acknowledgement of 
r»'rliament that the colonies not only gave, but 
gave to satiety. This nation has formerly acknow- 
ledged two things; first, that the colonies had 
gone beyond their abilities, parliament having 
thought it necessary to reimburse them; secondly, 
that they had acted legally and laudably in their 
grants of money, and their maintenance of troops, 
since the compensation is expressly given as a re- 
ward and encouragement. Reward is not bestowed 
for acts that are unlawful, and encouragement is 
not held out to things that deserve reprehension. 
My resolution, therefore, does nothing more than 
collect into one proposition what is scatteretl 

tbi-ough your journals. I give vou nothincr but 
31. 



after the war continued too great to bear any 
addition with prudence or propriety; and when 
the burthens imposed in consequence of farmer 
requisitions were discliarged, our tone became too 
high to resort again to requisi'ion. Xo colony, 
since that time, ever has had any requisition what- 
soever made to it. 

We see the sense of the crown, and tlie sense of 
parliament, on the productive nature of a revenue 
by giant. Now search the SHme journals for the 
produce of the revenue by imposition. Where is 
il? Let us know the volume and the page.' AVhat 
is the net produce.' To what service is it applied.' 
How have you appropriated its sarplus.' What, 
can none of the many skilful index makers, that 
we are now employing, find any trace of iti" Well, 
let them and that rest togeiher. But are tlie 
journals, which say nothing of the revenue, as 
silcRt on the discontent.' O no! A child may find 
it. li is the melancholy burthen and blot of every 
page. 

I think then I am, from those journals, justified 
in the sixth and last resolution, which is— 'That 
it hath been found, by experience, that the man- 
ner of granting the said supplies and aids, by the 
said general assemblies, hath been more agreeable 



m-i 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THK REVOLUTION. 



to the said color.ies, und more beneficial and con 
diicive to the public service, than the mode of 



New England. — Ar.d it may be proper to repeal an 
act made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his 



giving and graniing aids in i)ailiainent, to be rais'd present majesty, entitled, an act for the bettei* 

regulating the government of the province of the 
Massachusetts Bay, in New England. — And also 
that it may be proper to explain and amend an act, 
made in the thirty fiflh year of the reign of king 



and paid in the same colonies. This makes the 
whole of tiie fandasnenial part of the plan. The 
concl'.ision is irresistible. You cannot say that you 
were driven by any necessity to an exercise of the 



utmost rights of icgisla ure. You cannot assert) "eiry the eighth, entiiled, an act for the trial of 

treasons committed out of the king's dominions." 



that you took on yourselves the task of imposing 
ci/iony taxes, from the v,-ant of another legal body, 
th:it is conr.-,etPnt to tiie purpose of supplying the 
exigencies of the state, without wounding the 
prejudices of ilie people. Neither is it true that 



I wish, sir, to repeal the Boston port bill, be- 
cause (independently of the dangerous precedent 
of suspending the rights of the subjects during 
the king's pleasure) it was passed, asl apprehend^ 
the body so qualified, and having that competence, K^:jf^ j^^^ j-egularlty, and on more partial princi- 
had neglected the duty. pics than it ought. The corporation of Boston 

The question now, on all this accumulated mat- j ^'^s "o^ l^^ard. before it was condemned. Olhei- 
ter, is, whether you will choose to abide by a pro- 1 ^o^^"^ ^"»» «s guilty as she was. have not had their 
fitable experience, or a miscliievous theory; whe- , P^^ts blocked up. Even the restraining bill of the 
ther you choose to bu.id on imagination or fact; 1 1"-^^^"* session does not go to the length of the 

u .u (• ,.,-„.,„.-:,r.» «n (,r,r^,. o ^ f Ufo r t inn ^^ ^^^ ^^tt port BCt. The same ideas of prudence, 

whether you preier enjoyment or nope; sitisracnon I • »^ j 

,. , , *„„» I v/hich induced you not to extend equal punisb- 

in •iour subjects, or discontent. , •' i r 

jment to equal guilt, even when you were punish- 
If these propositions are accepted, every thing ! j^g, induce me, who mean not to chastise, but to 
which has been made to enforce a contrary system, 'e^oncile, to be satisfied with the punishment al- 
must, I take it for granted, fall along with it. On | ^.^^^y partially inflicted, 
that ground, I have drawn the following resolutioi', ) 

..... , ,„ ,„j „ -u „„,.,,. „ii.. ) Ideas of prudence, and accommodation to c'.t- 

which, when it comes to be moved, will naturally [ » ' 

, ,. , J . „ ,j.,.. ,. •. „.,., . ^ i cumstances, prevent you from taking away the 

be divided in a proper manner: ♦' I hat it may be ; . b j 



proper to repeal an act, made in the seventh year 
of the reign of his present majesty, entitled, an 
act for granting certain duties in the British colo- 
nies and plantations in America; for allowing a 
diav/hack of the duties of customs upon the ex- 
portation from this kingdom of coffee and cocoa 
mits^ of tiie produce of the said colonies and 
plan'.atiots; for discontinuing the drawback.? pay- 
able on C' ina earlhf-n-ware exported to America, 
and for more effVctually preventing the clandestine 
running of goods in the said colonies and planta- 
tions.— .\nd tha* it may be proper to repeal an act 
made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his 
presGut mKJesiy, entitled, an act to discontinue, in 
such manner, and for such time, as are therein 
mentioned, t'.ie landing and discliarging, ladiiig or 
shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandize, at the 
town and within the harbor of Bo.= ton, in the pro- 
vince of Massachusetts Bay, in N.orth America. — 
And that it may be proper to repeal an act made 
in the fourteenth year of the reign of bis present 
majesty, entitled, an act for the impartial ad- j to England fnr trial, is but temporary. That act 
ministration of justice, in tiie cases of persons has calculated the probable duration of our quarrel 
questioned for any acts done by them, in the execu- with the colonies, and is accomodated to that sup- 
tion of the law, or for the suppression of riots and j posed duration. I would hasten the happy mo- 
tumuU* in the province of Mitssacbusetts-Bsy, in 'meat of rsconcUialioiJ; and therefore must, on nay 



charters of Connecticut and Rhode Island, as you 
have taken away that of Massachusetts colony, 
though the crown has far less power in the above 
two former provinces than it enjoyed in the latter; 
and though the abuses have been full as great, 
and as flagrant, in the exempted as in the punished. 
The s me reasons of prudence and accommodation 
have weight with me in restoring the charter of the 
Massachusetts Bay. Resides, sir, the act which 
changes the charter of the Massichusetts-Bay i- ia 
many particulars so exceptionable, that if I did 
not wish absolutely to repeal, 1 would by all means 
desire to alter it, as several of its provisions tend 
to ttie subversion of all public and private justice. 
Such, among others, is the power in the governor 
to cht^nge the sheriff" at his pleasure, and to make 
a new re.urning officer for every special cause. It 
is shameful to behold suchf a regulation standing 
among English laws. 

The act for bringing persons, accused of com- 
mitting murder, under the orders of government. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE RRVOT.UTTON. 



24S 



principle, get rid of that most jubUv obnoxious] These are the three consequential propositions 
act. 



The act of Henry the eif^lith, for the trial ot 
treasons, I do no-: mean to take away, but to con- 
fine it to ifs proper bounds and orij^inijil inten- 
tion; to make it expressly for trial of treasons, 
and the greatest treasons may be committed in 
places where the jurisdiction of the crown does not 
extend. 

Having g^uarded the privileges of local legisla 
tion, I would next secure to the colonies a fair 
and unbiassed judicature; for which puipose, sir, 
I propr^se the following resolution: "THat, fronrihe 
time when the general assembly or general court 
of any colony or plantation in North America, shall 
have appointed, by act of assembly duly confirmed, 
a settled salary to the offices of the chief justice 
and other judges of the superior court, it may be 
proper that tlie^aid chief justice and other judges 
of the superior coiirts of such colony, shall hold 
liis and their office and offices during their good 
behavior, and shall sot be removed therefrom, but 



I have thought of two or three more, but they 
come ratJier too near detail, and to the province 
of executive government, which I wish parliament 
always to supcriulencl, never to assume. IF tlie 
first fux are granted, rongniity will carry tlie latter 
three. If not, the things that remain unrepealed, 
will be, 1 hope, rather unseemly incumhra:ices on 
the building than very materially detrimental to 
its strength and stability. 

Here, sir, I should closC, but that T plainly per- 
ceive some objections remain, wliich I ought, if 
possible, to remove. The first will be, that, in 
resorting 'o the doctrine of our ancestors, as con- 
tained in the preimble to the Chester act, I prove 
too much; that the grievance from a want of re- 
presentation, stated in that preamble, goes to the 
whole of legislatioir as well as to taxation. And 
that tlie colonies, grounding themselves upon t'lat 
doctrine, v/ill apply it to all parts of legishiiive 
authority. 

To this objection, with all possible deference 
when the said removal shall be adjudged by his { ^"** h.imility, and wishing as little as any man 
majesty, in council, upon a hearing or complaint | ^'^'"S ^o i^^pair the smallest particle of our su- 
from the general assembly, or on a complaint fromjP'*^'"^ authority, I answer, that the words are the 
the governor, or council, or the house of repre- 1''""'^^' "^ Parliament, and not n-nne; and that all 
sentatives severally, of the colony in w!)ich thej^^'" ^"'^ inconclusive inferences drawn from the,i,, 
said chiefjustice and other judges have exercised I """^ "°^ '"'"^' f°^' ^ ^^"'''''y disclaim .-my such 
the said offices." inference. 1 have chosen the words of an act of 

I parliament, which .Mr. G -eDville, surely a tolera- 
The nest resolution relates to the courts of | . i i i • i • j . ,- , 

bly zealous and very judicious advocate for the 
admiralty. • . c < . /■ . > . 

' [sovereignty or parliament, formerly moved to have 

It is this. "Thatitmay be proper to regulate the j read at jour table, in cotifirmation of his tenets, 
courts of admiralty, or vice admiralty, authorised It is true that lord Chatliam considered these 
by the fifteenth chapter of the fourth of George pre:imbles as declaring strongly in fdvor of his 
the third, in such a manner as to make the same opinion. He was a no less powerful advo:;ate for 
more commodious to those who sue, or are sued in 
the said courts, and to provide for the more decent 
maintenance of the judges in the same." 



These courts I do not wish to take away; they 
are in themselves proper establishments. This 
court is one of the capital securities of the act of 
navigation. The extent of its jurisdiciion indeed 
Las been increased; but this is altogether as pro 
per, and is indeed, on many accounts, more eligible, 
where new powers were wanted, than a court 
absolutely new. But courts incommodiously 
situated, in effect, deny justice; and a court, 
partaking in all the fruits of its own condemnittion, 
is a robber. The congress complaii , an.! complain 
justly, of this grievance.* 



•The solicitor j,entr;:i ii.toimi.-d Mr. B wlien 
the resolutions were separately moved, that the 



the privileges of the Americans. Ouglit I not 
from hence to presume, that these preambles are 
as favorable as possible to both, wJien properly 
understood; favorable both to tlie rights of parlia- 
ment, and the privilege of the dependencies of 
this crown.' But, sir, the object of grievance in 
my resolution, 1 h^ve not taken from the Chester 
but from the Durham act, which confines the hard- 
ship of Want of representation to the case of 
subsidies; and which therefore falls in exactly with 
the case of the colonies. But whether the unre- 
presented counties were de jure or de facto bound, 
the preambles do not accurately distinguish; nor 
indeed was it necessa'-y, for, whether de jure or 
de facto, the legislature thought the exercise of 

grievance of the judges, par.nkii.g of the piohi;, of 
some of the se'z^ir s, liad been redi'essed by ofiicci 
accordingly the resolution was amended. 



244 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



the power of taxing as of r.ght, or as fact with- 
out right, equally a grievance, and equally oppres- 
sive. 

I do not know that the colonies have, in any ge- 
neral Wiiy, or in any cool hour, gone much beyond 
the demand of immunity in relation to taxes. It 
is not fair to judge of the temper or diapositions 
of any man, or any set of men, wlien they are com- 
posed and at rest, from their conduct or their ex- 
pressions in a state of disturbance and irritation. 
It is besides a very great mi-take to imagine, that 
mankind fellow up practically &ny speculative 
principle, cither of government or of freedom, as 
far as it will go in argument and logical ilation. 
We Englishmen stop very short of llie principles 
upon wliich we support any given part of our con- 
stitution, or even the whole of it together. I could 
ea.sily, if I had not already eVred you, give you 
very striking and convincing instances of it. This 
is Hothing but wliat is natural and proper. All go- 
vernment, indeed every human benefit and cnjoy- 
incnt, every virtue, and every prudent act, is 
founded on compromise and barter. We balance 
inconveniences, we give and take; we remit some 
lights that we may enjoy others; and we choose 
rather tp be happy ci izcns than snbUe disputants. 
A'ld we must give away some natural liberty to 
enjoy civil udvantuges; so we must sacrifice some 
civil liberties, for the advantages to be derived 
from the communion .ind fellowship of a great em- 
pire. But in all fair dealings, the thing bought 
must bear some proportion to the purchase paid. 
None will barter away the immediate jewel of his 
soul. Though a great house is apt to make slaves 
haughty, yet it is purchasing apart of the artificial 
importance of a great empire too dear, to pay for 
it all essential rights, and all the intrinsic dignity 
of human nature. None of us who would not 
risque his life, rather than fall under a govern- 
ment purely arbitrary. But, although there are 
some amongst us who think our constitution wants 
many improvemesits, to make it a complete sys 
tern of liberty, perhaps none who are of that opi- 
nion, would think it right to aim at such improve 
nient, by disturbing this country, and risquing 
every thing that is dear to him. In every arduous 
enterprize we consider what we are to lose, as 
well as what we are to gain; and the more and 
better stake of liberty every people possess, the 
less they will hazard in a vain attempt to make it 
more. These are the cords of roan. Man acts 
from adequate motives relative to his interest, and 
not on metupliysical speculations. Aristotle, the 
great master of reasoning, cautions us, and with' 'Lord North 



threat weight and propriety, against this species of 
delusive geometrical accuracy in moral arguments, 
as the most fallacious of all sophistry. 

The Americans will have no interest contrary to 
the grandeur and glory of Kngland, when they are 
not oppressed by the weight of it, and they will 
ratlier be inclined to respect the acts of a superin- 
tending legislature, when they see them the acts of 
that power, which is itself the security, not the 
rival, of their secondary importance. In this assur- 
ance, my mind most perfectly acquiesces; and I 
confess I feel not the least alarm, from the dis- 
contents which are to arise from putting people 
at their ease; nor do I apprehend the destruction 
of this empire, from giving, by an act of free grace 
and indulgence, to two millions of my fellow citi- 
zens, some share of those rights upon which 1 have 
always been taught to value myself. 

It is said indeed that this power of granting, 
vested in American assemblies, would dissolve tiie 
unity of the empire, which was preserved entire, 
although Wales, Chester, and Durham were added 
to it. Truly, Mr. Speaker, I do not know what 
this unity means; nor .has it ever been heard of, 
that I know, in the constitutional policy of this 
country. The very idea of subordination of parts 
excludes this notion of simple and undivided unity. 
England is the head; but she is not the head and 
the members too. Ireland has ever had, from the 
beginning, a separate, but not an independent, 
legislature; wliich, far from distracting, promoted 
*hc union of the whole. Every thing was sweetly 
and harmoniously disposed through both islands 
for tiie conversation of English dominion, and the 
communication of English liberties. I do not see 
that the same principles might not be carried into 
twenty islands, and wi'h the same good effect. 
This is my model with regard to America, as far 
as the internal circumstances of tiie two countries 
are the same. I know no other unity of this em- 
pire, than I can draw from its example during these 
periods when it seemed, to my poor understanding, 
more united than it is now, or than it is likely to be 
by the present methods. 

But since I speak of these methods, I recollect, 
Mr. Speaker, almost too late, that I promised, be- 
fore 1 finished, to say something of the proposition 
of the *noble lord on the floor, which has been so 
lately received, and stands on your journals. I 
must be deeply concerned, whenever it is my mis- 
fortue to continue a difference with the majority of 
this house. But as the reasons for that difference 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



245 



me my apology for thus troubling you, sufi'er me to 
slate Ihetn in a very few words. I shall connpress 



were to lay the duties, which furnished theif 
continprent, upon the importation of your manu- 



theni in as snriall a body rs I possibly can, havinp factures, you know you would never suffer such 



already debated that matter at large, when the ques- 
tion was before the committee. 



tax to be laid. You know too, that you would not 
suffer many other modes of taxation. So that, 
when you come to explain yourself, it will be 
found that you will neither leave to themselves 
the quanUim, nor the mode, nor indeed any thint;. 
The whole is delusion from one end to the other. 



F'TSt then, T cannot sdnsit that proposition of a 

rfirsom by auction — because it is a mere project. 

It is a thing new, unheard of, supported by no ex 

perience, justified by no analogy, without example 

of our ancestors, or root in the constitution. It is 

neither regular parliamentary taxation, nor colony 

grant. Experimentum in corpore vile, is a good into great and inextricable difficulties. In what 

rule, which will ever make me adverse to any triwl year of our Lord are the proportions of payments 

of experiments on what is certainly the most valua- to be settled? To say nothing of the impossibilitv, 

bleof all subjects, the peace of this empire, jthat colony agents should have general powers of 

I taxing the colonies at their discretion, consider, I 
Secondly, it is an experiment which must be |:___,i„..p ,.„„ ,,,„.- ,. ^ „ ,^ ... . . , 

•" ' _ implore 30U, that the communication, by special 



Fourthly, this method of ransom by auction (un- 
less it be universally accepted) will plunge you 



fatal, in the end, to our constitution. For what 



is it but a scheme for taxing the colonies in the i^j, 
antichamber of the noble lord and his successors.' 



essages and orders, between tliese agents and 



eir constituents, on each variation of the case, 
vvhen the parties come to contend together, and 

To settle the quotas and proportions in this house ,„ fiUr^>.to «„ tu^-.. -^1 »• ■• n .. 

^ r t- 10 dispute on their relative proporlio.ns, will be a 



is clearly impossible. You, sir, may flatter your- 
self, you shall sit a state auctioneer, with your 
liammer in your hand, and krock down to each 
colony as it bids. But to settle (on the plan laid 
down by the noble lord) the true proportional pay- 
ment for four or five and twenty governments, 
according to the absolute and relative wealth of 
each, and according to the British proportion of 
wealth and burthen, is a wild and chimerical 
notion. This new taxation must therefore come in 
by the bark door of the constitution. Each quota 



matter of delay, perplexity, and confusion that can 
never ha^ve an end. 

If all the colonies do not appear at the oulcry, 
svhat is the condition of tho^e assemblies who offer, 
by themselves or their agents, to tax themselves 
up to your ideas of their proportion? The re- 
fractory colonies, who refuse all composilicn, will 
remain t;ixed only to your old imposiiions; which, 
however grievous in principle, are trifling as to 
production. Theobedient colonies in this scheme 



must be brought to this hou?e re^dv formed; youj^'"^ heavily taxed. The refractory remain un- 
can neither add nor alter. You must register it. P"i"hened. What will you do? Will you lay new 
You can do nothing farther. For on what grounds ^"^ heavier taxes by parliament on the disobedient? 



can you deliberate, either before or after the pro- 
position? You cannot hear the counsel for all these 
provinces quarrelling each on its own quantity of 
payment, and its proportion to others. If you 
should attempt it, the committee of provincial ways 
and means, or by whatever other name it will 
delight to be called, must swallow up all the time 
of parliament. 

Thirdly, it does not give satisfaction to the 
complaint of the colonies. They complain that 
they are taxed without their consent, you awswer, 
that you will fix the sum at which they sliall be 
taxed. That is, you give them the very grievance 
for the remedy. You tell them, indeed, tliat you 
will leave the mode to themselves. I really beg 
pardon — it gives me pain to mention it — but you 
must be sensible that you will not perform this 
part of the compact. For, suppose the colonies 



Pray consider in what way you can do it? You are 
perfectly convinced that in the way of taxing you 
can do nothing but at the ports. Now suppose it 
is \'irginia thnt r.fnses to appear at your auction, 
while Maryland and North Carolina bid hand- 
somely for their ransom, and are ta?<cd to your 
quola? How will you put th.ese colonies on a p.-n ? 
Will you lax the tobacco of Virginia.' If you do, 
you give it its dead wound to your English revenue 
at home, and to one of the very grcausi :.rticlei» 
of your own foreign trade, if you tax ilie in. port 
of that rebellious colony, what do you tax but 
your own manufitctures, or the goods of some oilier 
obedient, and already well taxed coloiu? Who 
(i.is said one word on this labyrinth of detHJl, which 
bewilders you more and more as you enter into i'- 
Who has presented, who can present you wiih k 
clew to lead you out of it? I think, sir, it is im- 
possible that you should not recollect that ili:- 



246 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



colony bounds are so implicated in one snoMier 
(you know it by your other experiments in the bill 
for prohibiting the New England fishery) that you 
can lay no possible restraints on almost any of 
them, which may not be presently eluded, if you 
do not confound the innocent with the guilty, and 
burthen those whom upon every principle you 
ought to exonerate. He most be grossly ignorant 
of America, who thinks that, without f.dli"g into 
this confusion of all rules of equity and policy, you 
can restrain any single colony, especially Virginia 
and Maryland, the central and most important of 
them all. 

Let it also be comsidered, that either in the pre 
sent confusion you settle a permanent contingent, 
which will and must be trifling, (and then you have 
no effectual revenue), or you change the quota at 
every exigency, and tl en on every new reparation 
you will have a new quarrel. 

Reflect besides, that when you have fixed a quota 
for every colony, you have not provided for prompt 
and punctual payment. Suppose one, two, five, 
ten years arrears. You cannot issue a treasury 
extent against the failing colony. You must make 
new Boston ports bills, new restraining laws, new 
acts for dragging men to England for trial. You 
must send out new flleets, new armies. All is to 
begin again. From this day forward the empire is 
never to know an hour's tranquility. An intestine 
fire will be kept alive in the bowels of the colonies, 
which one time or other must consume this whole 
empire. I allow indeed that the empire of Germany 
raises her revenue and her troops by quotas and 
contingents; but the revenue of the empire, and 
the army of the empire, is the worst revenue and 
the worst army in the world. 

Instead of a standirg revenue, you will there- 
fove have a perpetual quarrel. Indeed, the noble 
lord, who proposed tliis project of a ransom by 
auction, seemed hiniself to be of that opinion. His 
project w^as rather designed for breaking the union 
of the colonies, than for establishing a revenue. — 
He confessed, he apprehended, that his proposal 
would not be to their taste. I say, this scheme 
of disunion seems to be at the bottom of the pro- 
ject; for I will not suspect that the noble lord 
meant nothing but merely to delude the nation by 
an airy phantom, which he never intended to 
realize. But whatever his views may be, as 1 pro 
pose the peace and union of the colonies as the 
very foundation of my plan, it cannot with one, 
whose foundation is perpetual^ descend. 



Compare the two. This I offer to give you is 
plain and simple; the other full of perplexed and 
intricate mazes. This is mild, that harsh. This is 
found by experience effectual for its purposes; the 
other is a new object. This is universal, the other 
calculated for certain colonies only. This is im- 
mediate in its conciliatory operation; the other re- 
mote, contingent, full of hazard. Mine is what be- 
comes the dignity of a ruling people; gratuitous, 
unconditional, and not held out as a matter of bar. 
gain and sale. Ihave done my duty in proposing it 
to you. I have indeed tired you by a long dis- 
course; but this is the misfortune of those to whose 
influence nothing will be conceded, and who must 
win every inch of their ground by argument. You 
have heard me with goodness; may you decide 
with wisdom! for my part, I feel my mind greatly 
disburthened, by what T have done to day. I have 
been the less fearful of trying your patience, be- 
cause, on this subject, I mean to spare it altog-ether 
in future. I have this comfort, that in every stsge 
of the American affairs, I have steadily opposed 
the measures that have produced the confusion, 
and may bring on the destruction of ibis emnire. I, 
now go so far as to require a proposal of my own. 
If I cannot give peace to my country, I give U mj 
conscience. 

But what (says the financier) is peace to us with- 
out money? Your plan gives us no revenue. No! 
But it does — for it secures to the subject the 
power of REFUSAL; the first of all reve-mes. — 
Experience is a cheat, and fad a liar, if this power 
in the subject of proportioning his grant, or of not 
granting at all, has not been found the richest mine 
of revenue ever discovered by the skill or by the 
fortune of man It does not indeed vote you one 
hundred and fifty-two tliousand seven hundred and 
fifty pounds eleven shillings and twopence three 
farthings, nor any other paltry limited sum. — But 
it gives the strong box itself, the fund, the bank 
from whence only revenues can arise amongst a 
people sensible of freedom: Posita luditur area. 
Cannot you in England, cannot you at this time of 
day; cannot you (an house of commons) trust to 
the principle which has raised so mighty a revenue, 
and accumulated a debt of near one hundred and 
forty millions in tliis country! Is this principle 
to be true in England, and false every where else.' 
Is it not true in Ireland.'' Has it not hitherto been 
' rue in the colonies.' Why should you presume, 
■hat in any country a body, duly constituted for 
^ny function, will nei^lect to perform its duty, and 
;bdicate its trust.' Such a presumption would go 
against all government, in all modes. But, in truth. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



247 



this dresd of penury of supply, from a free assem 
b!y, has no foundation in nature. For, first observe, 
that besides the desire which all men have naturally 
of supporting the honor of their own government, 
that sense of dignity, and that security to pro- 
perty, which ever attends freedom, has a tendency 
to increase the stock of the free community. Most 
may be taken where most is accumulated. And 
what is the soil or climate where experience has 
not uniformly proved, that the voluntary flow of 
heaped up plenty, bursting from the weight of its 
own rich luxuriance, has ever run with a more 
copjons stream of revenue, than could be squeezed 
from the dry husks of oppressed indigence, by 
the Straining of all the political machinery in the 
world. 

Next we know that parties must ever exist in a 
free country. We know too, that the emulations of 
such parties, their contradictions, their reciprocal 
necessities, their hopes, and their fears, must send 
them all in their turns to him that holds the balance 
of tlje state. The parties are the gamsters; but 
government keeps the table, and is sure to be the 
v/inner in the end. When this game is played, I 
really think it is more to be feared, that the peo. 
pie will be exhausted, than that government will 
not be supplied. Whereas, whatever is got by 
acts of absolute power ill obeyed, because odious, 
or by contracts ill kept, because constrained, will 
be narrow, feeble, uncertain, and precarious. "Ease 
would retract vows made in pain, as violent and 
void." 

I, for one, protest against compounding our de- 
mands; 1 declare against compounding, for a poor 
limited sum, the immense, ever growing, eternal 
debt, which is due to generous government from 
protected freedom. And so may I speed in the 
great object I propose to you, as I think it would 
not only be an act of injustice, but would be the 
worst economy in the world, to compel the colo- 
nies to a certain sum, either in the way of ransom, 
©r in the way of compulsory compact. 

But to clear up my ideas on this subject, a 
revenue from America transmitted hither — do not 
delude yourselves — you never can receive it — no, 
not a shilling. We have experienced tliat, from 
remote countries, it is not to be expected. If, 
when you attempted to extract a revenue from 
Bengal, you were obliged to return in iron what 
you had taken in imposition, what can you expect 
from North America? For certainly, if ever therf 
WAS a country qualified to produce wealth, it is 



India; or an institution fit for the transmission, it 
is the East-Lulia company. America has none of 
these aptitudes. If America gives you taxable ob- 
jects, on which you lay your duties here, and gives 
you, at the same time, a surplus by a foreign sale 
of her commodities, to pay the duties on these ob- 
jects, which you tax at home, she has performed 
her part to the British revenue. But with regard 
to her own internal establishments, she may, I 
doubt not she will, contribute in moderation. I say 
in moderation; for she ought not to be permitted 
to exhaust herself. She ought to be reserved to a 
war; the weight wf which, with the enemies that 
%ve are most likely to have, must be considerable 
in her quarter of the globe. There she may serve 
you, and serve you essentially. 

For that service, for all service, whether of re- 
venue, trade, or empire, my trust is in her interest 
in the British constitution. My hold of the colo- 
nies is in the close affection which grows from 
common names, from kindred blood, from similar 
privileges, and equal protection. These are tieS 
which, though light as air, are as strong as links 
of iron. Let the colonies always keep the idea of 
their civil rights associated with your government; 
they will cling and grapple to you; and no force 
under Heaven will be of power to tear them froit*' 
their allegiance. But let it once be understood, 
that 3/our government may be one tiling, and their 
privileges another, tiiat tliese two things may exist 
without any mutual relation, the cement is gone; 
the cohesion is loosene 1; and every thing hastens 
to decay and dissolution. As long as you have 
wiscTom to keep the sovereign authority of ihis 
couptry as the sanctuary of liberty, the sacred 
temple consecrated to our common faith, wherever 
the chosen r.ice and sons of England worship free* 
dom, they will turn their faces towards you. 

The r. or they multiplj', the more friends you 
will have; tlie more ardently they love liberty, the 
more perfect will be their obedience. Slavery they 
can have .iny where. It is a weed that grows in 
every soil. They may have it from Sjiain, they 
may have it from Prussia. But until you become 
lost to all feeling of your true interest, and your 
natural dignity, freedom t!:ey can have from none 
but you. This is the commodity of price, of which 
you have the monoply. This is the true act of 
navigation, wliich binds to jou the commerce of 
the colonies, and through them secures to you the 
wealth of the world. Deny them this participa- 
tion of freedom and y^u break that sole bond, 
which originially made, and must still preserve. 



24 a 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



t!ie unity of the empire. Do not entertain so weuV 
an imagination, as that your registers and youi 
bonds, your affidavits and your sufferances, your 
cockets and your clearances, are what form thr 
great securities of your commerce. Do not dream, 
that your letters of office, and your instructions, 
and your suspending claKses are the things thai 
hold together the great contexture of tliis mysteri- 
ous whole. These things do not make your go 
vernment. Dead instruments, passive tools as they 
are, it is the spirit of English communion that gives 
all their life and efficacy to them. It is the spirit of 
the English constitution, which, infused througl 
the mighty mass, pervades, feeds, invigorates, 
vivifies, every part of the empire, even down to 
the minutest member. 

Is it not the same virtue which does every thing 
for us here in England? Do you imagine then, 
that it is the land tax act which raises your re- 
venue? that it is the annual vote in the committee 
of supply, which gives you your army? or that it is 
the mutiny bill which inspires it with bravery and 
discipline? No! surely no! It is the love of the 
people, it is their attachment to their government, 
from the sense of the deep stake they have in such 
a glorious institution, which gives you your army 
and your navy, and infuses into both that liberal 
obedience, without which your army would be a 
base rabble, and your navy nothing but rotten 
timber. 

All this, I know well enough, will sound wild 
and chimerical to the profane herd of those vulgar 
and mechancial politicians, who have no place 
among us; a sort of people who think that nothing 
exists but what is gross and material; and who 
therefore, far from being qualified to be direc- 
tors of the great movement of empire, are not fit to 
turn a wheel in the machine. But to men truly 
initiated and rightly taught, these ruling and mas 
ter principles, which, in the opinion of such men 
as 1 have mentioned, have no substanial existence, 
are in truth every thing, and all in all. Magnanimity 
in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom; and a 
great empire and little minds go ill together. I' 
we are conscious of our situation, and glow witli 
zeal to fill oar place as becomes .our station and 
ourselves, we ought to auspicate all our public 
proceedings on America, with the old warning of 
the churcli, sursum coiida! We ought to elevate 
eur minds to the greatness of that trust to which 
the order of Providence has called us. By advert- 
ing to the dignity of this high calling, our ances- 
tors have turned a savage wilderness into a glorious 



'mpire; and have made the roost extendi' e, and 
!ie only honorable conquests; not by destroying, 
Jut by promoting, the weallh, the number, the 
lappiness, of the human race. Let us get an Ame- 
rican revenue as we have got an American eu'pire. 
Knglish privileges have made it all that it is; Eng- 
;ish privileges alone will make it all it can be. 
En full coufi'ence of this unalterable tnuh, I now 
(duoDFELTx FAUSTt'Maun sit) lay the first stonc of 
the temple of peace; and I move to you. 

"That the colonies and plantations of Great Bri^ 
tain, in North America, consisting of fourteen se» 
parate governments and containing two millions 
and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had the 
right and privilege of electing and sending their 
kiglits and burgesses, or others, to represent in the 
high court of parliament." 

Upon this resolution the previous question was 
put, and carried; for the previous question 270, 
against it 78. 

Nkwdehit, (NoiiTHCAiioi.iirA) Sept. 20, 1775. 
In provincial coiig-ress. — The folloiving addrrss to the 
inhabitants of the British empire being presc-itedg 
was unanimously received and approved, and is as 
follo7us, viz. 

TO TUB INHABITANTS OF THE BRITISH EMPIUE. 

"Friends and fel/ovi-citizens. — The fate of the 
contest v/hich at present subsists between these 
American colonies and the British ministers who 
now sit at the helm of public affairs, will be one 
of the most important epochs which can mark the 
annals of the British history. Foreign nations with 
anxious expectation wait the result, and see with 
amazement the blind infatuated policy which the 
present administration pursues to subjugate these 
colonies, and reduce them from being loyal and 
useful subjects, to an absolute dependence and 
abject slavery; as if the descendents of those an- 
cestors who have shed rivers of blood, and expend- 
ed millions of treasure, in fixing upon a lasting 
foundation the liberties of the British constitution, 
saw with envy the once happy state of this western 
region, and strove to exterminate the patterns of 
those virtues which shone with a lustre which bid 
fair to rival and eclipse their own. 

"To enjoy the fruits of our own honest industry: 
to call that our own which we earn with the labor 
of our hands, and the sweat of our brows; to re- 
gulate that internal policy by which we, and not 
they, are to be affected, these are the mighty boons 
.ve ask: And traitors, rebels, and every harsh ap» 
pellaiion that maiice can dictate, or the virulence 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



240 



of language express, are the returns wfich we re- 
eeive to the most humble petitions and earnest sup- 
plications. We have been told that independence 
is our object; that we seek to shake oft" all con- 
nection with the parent state. Cruel suggestion! 
Do not all our professions, all our actions, uniformly 
contradict this? 

*'We again declare:, and we invoke that Almighty 
■Being who searches the recesses of the human 
heart, and knows our most secret intentions, that 
it is our most earnest wish and prayer to be 
restored, wi^h the other United Colonies, to the 
state in which we and they were placed before the 
year 1763, disposed to glance over any regulations 
which Britain had m^de previous to this, and 
which seem to be injurious and oppressive to these 
colonies, hoping that, at some future day, she will 
benignly interpose, and remove from us every cause 
of complaint. 

"Whenever we have departed from the forms 
of the constitution, our own safety and self-pre- 
servation have dictated the expedient; and if, in 
any instances, we have assumed powers which the 
laws invest in the sovereign or his representatives. 
it has been only in defence of our persons, pro 
perties, and those rights which God and the con- 
stitulion have made unalienably ours; As soon as 
the cause of our fears and apprehensions are re- 
moved, with jny win we return these powers to 
their regular channels; and such institutions formed 
from mere necessity, shall end with that necessity 
which created them. 

"These expressions flow from ati affection bor- 
dering upon devotion to the succession of the 
house of Hanover, as by law established, from sub 
jecls who view it as a monument that does lienor 
to human nature; a monument capable of teaclung 
kings how glorious it is to reign over a free peo- 
ple. These are the heart-felt effusions of men 
ever ready to spend their blood and treasure, when 
Constitutionally called upon, in support of that 
succession of his majesty ki;ig George the third, 
his crown and dignity, and who fervently wish to 
transmit his reign to future ages as the sera of 
common happiness to his people. Could these 
our sentiments reach the throne, sui'ely our so- 
vereign would forbid the horrors of war and desola- 
tion to intrude into this once peaceful and happy 
Ian J, and would stop that deluge of human blood 
which now threatens to overflow this colony; blood 
too precious to be shed but in a common cause, 
against the common enemy of Great Britain and 
Hep sons. 
33. 



"This declaration we hold forth as a tesiimony 
of loyalty to our sovereign, and aflection to our" 
parent state, and as a sincere earnest of our present 
and future intentions. 

"We hojje hereby to reserve those impressions 
which have been made -by the representations of 
weak and wicked men to the prejudice of tliis 
colony, who thereby intended that the rectitude 
of our designs might be brought into distrust, aftd 
sedition, anarchy, and confusion, spread through 
this loyal province. 

"We have discharged a duty which we owe to 
the world, to ourselves, and posterity; Ind niay 
the Almighty God give success to the means we 
make dse of, so far as they are aimed to produce 
just, lawful, and good purposes, and the salvation 
and happiness of the whole Rri' ish empire." 

Satwdiiy, JVoveniber 11, 1775. 
IroTTSB OF i.oHDs. — The lords were yesterday as,' 
sembied for the purposes of examining governor 
Ptnn, and of discussing a motion which the -luke 
of Riclimond proposed to ground on such informa- 
tion as that gentleman should afford the house. 

Previous to the calling of Mr. Penn to the bar^ 
the duke of Richmond announced the mode he had 
adopted preparatory to the governor's examina- 
tion. His ^race confessed, "That he had appr:zed 
Mr. Penn of the questions which would be pro- 
! pounded to him, but tiie noble duke disclaimed 
having entered into any sort of conversation with 
the governor, lest such conversation should be 
malevolently construed into a design of anticipat- 
ing the answers Mr. Penn might think jjroper to 
return." 

The duke of Rlchmorid having frnislied his pre- 
liminary remarks, Mr. Penn was called to the bar^ 
and interrogated nearly to the following purportj 

Q How long had he resided in America? 

A Four years. Two of those years in the can.1. 
city of governor of Pennsylvania. 

Q. Was he Hcquainted with any Of the raembera 
of the continental congress? 

A. He was personally acquainted with all the 
members of that congress. 

Q. Ill what estimation was the congress held? 

A. In the highest veneration imaginable by aR 
ranks and orders of men. 

Q. Was an implicit obedience paid to the resolu- 
tions of that congress throughout all the provinces^ 

A. He believed this to be th6 case. 

Q. How many men had been raised throtfghpti* 
the province of Pennsylvanift? 



250 



PRliNClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



A. Tweniy thousand efl'eclive men had volun-.vinces, he replied in vhe jtffirrnaii, e troni iifoima- 
tanly enrolled themselves to enter into aciual ser- 1 tion only. 
vice if necessity required. Q. Did he suppose that the congress conta'-^ed 

Q. Of what rank, quality, and condition were delegates fairly nominated by the choice of the 



these persons.' 

A. Men of the most respectable characters in 
the province. 

Q. Were not a considerable number of them 
entirely des'itute of property? 

A. It was presumed that, subtracted from so 
large a number as 20,000, there were some ne- 
cessitous, but the major part were in flourishing 
situations. 

Q. Besides those 20,000, who voluntarily enrolled 
themselves lo act as exigencies might require, what 
other forces had the provincials of Pennsylvania 
raised.' 

A. Four thousand minule-men, whose duly was 
pointed out by their desi^'naiion. They were to be 
ready for service at a minute's warning. 

Q. Did the province of Pennsylvania grow corn 
sufficient for the supply of its inhabitants? 

A. Much more than sufficient, there was a sur- 
plus for exportation if required. 

Q. Were they capable of making gunpowder in 
Pennsylvania? 

A. They perfectly well understood the art, and 
had effected it. 

Q. Could salt-petre be made in the province? 
A. It could; mills and other instruments for ef- 
fecting such an undertaking had been erected with 
success. 

Q. Could cannon be cast in Pennsylvania.^ 
A. Tlie art of casting cannon had been carried 
to great perfection; they were amply furnished with 
iron for that purpose. 

Q. Could small arms be made to any degree of 
perfection? 

A. To as great a degree of perfection as could 
be imagined. The workmanship employed in finish- 
ing the small arms was universally admired for il.s 
excellence. 
Q. Were <he Americans expert in ship-buildir.ji; ? 
A. More so than the Europeans. 
Q. To what extent of tonnage did the largest of 
their shipping amount? 

A. A ship of about three hundred tons was the 
largest they were known 'o build. 

Q. Circumstanced as things at present werp, n!it 
the witness ihink, that the languageof the congres 
expressed the sense of the people in America in 
general? 

A. As far as the question applied to Pennsylvania, 
he was sure this was the case; for the other pro- 



people? 

A. He had no doubt but that the conp^ress did 
contain delegule^t chosen under this desnipioii. 

Q. By what mode were tlie deleyutes ia congress 
appointed? 

A. By the votes of assemblies in some places, 
by ballot in others. 

Q. In what light had the petition, which the 
witness had preseiUed to the kiiig, been considered 
by the Americans? 

A. The peliiion had been considered as an olive 
branch, and the witness had been complimented 
by his friends, as the messenger of peace. 

Q. On the supp )sition that the prayer of this 
petition sho'ild be rejected, what did the witness 
imagine would be the consequence? 

A. That tlie Americans, who placed much reli* 
ance on the pe'iiion, would be driven to despera- 
tion by its non-success. 

Q. Did the witness irr.agine, that sooner that! 
yield to what were supposed to be unjust claims 
of Great Britain, the Americans would take the 
desperate resolution of caliing in the aid of foreign 
assistance? 

A. The witness was apprehensive that this would 
be the case. 

Q. What did the witness recollect of the stamp' 
act? 

A. That it caused great uneasiness throughout 
America. 

Q. What did the witness recollect, concerning 
the repeal of that ac ? 

A. The anniversary of that memorable day is kept 
throughout America, by every lestim >ny of public 
rejoicmg, such as bonfires, illuminations, and o^her 
exhibitions of gladness. 

Q. Would not the neglect with which the last 
petition was treated ind'ice the Americans to resign 
til '.opes of par.ific ne_e;ociatio .s? 
A. In the opinion of the witness it would. 
Q. When the witness presented the petition to 
tlie secreiary of state, was he asked any questions 
relative to the sta e of America? 
A. Not a single question. 

CaOSS EXAMINED BT THE LORDS DEIfBTOH AKD SaITC- 

WICH. 

^T^ERIES FUOM LORD DeSBIGU. 

As the witness l.ad acted in the cap-city of go» 
vernor, was he well acquainted wtth the charter of 
Pennsylvania? 



PRIVCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



251 



A. H*' had read the charter, and was well ac- 
quriiited with its contents. 

Q Did he k-iow that there was a clause which 
specifically suhjected the coluny to taxation by the 
Briiis'.i le*<i,l iture? 

A. He WaS well apprised that tliere was such a 
clause. 

Q Were the people of Pennsylvania content with 
their charter? 

A Perfectly content. 

Q. Then di 1 t!iey not acquiesce in the rijht of 
the British p .rlianent to enforce taxatio'i' 

A. They ucqu'^sced in a decluratioii of the right, 
SO long as they experienced no inconvenience from 
the declaration. 

aUEUIES FROM LOIID SaKDWTCH. 

Q. Had the witness ever heard of an act entitled, 
"The declaratory act?" 

A. He had heard of such an act. 

Q Did he ever peruse, and was he sufficiently 
acquainted with the co uents of that act? 

A. He never had perused it. It never had been 
much discussed whilst he resided in America. 

Q. Did the witness apprehend that the congress 
acquiesced in an act which maintained the authority 
of the British parliament in M cases whatsoever? 

O jected to, and the Nvitness w-is desired to with- 
draw; but being called in again, the question was 
put, and he replied: 

That, except in the case of TAXATION, he ap- 
prehended the .Americans would have no objec- 
tion to acknowledge the sovereignty of Great Bri- 
tain. 

Q. Hid the witness any knowledge of certain 
resolutions passed by the county of Suffolk? 

A. He had not attended to thenti. 

Q Had the witness any knowledge of an answer 
given by the continental congress, to what had 
been commonly called lord Nortii's conciliatory 
motion? 

A. The witness knew nothing of the proceedings 
of the congress, ihey were generally transacted 
under the seal of secrecy. 

Q W:»s the v/itaess personally acquainted with 
Mr. Harrison, a member of the congress? 

A. ri>e witness knew him well. 

Q. What character did he bear? 

A. A very respectable one. 

Q. Had the witness ever heard of any persons 
who had suffered persecutions, for declaring senti- 
ments f.»vorible to the supremacy of the British 
parliament? 

A. He had heard of such oppressions in other 



provinces, but never met with them durmg his 
residence in Pennsylvania. 

Q In the opinion of the witness, were the Ame- 
ricans now free? 

A. They imHgined themselves to be so. 

Q In case a formidable force should he sent to 
\tnerlc9, in support of govera';»ent, did the witness 
imagine there were many who would openly profess 
submission to the authority of parliament? 

A. The witness apprehended the few who would 
join on such an occasion would be loo trivial a num- 
ber to be of any consequei^ce. 

Mr. Penn was then ordered to withdraw, and the 
duke of Richmond, afier descanting with singular 
propriety on the necessity of immediate concilia- 
tion, proposed the last petition from the continental 
rongress to the king, as a basis for a plan of accom- 
PTiodation. Ilis grace of Richmond moved, "That 
ihe preceding paper furnished ground* of concilia- 
tion of the unhappy diff rences at present subsist- 
ing between Great Britain and A^nerica, and that 
some made should be immediately adopted, for the 
(.ffeciuating so desirable a purpose." 

This produced a debate, supported on both sides 
with infinite ingenuity. The numbers were: 

For the motion 27 — Proxies 6 33 

Agaiiistthe motion 50 — Pr xies36 86 

Majority against the motion 53 , 

In the Virginia eonvention — preaent 112 members. 
WEUNEsnvr, May 15, 1776. 

F )rasmuch as all the endeavors of the UNITED 
CO!, O VIES, by the most decent representatioas 
nd petitions to the king and parliament of Great 
Britain, to res'ore peace and security to America 
•inderthe British government, and a re-unioi with 
t la^ people upon just and liberal tf^rms, instead of 
a redress of grievances, have produced, from an 
imperious and vindictive adminisiration, increased 
insult, oppression, and a vigorous attempt to effect 
our total desiruciion. By a late act, ail these colo. 
iiifs are declared to be in rebellion, and out of the 
nroiection of tlie British crown, ou:" properties sub- 
jr-ct to confiscation, our people, when captivated, 
■om.oelled to j )ii» in the murder and pinnier of 
heir relations and countrymen, and ail .ormer 
rapine and I'ppressi >n of A.mericans declared legal 
.nd ji-ist. Fleets and armies are raised, and the aid 
)f foreign troops engaged to assist these destruc- 
live purposes. The king's representative in this 
■olony hath not only v/it!iheld all the powers of go- 
vernment from operating for our safety, but, having' 
retired on board an armed ship, is carryiiig on a 



g5^ 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



|)ira ic;il and savage vvKr igainst us, temptiag' our 
slaves, by every an ifice, to re.^orf to him, and iraiii- 
ing and empioying ihem agsinsi their masters. r> 
this stateof estreme danger, we have no alternative 
lefi but an abject submission to the will of those 
overbearing tyrants, or a total sep.iraiion from the 
crown and govgrniaent of Great Itritain, uniting 
and exerting the strength of all America for de- 
fence, an i fjrnjng alliances with foreign powers 
for commerce and aid in war: Wherefore, appeal 
ing to the Searcher of hearts for the sincerity of 
former declarations, expressing our desire to pre 
serve the connexion with that nation, and that we 
jire driven from that inclination by their wicked 
{Councils^ and the eternal laws of self-preservatipn. 

Resolvi;p, unan. That the delegates appointed 
to represent this colony in general congress be 
instructed to propose to that respectable body to 
declare the United Colonies free andindependent slates, 
absolved fr m allaliegiance to, or dependence up- 
on, the crown or parliament of Great Britain; and 
that they give the assent of this colony to such 
declaration, and to whatever measures may be 
thought proper and necessary by the congress for 
forning foreign alliances, and A CONFEDERA- 
TION' OF THE COLONIES, at such time, and in 
the vnanner, aa to them shall seem bes^ Provided, 
that the power of forming government for, and the 
reguUtions of the internal cone rns of etich colonj, 
i>e left to the respeo'.ive colonial legislatures. 

Resolved, uwan. That a committee !>(? appointed 
to prepare A DECLARATION OF HIGH IS, and 
such a plan of govej-iTnent as will be nnost likely 
to maintain peace and order in this colony, and 
secure substantial and equal liberty to the people. 
EDMUND PENDLETON, president. 

(a copy) 
JiiHN TAZEWEtt, clerk of the convention. 

In consequence of the a'love resolution, universal 
ly regarded as the only door whicli will lead to 
safety >;nd prosperity, some gentlemen made a 
handsome collection for the purpose of trea. ing the 
soldiery, who next day were paraded in Waller's 
grove, before brigadier general Lewis, attended by 
the gentlemen of the committee of safety, the mem- 
bers of the general convention, the inhabitants of 
this city, &c. &c. The resolution being read aloud 
to the army, the following toasts were giver, each 
of them accompanied by a discharge of the artillery 
*nd small arms, and the acclamations qf all pre- 
sent: 



%. The Anoerjcan independent states. 
2. The grand congress of the United States, and 
tljeir respective legislatures. 



3. General Washington, ahd victory to the Ame 
rican arms. 

The U STON FLAG of the American states waved 
upon thecapitol during the whole of this ceremony, 
which being ended, the soldiers partook of the 
refreshment prepared for them by the affection of 
their countrymen, and the evening concluded with 
illuminations, and other demonstrations of joy; 
every one seeming pleased that the domination of 
Great Britain was now at an end, so wickedly and 
tyrannically exercised for these twelve or thirteen 
years past, notwithstanding our repeated prayers 
and remonstrances for redress. 

The dfclaration of the deputies of Pennsylvania, met 
in provincial conference, at Philadelphia, June 24, 
1776. 

Whereas George the third^ king of Great Bri- 
tain, &c. in violation of the principles of the British 
constitution, and of the laws of justice and hu- 
manity, bath, by an accumulation of oppressions, 
trnparsllel^d in history, excluded the inhabitants 
of this, with the other American colonies, from his 
prptec ion; and whereas he hath paid no regard to 
any of ournumerous and dutiful petitions for redress 
of our complicated grievances, but hath lately 
purchased foreign troops to assist in enslaving us, 
and hath excited the syvages of this country to 
carry on a war against us, as also the negroes, to 
embrue their hands in the blood of their masters^ 
in a manner unpractised by civilized nations; and 
moreover hath lately insulted our calamities by 
declaring, that he will shew us no mercy, until he 
has subdued us; and whereas, the obligations of 
allegiance (being reciprocal between a king and 
his subjects) are now dissolved, on the side of the 
colonists, by the despotism and declaration of4he 
said king, insomuch that it appears tliat loyalty to 
him is treason against the good people of this 
country; and whereas not only the parliament, but 
there is reason to believe, too many of the peo- 
ple of Great Britain, have concurred in the afore- 
said arbitrary and unjust proceedings against us; 
and whereas the public virtue of this colony (so 
essential to its liberty and happiness) must be 
endangered by a future political union witli, or 
dependence upon a crown and nation, so lost to 
justice, patriotism, and magnanimity: We, the 
deputies of the people of Pennsylvania, assembled 
in full provincial conference, for forming a plan for 
executing the resolve of congress of the 15th of 
Mfiy last, for suppressing all authority in this pro- 
vince, derived from the crown of Great Britain, and 
for establishing a government upon the authority 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S5S 



of tbe people only, do, in this public trtanner, in 
behalf of ourselves, and with the approbation, co • 
sent, and auihori'.y of ourconstitutents, wuuiimousiy 
declare our willingness to concur in a vote of the 
congress, declaring the United Colonies /ree and 
independent states; provided, the forming the go- 
vernment an<l the regulation of the internal police 
of this colony, be always reserved to the peo^^le of 
the said colony. And we do further call upon the 
nations of Europe, and appeal to the Great Arbitei 
and governor of the empires of the world, lo wit- 
ness for us, that this declaration did not originate 
in ambition, or in an impatience of lawful authority, 
but that we were driven to it in obedience to the 
first principles of nature, by the oppressions and 
cruelties of the aforesaid king and parliament of 
Great Britain, as the only possible measu-.-e that 
was left us to preserve and establish our liberties, 
.and to transmit them inviolate to posierity, 
Signed, by order of the conference, 

THOMAS M'KEAN, president. 

STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS B \Y. 
In the huvse of representatives, January 26, 1777- 
Ordered, That the following address be printed, 
and a copy thereof sent to each minister of the 
gospel within this state, to whom it is recommend- 
ed to readtfcie same the next Loid'-; day af.er he 
shall receive it, to his people, immediately after 
the religious exercises of the day are over. And 
also that a copy thereof be sent to the command- 
ing officer of etich company of the militia while 
they are under arms, for the purpose of recruiting 
the army. 

TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT, 

Friends and countrymen— When a people, within 
reach of the higliest temporal happiness human 
naure is capable of, are in danger of having it 
wresied from them by an enemy whose paths are 
taarked with blood, and an insupportable load of 
misery, whicti succeeding generations must bear 
through painful centuries of time, is offered in- 
stead of it, to rouse the brave, invite the generous, 
quicken the slow, and awaken all to a sense of 
their danger, is a measure as friendly as it is im- 
portant. 

The danger of having your towns, your families, 
your fruitful fields, and all the riches and blessings 
derived from the industry and wisdom of your 
venerable ancestors, who may justly be ranked 
among the most virtuous and brave men that thej 
world ever produced, ravished from you, and] 
p6ssesaed by a banditti whom no laws can controul,) 



and whose aim is to trairple upon all the rights of 
humanity, would be sufficient to give the coward 
courage, and anima'e to the greatest feats in arms 
the most supine and indolent —Surely then, while 
America, the asylum of happiness and freedom, is 
infested with a foe, whose sole aim is to rifle her 
sons of every enjoyment that can render life desira- 
ble, you will be ready in arms to defend your coun- 
try, your liberty, your wives, your children and 
possessions, from rapine, abuse and destruction. 

From this grand and noble purpose, so worthy 
of the virtuous and brave, and we humbly trust, so 
pleasing to Almighty God, you have had your 
delegates assen»bled in counril for several years 
past. For this, in April 1775, you arrayed your- 
s.-lvss in arms, defeated and put to flight that band 
of Britons, who, uninjured and unofl^ended, like 
robbers and murderer*, dared to assault your peace- 
ful mansions; and for this, we trust, you will be at 
all times ready to spend your blood and treasure. 

In addressing you upon the important subject of 
your own defence, should we attempt a narration 
of the causes of your danger; the many petitions 
you have presented, praying but for peace, liberty 
and safety, and to avoid the necessity of shedding 
the b!ood of your fellow men, and the unexampled 
indignity and contempt with which those petitions 
were treated, it would be undeservedly to impeach 
you of inattention to your own safety. 

Let it suffice then to say, That when every other 
method taken by you was productive of nothing 
but insults; and that flames in your houses, murders 
on your persons, and robberies upon your property, 
were returned in answer to your peaceable, humble 
and dutiful petitions. 

When the force of Britain, with that of her allies, 
was collected and drawn into exertion, to reduce 
you from ease and affluence to slavery and vassalage, 
the congress of the United Slates, despairing o'lier- 
wise to establish your safety upon principles which 
would render it durable, made that declaration by 
which you became independent of Great Britain, 
and in which character alone you can be secure artd 
happy. 

But as the increasing power and opulence of the 
United States are now the dread and envy of those 
whose avaricious and ambitious minds had laid a 
plan for the monopoly and enjoyment of them, a 
large army is necessary for your defence; and the 
congress have therefore determined upon eighty- 
eight battalions, of which fifteen are to be raised 
by this state.— The militia who have been marched 



254 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



to aid me .ir- y u der the c fiiduc; of t at man 
wh.ise fortitude, virtue and patience, is perhaps 
witiout example (.w.\ who hourly, without any 
reward but the -.p >''oSation of his own mind) is 
risquiug his ill in vour ratise, will soon be on their 
return; the snemy, angrv iit 'he chastisement jusdy 
given them for ilieir tiaprovoked cruellies to our 
brethren in Jie Jersies, are wa'chmg an opportunity 
to return the blow. 

A farther draft from the militia wouH so mtich , 
burthen tlie people of this state, that this court 
cannot think of it witiiout p<in and anxiety. We 
have therefore, being sensible tl;at you need nooiher 
stimulous to y our duty than having th^ line of it draW' 
for you, directed that a number of men, amount- 
ing to one seventh part of all tlje male persons, of 
six- pen and upwards, sliould be immediately engagf^d 
in the continental army, upon the encouragement 
given by government — iliis enconragement we con- 
ceive to be greater than any ever yet given, even 
to the greatest mercenaries— surely then a people 
called to fight, not to support crowns and princi- 
palities, but for their own freedom and happiness, 
will readily engage. 

Thatthe encouragement given might fully answer 
the designs of government and the expec'a'ion of 
the soldiery, this court have settled the price of 
every necess ry and convenient article of life pro 
duced in this country, anrl also the price of foreign 
goods in a just propor'ion to their prices in the 
place from which they are imported, considering 
the risque of importation. And noihing is now 
wanting to give value to the soldier's wages, and 
stability to our currency, hut the vigorous and 
punc'uil execution and ohs^rvance of that act, 
which we hope o see spec lily effected by the pub- 
lic virtue and zeal of this people in the cause of 
their country. 

B'lt lest some of you should be deceived by the 
misrepr'^se itations of designing men, we must re- 
mind you thit all the pretensions to peace and re 
conciliatio'!, s > pompously dealt out in the insidious 
proclamatiofis of die commissioners of the king of 
Great Britain, amount to noihing more than an in 
vi'ation to give up your country, and submit un- 
conditionally to the governmeni of the British par 
liament. They tell you that their kii.g is graciousl> 
disponed to revise all acts which he shall deem in- 
compatible with your safety. But your good sense 
will lead you to determine, thai if he is a prince 
worthy to reign over a free people, and a friend to 
the rights of mankind, he would long ago have 



deternii led as to the justice of those acts, and 
must have seen them founded on despotism, a:>d 
replete with slavery; but they do not tell y .u that 
their S')vereign has the least intention to repeal any 
one of those acts; surely then a revision of them 
can never restore your freedom, or in the least 
alleviate your burdens. 

But those commissioners, although they offer 
themselves as the ambissadors of peace, and invite 
you to what they call the mild and gentle govern* 
ment of Britain, mark their footsteps wiih blood, 
rapine, and the most unexampled barbariuos, dis- 
tributing their dreadful and savage severity a^^ well 
to the submissive as the obstinate, while neither 
rank, sex or age, exempts any from the eiFects of 
thetr brutal passions. 

Should America be overcome by, or submit to 
Britain, the needy and almost perishing tenant in 
Ireland, disarmed and having but little property in 
the production of his toil and labor, selling the 
bread for wliich his tender infants are suffering, 
to pay the haughty landlord's rent or insulting col- 
lector's tax, would be but a faint resemblance of 
your calamity. 

Society, where no man is bound by other laws 
than those to which he gives his own consent, is 
the greatest ornament, and tends most of all things 
to t!ie felicity of human nature, and is a privilege 
v/hich can never be given up by a people without 
their being exceedingly guilty beft»''e Him, who is 
the bestower of every good and perfect gift. 

We, therefore, for the sake of that religion, for 
the enjoyment whereof your ancestors fled to this 
country, for the sake of your laws and future 
felicity, entreat and urge you to act vigorously and 
firmly in this critical situation of your coumry.— > 
And we doubt not but that your noble exertions, 
under the smiles of Heavei-., will ensure you that 
success and freedom due to the wise man and the 
patriot. 

Above all, we earnestly exhort you to contribute 
all within your power to the encouragement of 
those virtues, for which the Supreme Being has 
declared that he will bestow his blessings upon a 
nation, and to the discouragement of those vices 
for which he overturns kingdoms in his wrath; and 
that at all proper times and seasons you seek to 
Him, by prayer and supplication, for deliverance 
from the calamities of war, duly considering that 
I without bis powerful aid^ and gracious interposi» 



PRINCEPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTFO^. 



255 



tion, ill your endeavors musi prove aboriive and 

vtiin. 

Sent up for concurrence, 

SAMUEL FREEMAN, speaker. P. T. 
In council, January 28, 1777 —Read Hud c )ncinTed. 
JOHN AVERY, D Sec'ry. 

TO THE PHESTII^NT AKD COUNCIt OF PESNFTLVAItl ». 

The removstrance of the subscribers, freemen, a d 
inhubitants of the city of Philadelphia, now confined 
in the Free Mason's Lodge. 

Shewkth— That the subscribers have been, by 
virtue of a warrant, signed in council by George 
Bryan, vice presiden', arrested in our houses, and 
on our lawful occasions, and conducted to this 
place, where we have been kept in close confine- 
ment, under a strong military guard, two or more 
days — that although divers of us dentanded of tlie 
messengers, who arrested us, and insisted on hav- 
ing copies of the said warrant, yet we were not 
able to procure the same, till this present time, 
but have remained here unaccused and unheard! 
We now take the earliest opportuniiy ot layingl 
our grievances before your body, from wliom we 
apprehend they proceed, and of claiming to our- 
selves the liberties and privileges to which we are 
entitled by the fundamental rul s of justice, by ! 
our birthrig'ht and inheritance, the laws of the land; , 
and by the express provision of the present con- i 
stitution, under which your board derive tlieir | 
power. j 

I 
We apprehend, that no man can lawfully be de- j 

prived of his liberty, without a warrant from some i 
persons having competent authority, specifying an j 
offe.ice against the laws of the land, supported by 
oath or affirmation of the accuser, and limiting the 
time of his imprisonment, until he is heard, or le- 
gally discharged, unless the party be found in the 
actual perpetration of a crime. Natural justice, 
equnlly with la*, declare* that the party accused 
should know what he is to answer to, and have an 
Opporumity of shewing his innocence. — These prin- 
cip es are strongly enforced in the ninth and tenth 
seciions of the declaration of rights, which form a 
funJaineiital and inviolable part of the Constitution, I 
from wliich you derive your power, wherein it isi 
declared: 

IX. "That, in all prosecutions for criminal of- 
fences, a man hath a right to be heard by himself 
and his council, to demand the cause and nature ot 
his accusation, to be confi onted with the witnesses, 
to call for evidence in his favor, and a speedy pub- 
lic trial by «n impwiii*! jury of the couaty; witU. 



out the unanimous consent of .\hich jury, he can- 
not be found gull y— Xor c.n !e be co.vp. led to 
give evidence -.gainst himself; nor can any man be 
justly deprived of bis liberty, except by the laws of 
tlie land, or the judgment of bU peers." 

X. "That the people have a right to hold them- 
selves, their houses, papers and possessions, free 
from search or seizur", and therefoi e w-irr-ints 
ivithout oaths or affirmations first made, affording 
a sufficient foundation for tl em, and whereby any 
officer or messenger may be commanded or req' tir- 
ed to search suspected places, or to seize any per son 
or persons, his or their property not particularly 
descrined, are contrary to that right, and ouglit not 
to be granted." 

How far these principles have been adhered to, 
in the course of this business, we shall go on to 
shew. 

Upon the examination of the said warrant, we find 
it is, in all respects, inadequatf^ to these descrip- 
tions, altogether unprecedented in this or any free 
country, both iniissubstance, and the latitudegiven 
to the messengers who were to execute it, and 
wholly subversive of the vf-ry constitution you pro- 
fess to support. — The only charge on which it is 
founded, is a recommendation of congress to ap- 
prehend and secure all persons who, in iheir gene- 
ral conduct and conversation, have evidenced a 
disposition inimical to the cause of America, and 
particularly naming some of us— but not suggest- 
ing the least oU'ence to have been committed by us. 

It authorises the messengers to search all papers 
belonging to us, upon a bare possibility, that some- 
thing political may be found, but without the least 
ground fora suspicion of the kind. 

It requires papers, relative to the sufferings of 
the people called Quakers, to be seized, without 
limiting the search to any iiouse, or number of 
houses; under color of which, every house in this 
city, might be broke open. 

To the persons whom the congress have thought 
proper to select, the warrant adds a number of the 
inhabitants of the city, of whom some of us are 
par.; without the least insinuation, that they are 
within the description given by the congress, in 
tlieir recommendaiion. 

It directs all these matters to be executed (tbo' 
of the higlipst importance to the liberties of the 
people) at the discretion of a set of men, who are 
under no qualification for the due execution of the 
office, andftre unaccustomed to the forms of execut- 



25,6 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ing civil process; from whence, probably, have pro- 
ceeded the excesses and irregularities committei 
by some of them, in divers instances, by refusing 
to give copies of the process to the parties arrested, 
by denying to some of us, a reasoiabla time to 
consider of answers, and prepare for confinement. 
In the absence of others, by breaking our desks, 
and other private repositories— and by ransacking 
and carrying off domestic papers, printed books, 
and other matters not within the terms of the 
warranto 

It limits no time for the duration of our im- 
prisonment, nor points at any hearing, which is an 
absolute requisite to make a legal warrant; but 
confounds in one warrant, the power to apprehend, 
and the authority to commit, without interposing 
a judicial officer between the parties and the mes- 
senger. 

Upon the whole, we conceive this warrant, and 
^ the proceedings thereupon, to be far more danger- 
ous in its tendency, and a more flagrant violation 
of every right which is dear to freemen, than any 
that can be found in the records of the English 
constitution. 

But when we consider the use to which this ge- 
neral luarrant has been applied, and the persons 
♦ upon whom it has been executed, (who challenge 
the world to charge them with offence) it becomes 
of too great magnitude to be considered as the 
cause of a few. — It is the cause of every inhabitant, 
and may, if permitted to pass into a precedent, 
establish a system of arbitrary power unknown but 
in the inquisition, or the despotic courts of the 
East. 

"What adds further to this alarming stretch of 
power is, that we are informed the vice president 
of the council, has declared to one of the magistrates 
of the city, who called on him to enquire into the 
cause of our confinement, that we were to be seni 
to Virginia cnheabd. 

Scarcely could we believe such a declaratioM 
could have been made by a person who fiils the 
second place in the government, till we were this 
day confirmed in the melancholy truth by three of 
the subscribers, whom you absolutely refused to 
hear in person, or by council. — We would remind 
you of the complaints urged by numbers of your 
selves against the parliament of Great Britain, for 
condemning the town of Boston cmueabd, and we 
Call upoo yeii to reconcile your sUhitnt conduct 



with your thejt professions, or your repeated dC"* 
clarations in favor of general liberty. 

In the name, therefore, of the whole body of 
the freemen of Pennsylvania, whose liberties are 
radically struck at in this arbitrary imprisonment 
of us, Xht'xT unoffending fellow-citizens — we demand 
an audience, that so our innocence may appear, and 
persecution give place to justice. But if, re- 
gardless of every sacred obligation by which men 
are bound to each oiher in society, and of that con- 
stitution by which you profess to govern, which 
you have so loudly magnified for the free spirit it 
breathes, you are still determined to proceed, be 
the appeal to the Righteous Judge of all the earth 
for the integrity of our hearts, and the unparalleled 
tyranny of your measures. 

James Pemberton, 
Thomas Wharton, 
Thomas Coombe, 
Edward Pennington, 
Henry Drinker, 
Phineas Bond, 
Thomas Gilpin, 
John Pemberton, 
Thomas Pike, 
Owen Jones, jun. 
Thomas Affleck, 
Charles Jervjs, 
William Smith, broker,. 
WiUiam Drewet Smithy 
Thomas Fisher, 
Miers Fisher, 
Charles Eddy, 
Israel Pemberton, 
John Hunt, 
Samuel Pleasants. 

Mason's Lodge, Philadelphia, Sept. 4th, 1777- 

N. B. The three last subscribers, were firs? 
attended by some of those, who executed the ge- 
npral warrant; but after their remonstrance to the 
president and council, were arrested by Lewis 
Nicola, and conducted to the Lodge, by a special 
order to him. 

The foregoing remonstrance was delivered to 
Tliomas Wharton, jun. president, 8cc. last evening, 
who primised to lay it before council, and send 
an answer to one of 'he gentlemen, who delivered 
it to him this morning; but no answer has yet been 
received. 

September 5th half past two o'clock, P. M. 



PRINCIP1SKS AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Delaware Papers. 

To the honorable the representatives of the cowtties of 
J\'eiocastle, Kent and Susaex, in general assembly 
met, l4thJMarch, 1775. 
The petition of the inhabitants, freemen of Kent 
comity, most humbly shewe'h: 
That we conceive a well regulated militia, com- 
posed of the gentlemen freeholders and other free 
men, to be not only a constitutional right, but the 
natural strength and most stable security of a free 
govprnment, from the exercise of which a wise 
people will not excuse themselves even in time of 
peace. 

That happily secure in the affectionate protec- 
tion of our mother country, sve have for some time 
past been carelessly nej^ligent of military art and 
discipline, and are therefore the more exposed to 
the insult and ravages of our natural enemies at 
this unliappy time, when we have lost our inte- 
rest in the esteem and affection of our parent state. 

■We, therefore pray your honors to take our case 
into your most serious consideration, and.by passinj; 
an act of assembly establisliing a militia threuglioin 
this government, grant us relief in the premises, 
and your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever 
pray. 

Letter from Dr. Tilton to J)r. Elmer, 1775. 
' I have little more than time to enqu re of you 
whether you ever received the answer I sent to 
your letter, received soon after I saw you at Phila- 
delphia. I am unwilling to think you either negli- 
gent or forgetful of me, but 1 am much disposed 
to abuse our intermediate friend, Mr. D. — Me kept 
your letter from me I don't know how long, and I 
lake it for granted has lost, mine altogether — thus 
you hav3 been deceived and I have been abused 
and injured. 

It would be impertinent to trouble you with me. 
dical nonsense now. The important concerns of 
our country engage every mind. It will be unne- 
cessary for me to comment or enlarge upon the 
arguments offered on either or both sides. I will 
only mention the conclusion which I have drawn 
from them, and the principle upon which I act. I 
consider the imposition offered us by Great Uritain 
as unreasonable, unjust and afl'rontive; I am, there- 
fore, determined to resist to the uttermoiit, trusting 
the event to Providence. 

I am informed by the reverend fit'rer v.ho 
brings you this, that you have taken an active part 
hi this time of trouble; that phyeic itself, does not 



hinder you from heading a lijrht ii finiry comp.iny. 
That I m.iy give you some evidence of my zeal for 
ihe good of my country, 1 must infirm yOH that j 
am first lieut. of a light infantry company — and tliat 
t!ie hon. committee of safety at their late meeting 
inT3over, honored me with the appointment of sur- 
geon to the first battalion in our county. I am 
pleased with the nublic transactions of your pro- 
vince. Does the co'iduct of the people at large, 
correspond with the trans.iciions of your piiMic as- 
semblies? Our militia is now completely formed 
throughout the goverr.ment, and it cOT.p'etely dis- 
graces a man not to enrr>l. — Of the company I be- 
long to, above sixty art- in genteel regimentals, with 
lig! t infantry caps, and will soon be fully accovl- 
tered. In short, I was never so completely new 
modcllpdin so short a time; instead of the careles* 
and secure appeumnce we made six months ago, 
you will now find most of us in & regimental dicss 
with swords upon our thighs. 

Out I tniist conclude with wisliing (o hear from 
you, and assuring you that I remain. 
Your affectionate humble servant, 

JAS.TILTOX. 

Seventh month '27th, 1775. 
To (he committee now sitting- at Dover. 
Whereas I understand you have been pleased to 
advertise without any distinction of age or religion, 
all those who refuse to take up arms to appear at 
Dover this day, in order to give reasons why they 
don't' enrol, and I expect I am one of these trans* 
gressorsjand I not being willing to give any offencci 
but to follow after peace witii all men — for with, 
out which, no man shAl see the Lord. And look- 
ing on it as a duly on all Christians to be sub- 
ject to every law and ordinance of man, for con- 
science sake, where sucii laws and ordinances 
are not repugnant to tlie law of God and their 
religious principles, so I, as one who hath re- 
ceived favor from God, and one under tlie obli- 
gation of keeping his law, will let you know my 
several reasons why I am thus delinquent — the 
chief of which is as fallows: Wliereas the Lord my 
God hath been pleased by his Almighty power, to 
deliver my soul from tiie bondage of bin and death, 
Hud hath set up iiis law in my heart, with his strict 
command to obey the same at the ri.sk of the loss 
of his holy favor, which is of more Vi,;ue to me ihaa 
all the transitory tilings of this world, and even my 
ItCe, which, if required, I am ready to offer up a 
sacnfice for his sake— now, this I do not refuse 
to do out of anj obstinary or opposition to my 
count-ynicn, bm bcr;iU'je i vnv'.ly beliwvis God, to 



%5S 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



have a hand in these affairs, and di.re not joii» to 
fight against him; neither do any thing to encourage 
others. Second reason is, I am now going in my 
fifty-sixth year, and am very fat and not fit i'ov ac- 
tion. Third reason is, I have a giddiness in my 
head, that is so b;id on me at times, that I have 
dropt in the road as though I was shot with a bullet. 
The fourth reason, why, about two years ago I had 
the flux for seven months very bad, and now, to this 
day, when 1 overheat myself, I catch cold, and it 
returns upon me again, and will many times lay me 
up for seven or eight days topether; so I think that 
these reasons with 'he first and principal one, would 
be enough for any reasonable men, which I t<.ke 
you all to be, to have me excused. But if you are 
not satisfied with tliese reasons, I am ready and 
willing to come on the least notice, only please to 
let me know by a line or two, and I will wait on you 
any time whenever you will please to call on me at j j^ ^^j^^^ insulting a certain J. C. The particulars 



Mr. II. then took his leave, and the comm'L- 
tee for this county unanimously resolved, that the 
tea should be kept in store, until the above state 
ofthe case was commimicated to the committee 
of inspection for the city of Philadelphia, and that 
said comnuttee be requested to enquire into the 
matter, <ind detect the remainder of the said chest 
of tea, if unduly imported; and if otherwise, that 
by a speedy answer they will enable the commit- 
tee toretm-n an innocent man's property. 

Signed by order of the committee. 

TORIES IN SUSSEX. 
To Dr. James Tilton. 

Sir — This informs you, that an indictment was 
found by the grand jury of Sussex county, against 
a number of zealous friends to their country, for, as 



are as follows: J. C. some time in the month of 
September, came to Lewis, and in an open, profane 
manner, cursed the honorable continental congress, 
and all those that would not curse it; calling upon 
the supreme Being in a most solemn manner to d — a 
the congress, and all that would not d — d it; that 
d — d set would ruin the country. For which ex- 
pressions and such like, it was thought proper he 
should be had up before the committee of inspec- 



anv other time— I should have come to day, only I 
was engaged anotiier way before I heard of the ad- 
vertisement, fori nei'er saw it. 

This from your Tiend and well wisher to you all, 
and all your honest undertakings; and may the 
God of peace instruct you all and give you grace, 
is the sincere prayer of me. Z. G. 

Dover, Jimnary 26th, 1775. 

Gentlemen— W. a meeting of the committee of ^^on, as guilty of treason against the liberties of 

inspection for Kent county, on Delaware, (on 26th I America, and also the congress; for the congress 

inst.) information was given, by a member of the! acting suitable to the power delegated, that body 

committee, of two barrels of tea, containing 2261b. ] ouglu to be esteemed as king, and therefore what. 

ever is said against that bedy should be deemed 
treason. C. being had up before the committee, 
and the facts before mentioned sufficiently proved, 
one of the audience said "it sounded like a death 
warrant." C. in an insulting, swearing-way, said, 
"put it in execution." However, upon mature con- 
sideration of the committee, some of wliich was 
no better than C a sort of recantation was drawn 
up and signed by C. but by no means satisfactory to 
the people. Upon which, some concluded we -;houlJ 
proceed in the new mode of making converts, by 
bestowing upon C. a coat of tar and feathers; but 
afier some hesitation, and much persuasion, were 
preventsd from using any violent measures, unless 
beating the drum a few rods, and two boys throwi 
ing an egg a piece unknown to the men — which, as 
soon as they were observed, v/as immediately 
.stopped. No threatening or abusive language was 
made us.e of to intimidate or affrigi»t him. This is 
iis near the slate of the matter as I can recollect — 



which he-had discovered on board J. H's. £loop,ata 
landing place in said county; that he had been 
obliged to put the tea into iiis own store, to secure 
it from the populace, as there was great reason to 
believe it had been unduly imported, since the Ist 
of December last, in a brig late from Jamaica, be- 
longmg to J. H. who is now in this county, and 
confesses himself to be the owner of the tea. 

Mr. H. being called upon by the committee, ac- 
knowledged the tea to be his property, and said it 
was a part of a large chest he had bought of Duf- 
ficld and Hepburn, wt. 3. 0. 23, Tare 701b. of which 
he produced a bill dated January 11th, 1775. He 
Ceclared he believed the tea to be duly imported, 
and had taken the above parcel which the com- 
mittee had taken into custody, out of the chest, 
and packed it in barrels, for no other reason than 
because it was more conveniently hoisted in and 
out of the vessel; but gave no reason for the immo 



derate quantity, though very unfit for the placet lius they have made a riot of, and J, M. esquire, as 
where he alleged it was to be sold. ; tintj's attorney, has acted in this matter. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



£j9 



Now, if such ofTenders as C. are perT>itted to intestine enemies <is foreijjn foes? Brit by what la^ 
brings us under the coj^nizance of the civil law, — of the land cafj werlo it?— by none, n id theppfore we 
all the friends to liberty here in Sussex, may as well i appeal to the law of nature. Ry th^s law the re- 
give up as contend any longer; for, we are too weak presentatives of a people ia comniitlee, publish an 



to oppose ministerial tools. 
This fl'om your's, to serve, 

SAMUEL M'.M ASTERS. 

J.e-tties,A''ovem(/er'l4tIi, \775. 



I '•nemy and make him inf.imotis forever; and by t'lis 

jlaw, the people at Inrf^e tar and feather tories and 

I u-aitors. The sole object of nitural Uw is justice; 

land ajiirieMble to it, ii M-. C's Cis?, the only ques- 

. tion should be, has his punishment been more than 

Dr. Tilirm's reply. adequate to his crimes? If h^ has discovered him- 

&r-Your's of the Hlh inst. came safe to hand-U^f ^^f,.,^,,^,^ ^^ ,^,^ country, and esoecially to 

I am not a little surprised at the contents of it. I ) America, his light escape could be o./ingto noth- 

have heard a great deal of Sussex toryism, but ima I ino- hii-^ -rrpit r>c..(:.ii;,.,„„ „„, u •* • 

° ■' ' '"8 "'* pfreat piriiahiyo!' uncommon humanity m 

gined.ifyou had really such among you, they would I ,,is countrymen. And as to those men, who would 
have acted more ingeniously than by plning ofljno^ t.^^^ 3^^^.,^^^^ ^j. ^,^^ ^;^.j, ,^,^,^ ^^^.^^^ ^^^^^ 
the civil law, as an engine against the sons of liber- j .vho wer-^ the instr-iments of justice on C. in behalf 
ty. The recent success of Mr. H. I should h«ve j „(• their country, I take it for granted they have a 
thought, would have taught them better. Your i pig.,, ;r„i ^lock of ignorance or an uncommon share 
grand jury must certainly have been infatuated : of boldness and wickedness; and I will venture 
witli vpry undue prejudices, or they never could to add, that were they in any part of the United 

Colonics, besides Su-;se.<c, they would in the one 
cise meet with proper instruction, and in the other 
suit:ible correction. 



have countenanced such an indictment as you men 
tion. 

I wish I was able to give you such adv-ce as 

would be profitable to your deluded countrymen; 

but when I consider that I am writing to a man 

5-ounger than myself, and who has perhaps as little 

influence in Sussex as I have in Kent, I conceive I 

cannot testify my esteem, for a lover of liberty, bet- [ inf^nns me of a late transaction, in Lewes,in wh^h 

ter, than by communicating my sentiments, on our , t,,i„k you so nearly interested, tliat I an; con- 

present troubles, in as short and plain a manner as strained to communicate a few thoughts of mine o■^. 

*^*"' [the subject; not from a vain pride of differing in 

I lay it down as a maxim, that the claim of Eng 



Letter from Dr. T. to ./. «', on the same snhj'-.r.t. 
Dover, 2uth JVuvember, 1775. 
Dear brother — ^It is not common for me to trou 
ble you with political letters. Mrs. M. however 



land on America "to tax her in all cases whatsoe- 
ver," is affrontive to common sense, not to be tole- 
rated, but spurned at by freemen, and to be resist- 
ed to the last extremity whenever attempted to be 
piit in execution. It is found equally true, by our 
experience, that the civil or municipal laws of the 
provinces, are not sufficient to defend us against 
the unjust and cruel means used to bring us under 
unjust and arbitraty taxation. What resource then 



opinion with my elder brother, b.it fiora a sincere 
wish that you may improve any hints of mine that 
are right, to your own advantage and the public 
good. I am told you sat with a nu.mber of others 
and advised among the rest, that some young men 
should be indicted for mobbing J. C. a noted ene- 
my to his country; that you being the first who 
left the room, was asg lod as mobbed yourself, by 
the inhabitants of Lewes, who resented such treat- 
ment from tlieir magistrates. This being a true 



had America left her? Why-she appealed to the ^^.^^^ „f ^,,^ ^^^^^ ^ ^,„ „,,,;g^j ^^ t^i„t ^,^^^ j^^^^ 
law of nature, which having a like re.pect to all, if ^^^^ g,,;,,^ ^^ ^^ ^^^^,. j ^^^^ ^^^ ^^,^ ^^,j 
founded only injustice and truth. In doing this, ^^ ^,^,^^ country, but men of the best designs may 
however, the A.nericans have not violated the con Umetimes be wrong in the means of accomolish- 



-stitution of England (as their enemies have sug- 
gested,) for that being founded in liberty cannot 
be repugnant to the eternal and immutable laws of 
truth and justice. By the law of nature ihen, an 1 
the constitution of England, we are perfectly riglit 
in defending our rights and liberties. The law of 



iiig them. You cannot be igr.orunt that the Iav7 of 
the land is insuifii-ient to protect us against the 
vi dence of Great Britain, and that therefore .Ame- 
rica has long since rcc ir;-ed lo the law of nature, 
by virtue of waich s!ie !iuth strengthened her hands 
—As we have no law of the land bv which we c.»n 



nature is above all others, and constantly governs punish tories and traitors, the natural law of ne- 
in the last exigency of affairs. In our present |cessity lakes plare.—Xatu-allaw has justice alo.ic 
strujjgle is it not equally necessary to guard against Ifor its object, and in .Mr. C's case, the sole ques 



260 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



tion oiigiit to be, has ! e received more than he de 
served? I am sure you will say he deserved te- 
times as much. Why then would you Uke advan- 
tage of tlie civil law in his behalf? If yau skouli? 
answer in the lant^iiage of the most unfriendly to 
this country, "least the civil auihority should be 
broujjht into contempt," a mone.t'sreflecuon will 
shew you tlie absurdity of such reasoning. Can 
the dignity of civil autlmrity be supported by act- 
ing in concert with villians? and would you wish 
to be accounted the avengpr of justice? But I need 
not enlarge, as no instance can b? adduced where 
the America'. 3 luve putiished an iHtiocent person 
for crimes like C's- M . H's fate will 'lerve to shew 
you the sens'- of the Philadelphiuns, resfjeC ing your 
conduct. His crime is nothing nore than an ex 
ertion of civil power in opposition to the rights of 
nature. He was caned. — I don't mention tliis t. 
reproach you with tolly, but as a basis to that ad 
vice 1 wisti you to take, viz: lliatyou may use yoU' 
utmost inHuencfi if possibU, to qiasli tliei^dic- 
ments. I am persuaded the reputition of you 
couny and your (iwn persona! s ifety, are concerned 
in the event of this natter. Pis- tho' Sussex should 
approve or submit to suoli conduct, I am confident 
every other part of the United Cobnies will con- 
<i»mn and despise it. For my own part, I hav 
heud many bad reports of Sussex, but 1 assur 
you th>5 fills me with more displeasure than any 
public irjnsaction of your county, I have ever at- 
■ tended to. 

ilKCAVTAxrON OF AM ARTICLE PCBLTSKED. 

I acknowiedgft to have wrote a piece, and did 
not sign it, since said to be an extract of a letter 
from Kent county, on Delaware, published in Hum 
phreys' Ledger, No. 3. It was not dated from any 
place, and in some altered from the original. 1 
folded it up and directed the same to .1. F. and 
Sons. I had no intention to have it published; 
and further, I let them know the author thought 
best it .should not be published; nor did I think 
they would. — I am sincerely sorry I ever wrote it, 
as also for its being published, and hope I shall be 
excused for this, my first breach in this wav, and 
] intend it shall be the last. li. ij. 

To t/tt; committee of correspondence 

fur Kent county, on Delaware. 

May 2d, 1775. 

Sru.— The president of the committee of corres- 
pondence, by and with the advice of such other of 
the members of that committee as he was able to 
tollect and consult, this day laid before the com- 



mittee of inspection for this county, your letter 
vlmrpin y ;u confess yourself to be the author of 
the Kentish le ter (co nmjnly so called) published 
\ 3d No, of Huoiphreys' Ledger. 

Thecontitnittee took the same into consider.ition, 
\n\ have unanin )USjy resolved that it is unsatis- 
fac'ory, and you are requested to atteid the com- 
nftitte'^ at their next meeting on Tuesday the 9'.?i 
nst, at French Battell's, in Dover, and render such 
saiisftction to the committee, as will enable them 
'o cleir the good people of this county from the as* 
penions of that letter, and justify them in the eyes 
of the public. 

Signed by order of the committee. 
To R. H. 

To the committee of inspection for Kent county, on De- 
laware. 
Gentlkmeh. — With sorrow and contrition for 
my weakness and folly, I confess mysflf the author 
of the letter, from wiiicb an extract was published 
in the 3d No. of Humphreys' Ledger, said to be 
from Kent county, on Delaware; but at the same 
tune to declare it was published without my con« 
sent, and not wiihout some alierations. 

I am now convinced that the political sentiments 
herein contained, were founded on the grossest 
n rror; more especially that malignant insinuation, 
that "if the king's standard were now erected, nine 
out of ten would repair to it," could not have 
been suggested, but from the deepest infatuation. 
True indeed it is, the people of this county have 
ever shewn a zealous attachment to his majesty's 
person and government, and whenever he raised his 
standard in a just cause, were ready to flock to it: 
but let the severe account I now render to an in» 
jured people, witness to the world, that none are 
more ready to oppose tyranny or to be first in the 
cause of liberty, than the inhabitants of Kentcoun* 

Conscious that I can render no satisfaction ade- 
quate to the injury I have done my country, I can 
only beg the forgiveness of my countrymen, upon 
those principles of humanity, which may induce 
them to consider the frailty of human nature — and 
I do profess and promise, that I wiU ne^er again 
oppose those laudable measures, necessarily adopt- 
ed by my countrymen, for the preservation of Ame- 
rican freedom: but will co-operate with the.n to the 
utmost of my abilities, in their virtuous struggle 
for liberty (so far as is ognsistent with my rcli- 
gsous principles.) S. li. 



PRIVCrPLKS AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



tSi 



Resolved unanp?\ousW, that the coiina'tee do, 
tfeink the above recanli.tion fully satisfactory. 

THO'S. NIXON, Jr. Clerk. 
May 9th, 1775. 

SATISTACTION TINDEHEP. 

GENTI.EMBS. ■ Wliatever the public opinion may 
be of what I have here.ofore said respecting' the 
contest between Great Britain and the colonies, I 
do solemnly assure you that I have never had : 'ly 
thing in view but a reconciliation between them, 
upon the full establishmeni of all the constisutio.- 
al rights and privileges of America. Which rights 
and privileges I im determined to defend with my 
life and property against all invasions whatsoever. 
This you will please to make known to my brehren 
in this qpunty. 

I am, gentlemen, with great respect, your hum- 
lile servant, I^- ^• 

Xo the committee of obaervati n 

for Kent county, on Dela-wave. 

Arrest of a member of the legislature. 
[The following petition stifficiently explains the 

circumstances of the casf.] 
The petition and remonstranc? of the iif^ht infan'ry 

coanoany of Dover, to the honorable house of rt^ 



ffuard for on? r.ijjh*, and nex* diy, by advice of a 
nnmber of gentlem-n in whom we could confide, 
they were set at liberly, on their giving bond with 
security that they would submit their conduct to 
a strict enquiry before vour honorable house, and 
not presume to sit or do any one a-^t as members, 
until honorably acquitted of all charges and evf-ry 
degree of suspi'^ion, by you In all this we spprc 
hend, we have acted consistent with the firs: prin- 
ciples of nature and humanity. And as we flat er 
ourselves with your approbation, we hope and ex- 
pect that aecraliny will be made into the conduct 
of these suspicions persons, and that in wisdom 
you will judge of them, and relieve your petition- 
ers and the public in general of their apprehen- 
sions concerning them. 

We cannot omit the present opportunity, with 
liumility and confidence, to make known to your 
honors iuaay grievances of our own and nei;^hbor- 
ing county, by which the cause of virtue and liber- 
ty has, and will greatly suffer — and may be ruincrT; 
unless by the introtuties of your petitioners and 
other good men, we can prevail on your honors to 
look diligently and carefully into the ways and 
f^onJuct of a number ofd^signing and inle:*sted 



en, wbo, li'ne tiic p:irliament of Great Mrilain, 
presentatives, for the gover ment of the coun-junder the pretext of law, nde or order, most as- 
ties of \ew C-stle, Kent, and Su«*sex, on Uela- siduously oppose and hinder, to the utmost of their 
ware, now silti'>g at New Castle, lumbly s p'l'ein: [power, the strenuous endeavors of the good and 
That T. R. of Sussex county, esq having fur ri virtuous in all their public measures, on behuU" cf 
long time past been of ill fame, and published by jOur threatened liberty. When under covert of au- 



diverse commi tees in several newspapers as an 
enemy to his country, and the said T. R. presum 
ing to pass through our county, and at a critical 
conjuncture to sit in your honorable house, as one 
gf our representatives, we thought oorseives boinid 
in duty, as we regarded the honor of your bonora 
ble house, and the true interest and safety of the 
public, to take said T. R. into custody until your 
bonorable house could lake order in the matter 
Whereupon an attempt being made to arrest Mr 
R. col. iVf. of Susses county also, drew his sword, 
and tho* he was made well acquainted with the 
reasons and principles upon which it was ihonglit 
necessary to arrest Mr. R. he s*ore he would de- 
fend him at the risk of his life. Upon this, he was 
immediately disarmed, and his violent conduct, to- 
gether with the well known connexion between 
the two men, inducing the company to consider 
Mr. M. as in the same predicament with Mr. R 
they after mature deliberation, resolved to give 
them both a like treatment, by keeping them in 
safe custody until your advice and pleasure sliould 
be known. They were accordingly detained under 



thority or the specious garb of moderation, the 
first lavs of nature and justice are violated, if we 
do but murmur we are reprobated as violent i ic^'t^- 
diaries, and loaded with opprobrious epithets. I!y 
the dint ©f influence, a number of persoi-.s, t'le most 
not iriously opposed to the cause of liberty, and 
who have made public concessions for the most 
daring offences, are made officers in our militia, 
and thus have influence among the people. But 
this reproach is not the roost intolerable to com- 
plain of. Men of the most dangerous characters 
have crept into our very councils; and, if it were 
possible, would contaminate the very source and 
fountain of all our hopes and expectations. 

We pray your honors, that, after diligent crqtiiry 
and being well satisfied of the truth of these our 
allegations, you will take the means of our redress 
into your serious consideration, and tJiat you wiil 
give that aid to public virtue and liberty which 
your known wisdom and patriotism v<lU iiaturaliy 
suggest. 

And your petitioners as in duty bound sha!! Jth;-. 



i6i 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. 



Cros« Riads, March 3(1, 1776 
GB^fTtHMEW.— We, the members of assembly for 
Kent county, taking into consideration the con- 
finement of Messrs. R. and M now in your cu«- 
to ly, tnke ihe libervy to iaform you that the con 
tinuin!^ tSese supposed ofTeni^ers any longer und^r 
a restraint of tlietr liberiy, may give interruption 
to 'he business of legislation in tliis government. 
Vh;ch maybe injurious, especially at this time; we 
are therefo'-e of .pinion that you should release 
then f om their imprisonment, and permit them to 
pursue their journey to New Cnstle, upon their 
giving bond with security to submit the enquiry 
into their respective offances to the honse of assem 
biy, and abide by, and perform whatsoever shall be 
enjoined then by the house. 
We are, gentlemen, 8ic. 

d;s!\R RODNEY 
WILLS KILLEN < 
JOHX fiASLET T 
THOMAS RODNEY 
VIXCENF LOCKERMAN 
To the gerdlemen oj the light infantry cninpany. 

fThe result of this business is thus detailed in a 
pimphlet published in 1788. entitled "the biogra- 
phical history of DioSTSiCS, tyrant of Delaiuare, by 
TrMOLKOiy."] 

-*'But to explain the attachment and connection 
of Dionysins with R. and the ot!ier representitives 
from Sussex, it will be necessary to give some ac 
count of this county, and their election at Lewes, 
in October, 1775. This R was a man of property, 
and had been a leader in the proprietary faction 
for some years. Perfectly unprincipled, and sub 
servient to direction, he of course at this time, be 
came a leader in opposition to independence. With 
all the indus'ry of interested tools, he, and his as 
sociates of the same connection, prejudiced a ma- 
jority of the people of S'lssex against independence 
Upon this principle it was, that R. and others of 
the same political creed, were elected representa- 
tives of the people. 



county, could not avoid taking notice of iliem. Af- 
ter a mature hearing and judgment of his conduct,, 
the committee published him in the newspap-^rs, as 
an enemy to his country. It was upon this ground, 
the light infantry company of Dover seized upon 
R. on his way to take his seat in the house 
of representatives, at New Castle; and demanded 
of the legislature, that he should not be permitted 
to sit as a representative of the people, while co- 
vered with charges of so malignant a dye. Instead 
of regarding the iniquities of this culprit, Diony- 
sius talked in a high strain of the breach of privi- 
lege of the house. An or-'.er issued, summoning the 
infantry to attend the house, which they instantly 
obeyed. Mention was even made of imprisoning 
them for so daring an offence. But the spirit of 
Newcastle county did not at that time, favor this 
measure. It was suggested, they must find means 
of confining a regiment or more of their militia, or 
they would not detain the infantry long. For 
many days after the examination of the witnesses, 
which went chiefly to an enquiry into the offence 
of the infantry, there was no open discussion as 
usual in the house. At the ringing of the bell, a 
minority of patriotic n^embers met regularly: but 
fiiovytius, in secret cabal, threatened some mem- 
bers, and allured others wit'.i promises, until he 
brought his measures to bear. Finally it was re- 
solved, that R. and iiis associate (who had also 
been arrested for standing in Lis defence) should 
take their seats; and the light infunti-y were dis- 
missed." 



The whigs bore all this witli a degree of patience 
peculiar to Delaware. R. rendered fearless by his 
success, and the forbearance of the whigs, proceed- 
ed boldly in his villanies. By every means in his 
power, he seduced the people to break through 
the non-importation agreement. In particular, he 
purchased a large quantity of tea, and dealt it out 
to all whom he could persuade to use it. Having 
by this time a degree of contempt for all opposi- 
tion, there was so little reserve in these transac- 
t?on»j that the committee of observation of the 



PROCLAMATION. 
By John Burgoyne, esq. lieutenant general of his 
majesty's armies in America, colonel of the 
queen's regiment of light dragoons, governor of 
Fort William in North Britain, one of the repre- 
sentatives of the commons of Great Britain, and 
commanding an army and fleet employed on an 
expedition from Canada, &c. &c. 

The forces entrusted to my command, are de- 
signed to act in concert, and upon a common prin- 
ciple, with the numerous armies and fleets which 
already display in every quarter of America, the 
power, the justice, and, when properly sought, the 
mercy of the king. 

The cause in which the British arms is thus ex- 
erted, applies to the most affecting interests of 
the human heart; and the military servants of the 
crown, at first called forth for the sole purpose of 
restoring the rights of the constitution, now com- 
bine with love of their country, and duty to theij. 
sovereign, the otlver extensive mcitementu, which , 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



aS^ 



orm a due sense of the general privileges of man 
kind. To the e/es and ears of the temperate pan 
of the public, and the breasts of suffering thou 
sands, in the provinces, be the melancholy appeal, 
whether the present unnatural rebellion has noi 
been made a foundation for the completest system 
of tyranny that ever God, in his displeasure, suffer- 
ed for a time to be exercised over a froward and 
stubborn generation. 

Arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property, 
persecution, and torture, unprecedented in the in- 
quisition of the Romish church, are among the pal- 
pable enormities tiiat verify the affirmative. These 
are inflicted, by assemblies and committees, who 
dare to profess themselves friends to liberty, 
upon the most quiet subjects, without distinc- 
tion of age or sex, for the sole crime, often for 
the sole suspicion, of having adhered in principle 
to the government under which they were born, 
and to which, by every tie, divine and human, they 
owe allegiance. To consummate these schocking 
proceedings, the profanation of religion is added 
to the most profligate prostitution of common rea 
son, the consciences of men are set at nought; and 
muUitudes are compelled not only to bear arms, but 
also to swear subjection to an usurpation they ab- 
hor. 

Animated by these considerations — at the head 
af troops in the full powers of health, discipline, 
and vulour — determined to strike where necessary 
— and anxious to sp^re where possible — I, by these 
presents, invite and exhort all persons, in all places 
where the progress of this army nsay point — and 
by the blessing of God I will extend it far — to 
maintain such a conduct as may justify me in pro- 
tecting their lands, habitaVions, and families. The 
intention of this address is to hold forth security, 
not depredation to the country. To those, whom 
spirit and principle may induce to partake the glo- 
rious task of redeeming their countrymen from 
dungeons, and re-establishing the blessings of legal 
government, I offer encouragement and employ- 
ment; and, upon tlie first intelligence of their asso- 
ciation, I will find means to assist their undertak- 
ings. The domestic, the industrious, the infirm, 
and even the timid inhabitants, I am desirous to 
protect, provided they remain quietly at their 
houses; thi.t they do not suffer their cattle to be 
removed, nor their corn or forage to be secreted 
or destroyed; thai they do not break up their 
bridges or roads; nor by any other act, directly or 
indirectly, endeavor to obstruct the operations of 
the king's troops, or supply or assist those of the 
€iDem-y. 



Every species of pn vision, brought to my camp, 
-vill be paid for at an equitable rate, and in solid 
coin. 

In consciousness of Christianity, my royal maa- 
ter's clemency, and the honof of soldiership, I have 
dwelt upon tliis invitation, and wished for more 
more persuasive terms to give it impression. And 
let not people be led to disregard it, by consider- 
ing their distance from the immediate situation of 
my Crtmp, I have but to give stretch to the Indian 
forces under my direction — and they amount to 
thousands— to overtake the kardened enemies of 
Great Britain and America. I consider them the 
same, wherever they may lurk. 

If, notwithstanding these endeavors, and sincere 
inclinations to effect them, the phrenzy of hostili- 
ty should remain, I trust 1 shall stand acquitted 
in the eyes of Gjd and m^'n in denouncing and 
executing the vengeance of the state against the 
wilful outcasts. The messengers of justice and oi 
wrath await them in the field: and devastation, fa- 
mine, and every concomitant horror, that a reluc- 
tant, but indispensable prosecution of military du- 
ty must occasion, will bar the way to their return, 

iOHNBUItGOYNE. 
Camp, at Ticondero^a, July 2, 1777. 

By order of his excellency the lieut. general. 
RoBEiiT KiNssTox, secretary. 

To John Burgoyne, esq. lieutenant general of his 
majesty's armies, in America, colonel of the 
queen's regiment of light dragoons, governor of 
Fort William in North Brit.iia, oae of the repre- 
sentatives of the commons of Great Britain, and 
commanding an ar.ny and fl^et employed on an 
expedition from Canada, Ssc. &;c. 
MoH high, must mighnj, tnost pnisaant, and steb'iius 
general/ 
When the forces under your command arrived at 
Quebec in order to act in concert and upon a com- 
mon principle wiih the numerous fleets and armies 
which already display in every quarter of America, 
the justice and mercy of your king, we, the rep,- 
tiles of America, were struck with unusual trepida- 
tion and astonisliment. But what words can ex. 
press the plenitude of our horror, when the colonel 
of the queeri's regimeiU of liglit dragoona advanced 
towards Ticonderoga. Tlie mountains shook be- 
fore thee, and the trees of liie forest bowed ^heir 
lofiy heads— the vast lakes of the north were chiU 
ledatthy prese'ice, and the miglity calaracis slop- 
ped their tremendous career, and were suspendefl 
in awe at thy approach. Judge, then. Oh; iaeffabla 
governor of Fort V/iUiam in liojuh BriiaiiSj wlid 



264 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



must have been the terror, dismay, and cjespai'' 
that overspread this paltry continent of A.merica. 
andus, its wretched inhabitants. Daik and dreary 
indeed, was the prospect before us, till, like the 
siin in the horizon, yonr most gracio'is, sublime, 
and irresistible pnchmstion, opened the doors of 
mercy, and snatched us, as it were, from the jaws 
of annihilation. 

We foolishly thouirht, blind as we were, that 
your gracious master's fleets and armies were 
come to destroy us and our liberties; but we ar- 
banov in hearing from you (and who can doub'. 
what you assert?) that they were called firth for 
the sole purpose of restoring the rights of the con- 
stitution, to a froward and stubborn general ion. 

And is it for this, Oh! sublime lieutenant general, 
that you have given yourself the trouble to cross 
the wide Atlantic, and wi»h incredible fatigue tra- 
verse uncultivated wilds? And we unarrHtefully 
refuse the proffered blessing? — To restore the 
rights of the co;istitution, you have called together 
an amiable host of savsges, and turned them loose 
loose to scalp our women and children, and lay our 
country waste — this theyhave performed with their 
usual skill and clemency; and yet we remain insen 
sible of the benefit, and unthankful for so much 
jfoodness. 

Our congress have declared independence, and 
our assemblies, as your highness justly obsecves, 
have most wickedly inp;-ison?d the avswel friends 
of that power with which they are at war, and most 
profanely compelled those, whose consciences vvill 
not permit them to fight, to pay some small part 
tow;ir;ls the expenses their country is at, in sup- 
porting what 18 called a necessary defensive war. 
If we go on thus in our obstinacy and ingratitude, 
what can we expect, but that you should, in your 
anger, give a stretch to the Indian forces under 
your direction amounting to thousands, to overtake 
and destroy us? or, which is ten times worse, that 
you should withdraw your fleets and armies, and 
leave us to our own misery, without completing 
the benevolent task you have begun, of restoring 
to us the rights of the constitution? 

We submit — we submit— most puissant colonel 
of the queen's regiment of light dragoons, and 
governor of Fort William in North Britain! We 
off'er our heads to the sr^alping knife, and our bel- 
lies to the bayonet Who can resist the force of 
your eloquence? Who can withstand the terror of 
your arms? The invitation you have made, in the 
consciousness of Christianity, your royal master's 



cle?t)ency, and tde iinor of soldiers!)^,^ -v ttMnk- 
fully accept. The blood of the slain, the cries of 
injured virgins and innocent children, and the never 
ceasing sighs and groans of starving wretches, now 
Anguishing in the JHils and prison ships of New 
Y irk, call on us in vain; A^hilst your sublime pro- 
clam '.ion is s mnded in our ears. Forgive us, O 
our country! FTrgive us, dear posterity! Forgive 
u.-,all ye foreign powers, w'lO are anxiously watch" 
iiig our conduct in this imp riant struggle, if we 
yield implicily to the persuasive tongue of the 
most elegant colonel of her mijesty's regiment of 
light dragoons. 

Forbear, then, thou magnanimous lieutenant ge- 
general! Forbear to denounce vengeance against 
Us — Forbear to give a stretch to those restorers of 
constitutional rignts, the Indian forces under your 
direction. — Let not the messengers of justice and 
wrath await us in the field, and devastation, and 
every concomiiant horror, bar our return to the 
allegiance of « prince, who, by his royal will, wouid 
Ueprive us of every blessing of life, with all pos- 
sible clemency. 

We are dome.stic we are industrious, we are in- 
firm and timid: we shall remain quietly at home,- 
<«nd not remove our cattle, our corn, or forage, in 
hopes that you will come, at tiie head of troops, in 
the full po^vers of health, discipline, and valor, and 
take charge of iheuj for yourselves. Behold our 
wives and daughters, our flocks and herds, our 
goods and chatties, are they not at the mercy of our 
lord the king, and of his lieutenant general, meni-> 
ber of the house of commons, and governor of Fort 
William in Norch Britain? A. t5. 

C. D. 
E. F. &c. &c. &C. 

Saratoga, 10th July, 1777. 

Proposals far an exchange of general Burgoyne.— 
Jiscribed to his exce'Uency iViUiait Livingston, esf. 
governor of the state of JVe-w-Jersejf* 

Should the report of general Burgoyne's having' 
infringed the capitulation, between major general 
Gates and himself, prove to be true, our su ">e n )rs 



*The turgid, bombastic procla'nation (for *vhicl» 
see American Museum, vol. IF. page 495) which 
gave rise to this elegant and poignant satire, was 
prefaced in the following manner: "Proclamation 
by .lohn IJsirgoyne, esquire, lieutenant general of 
his majesty's armies in America, colonel of the 
queen's regiment of light dragooTS, governor of 
fort William, in Njrth Britain, one of the repre- 
sentatives of tlie coiu.nr)ns of Great '.iritnin, and 
roinmanding an army hii I Heat on an expedition 
iroiti Canada, &c. &c. &c."— C. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



265 



will doubtless take proper ctre to prevent his 
reaping nny benefit from it; and should he be de- 
tained as a prisoner for his infi'action of any of the 
articles, I would humbly propose to exchange hirti 
in sucli manner, as will at the same time flatter 
his vanity and redonnd to the greatest emolument 
of Amei-ica. To evince the reasonableness of my 
propose', I would observe, tliat by the same parity 
of reason, that a general is exchanged for a gene 
ral, a colonel for a colonel, and so on, with respect 
to other officers, mutually of equal rank, we ought 
to have far one and the ssme gentleman, who shall 
happen to hold both those offices, both a general 
and a colonel. Tiiis will appear evident from the 
consideration that those exchanges are never re 
gulated by viewing the peisons exclianged in the 
light of meu, but as officers; since otheiwise, a colo 
nel might as well be exchanged fjr a serjemt as 
for an officer of iiis own rank; a serjsant being, 
undoubtedly, equally a man, and, as the case some- 
times happens, more of a man too. One prisoner, 
therefore, having twenty different offices, ought to 
redeem from captivity twenty prisoners aggregately 
holding the same ofHces; or such greviier or less 
number as shall, with respect to rank, be equal to 
his twenty offices. This being admitted, I think 
general Burgoyne is the most profitable prisoner 
we could have taken, having more offices, or (what 
amount? to the same thing in Old Englaid) more 
titles, than any gentleman on this side the Ganges. 
And as his impetuous excellency certainly meant to 
avail himself of his titles, by their pompous display 
in his proclamation, had l.e proved conqueror, it is 
but reiisonable that ire should avail ourselves of 
t'lem now he is conquered; and, till I meet with a 
better project f)r that purpose, I persuade myself 
-that the following proposal will appropriate them 
to a much better use, than they were ever applied 
to before. 

The exchange I propose is as follows: 

I. For John Burgoyne, esquire. 

Sonne worthy justice of the peace, magnnnimonsly 
stolen out of his bed, or taken from his farm by a 
band of rulHans in the uniform of British soldiers, 
and now probably perishing with hunger and cold 
in a loathsome jail in New York. 

II. For John Bnrgoyne, lieittenant general of his ma- 
jest yU armies in Jlmerica, 

Two majors general. 

III. For John Burgoyne, colonel of the qiieen''s regi 
ment of light dragoons. 

As the British troops naturally prize every tiling 
in proportion as it partakes of royalty, and under 
value wh.itever originates from a reftuhUcan govern- 



ment, I suppose a colonel of her mnjesty's own regi" 
ment will procure at least three continental colonelt 
of horse. 
IV. For John Biirgoyne, governor of fort IVilliam in 

J^'orth Brit(dn. 

Here I would demand one governor of one of the 
United States, as his Ttuhitttlury excellency is go- 
vernor of ufjri; and two more, as that fort is in 
JVorth Britain, which his Britannic majesty may be 
presumed to v^hse in that proportion; but consider- 
ing that the said fort is r;alled IVdliam, wliich may 
excite in his msjrsty's mind the rebellious idea of 
liberty, I deduct one upon thp.t account, and, rather 
'hae puzzle the cartel with any perplexity, I am 
content VfiXh txoo governors. 

V For John Burgoyne, one of the representatives of 
Great Britain. 

The first ,T;ernher of congress who may fall into 
he enemy's hj.nds. 

VI For John Burgoyne, commander of a feet emf 
p'oyed in an expedition from Canada. 
Ti;e .idmirai of our navy. 

Vll. For John Bargovn'', commander of an army 
employed in an expedition from Canada. 
O e commander in chief in any of our depart- 
ments. 
Vllt. For John Burgoyne^ &c. &c. &c. 

S ime connoisseurs in iiicroglyphics im.igine that 
these tliree et ceteras are emblematicul of tTiiree 
certain occult qualities in the general, which he 
never intends to exhibit in more legible characters, 
v'z. prndence, modesty, and humanity. Others sup- 
pose that they stand fjr king of America; and that, 
had he proved successfiil, he would have fallen 
upon general Howe, and afterwards have set up 
fur himself. Be this as it may, (which it however 
behoves a certain gentleman on the other side of 
the water seriously to tonsider) I insist upon it, 
that as ;ill dark and cab.HlisUcal characters ara 
suspicious, these inogno^cible enig-mai may poriend 
much more tlian is generally apprehended. At all 
events, general Burgoyne has avaled himself of 
their importance, and I doulit not they excited as 
milch terror in his proclamation, as any of his rnore 
luminous titles. As his person, therefore, is by the 
r.pture, become the properly of the congress, all 
his titles, (which some suppose to constitute his 
very essence) whether more splendid or opake, 
latent or visible, ure become, ipso facto, tiie Inwful 
goods and cl'attels of the continent, and oug])t not 
to be restored without a consideration equivalent. 
If we sliould happen to over-rate them, it is hi9 
own fault, it being in his power to ascertain their 
intrinsic value; ar.d it is a vale in law, tliat whsn * 



266 



PIIINCIFLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



man is possessed of evidence to disprove what is .power. Nor cai I forbear suggesting its fatal ten- 
alleged agjiinst him, and refuses to pi'oduce it, the dency to widen that unhappy breach, which you, 
|)resumptian raised against Iiim, is to be taken for and those ministers under whom you act, have re- 
granted. Certain it is, that these three et ceteras peatedly declared you wish to see forever closed, 
must stand for three somethvigg, and as these thre 



somethings must, at least, be equal to ihree some- 
things without rank or title, I had some thoughts ! 
of setting them down for three privates,- but then 
as they are three sometldngs in general Jiurjoyne, 
wliich must be of twice the value of three avy 
things, in miy three privates, 1 si) all only double 
them, and demand in exchange for these three 
problematical, enigmatical, hieroglyphical, mystic, 
necromantic, cab.ilistical and portentous et ceteras, 
&\s. privates. 

So that, according to my plan, we ought to detain 
this ideal conqueror of the North, now a real pri- 
soner in the East, till we have got in exchange for 
him, one esquire, two majors general, three colo- 
nels of light horse, two governors, one men^ber of 
congress, ihe admiral of our navy, one commander 
in chief in a separate department, and six privates; 
\vhich is probably more than this extraordinary hero 
would fetch in any part of Great Britain, were he 
exposed at public auction for a day and a year. All 
which is nevertheless, humbly submitted to the con- 
sideration of the honorable the congress, and his 
excellency general Washington. 

I'linceton, December 8, 1777. 



Letter from his excellency general Washington to ge- 
?ieral Gage. 

Head auAnxEHS, 
Cambridge, August 11, 1775. 
Sin— I understand that the officers 
the cause of liberty and their count 
fortune of war, have fallen into your hands, have 
been thrown indiscriminately into a common jail, 
appropriated for felons — that no consideration has 
been had for those of the most respectable rank, 
when languishing with ;younds and sickness — that 
some of them have been even amputated in this 
unworthy situation. 

Let youi* opinion, sir, of the principle which actu- 
ates them, be what it may, they suppose they act 
from the noblest of all principles, a love of freedom 
and their country. But political opinions,! conceive, 
are foreign to this point. The cbligatioris arising from 
the rights of humanity, and claims of rank, are uni- 
versally binding and exiensive, except \a case of 
retaliation. These, I should have hoped, would 
have dictated a more tender treatment of those in- 
dividtial.'?, whom chance or war had put in your 



My duty now makes it necessary to apprise you, 
that, for the future, I shall regulate my conduct to- 
wards those gentlemen of your army, who are, or 
may be in our possession, exactly by the rule you 
shall observe towards those of ours who may be 
in your custoJy. 

If severity and hardship mark the line of your 
conduct (painful as it may be to me) your prisoners 
will feel its effect; bat if kindness and huaianity 
are shown to ours, I shall, with pleasure, consider 
those in our hands only as unfortunate, and they 
shall receive from me that treatment to which the 
unfortunate are ever entitled. 

I b?g to be favored with an answer as soon as 
possible, and am, sir, your very humble servant, 
G. WASHINGTON. 

His excellency general Gage. 

ANSWER. 

Boston, August 13, 1775. 
StH — To the glory of civilized nations, humanity 
and var have been compatible; and compassion to 
the subdued is become almost a general system. 

Britons, ever pre eminent in mercy, have out- 
gone common examples, and overlooked the crimi- 
nal in the captive. Upon these principles, your 
prisoners, whose lives, by the laws of the land, are 
destined to the cord, hav-, hitherto been treated 
emraiTPd ;„,' ^^i'h care and kindness, and more comfortably lodg- 
rv who bvthe'^^' *^^^" ^^^ king's troops, in the hospitals; indis- 
criminately, it is true, for I acknowledge no rank 
that is not derived from the king. 

My intelligence from your army would justify 
severe recrimination. I understand there are seme 
of the king's faithful subjects, taken sometime 
since by the rebels, laboring like negro slaves, to 
gain their daily subsistence, or reduced to the 
wretched alternative, toperisti by famine or take 
arms against their king and country. Those, who 
have made the treatment of the prisoners in my 
hands, or of your other friends in Boston, a pre- 
tence for such measures, found barbarity upon false- 
hood- 



I would willingly hope, sir, that the sentiments 
of liberality, which I have always believed you to 
possess, will be exerted to correct these misdoii\gs. 
Be temperate in political disquisitions; give free 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



267 



operation to truth, and punish those who deceive 
and misrepresent; and not only the effects, but the 
causes of this unhappy conflict will soon be re- 
moved. 

Should those, under whose usurped authority 
you act, conlroul such a disposition, and dare to 
call severity retaliation, to God, who knows all 
hearts.be the appeal for the dreadful consequences. 
I trust that British soldiers, asserting the rights 
of the state, the laws of the land, the being of the 
constitution, will meet all events with becoming 
fortitude. They will court victory with the spirit 
their cause inspires, and from the same motive vvili 
find the patience of martyrs under misfortune. 

Till I read your insinuations In regard to mir.is- 
ters, I conceived that I had acted under tlie king-, 
whose wishes it is true, as well as those of his 
ministers, and of every honest man, have been to 
see this unhappy breach forever closed; but unfor- 
tunately for both countries, those, who have long 
since projected the present crisis, and influence 
the councils of America, have views very distant 
from accommodation. 

I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
THOMAS GAGE. 
George Wanhingion, esq. 

REPLY. 

Head atrAUTERS, 
Cambridge, August 19, 1775. 
Sia — 1 addressed you on the 11th inst. in terms 
which gave the fairest scope for the exercise of 
that humanity and politeness, which were supposed 
to form a part of your character. I remonstrated 
with you on the unworthy treatment shewn to the 
officers and citizens of America, whom the fortune 
of war, chance, or a mistaken confidence, had 
throv/n into your hands. 

Whether British or American mercy, fortitude, 
and patience, are most pre-eminent — whether our 
virtuous citizens, whom the hand of tyranny has 
forced into arms, to defend their wives, their chil- 
dren, and their property, or the mercenary instru- 
ments of lawless domination, avarice, and revenge, 
best deserve the appellation of rebels, and the pu- 
nishment of that cord, which your affected clemen- 
cy has forborne to inflict — whether the authority 
under which I act, is usurped, or founded upon 
the genuine principles of liberty— were altogether 
foreign to the subject. I purposely avoided all 



political disquisition; nor shall I now avail my- 
self of those advantages, which the sacred cause 
of my country, of liberty and human nature, give 
me over you; much \c^s shall I stoop to retort any 
invective. But the intelligence, you s^y you have 
received frjm our arnr.y, requires a reply. I have 
taken time, sir, to make a s'rict enquiry, and And it 
has not the least foundation in truth. Not on!y 
your officers and soldiers have been treated with 
a te .dernes? due to fellow cilizeas and brethren, 
but even those execrable parricides, whose coun- 
cils and aid have deluged their country with blood, 
i have been protected from the fury of a justly en- 
raged people. Fur from compelling or permitting 
their assistance, I am embarrassed with the num- 
bers who croud to our camp, animated with the pti- 
rest principles of virtue and love of their country. 
You advise me to give free operation to truth; to 
punish misrepresentation and falsehood. If expe- 
rience stamps value upon counsel, your's t lUst 
have a weight which few can claim. You best can 
tell, how far the convulsion, which has br^nght 
such ruin on both countries, and shaken the mighty 
empire of Britain to its foundation, may be tiiced 
to these malignant causes. i 

You affect, sir, to despise all rank, nof derived 
from the same source with your own. I cannot con- 
ceive one more honorable, than that which flovs 
from the uncorrupted clioice of a br?ve and free 
people, the pureat source and original fountain of 
all power. Far from making it a pica foi- cruelly, 
a mind of true magnanimity and enlarged ideas, 
would comprehend and respect it. 

What may have been the ministerial views which 
have precipitated the present crisis, Lexington, 
Concord, and Charlestovvn, can best declare. Mny 
that God, to whom you then appealed, judge be- 
tween America and you. Under his providence, 
those who influence the councils of America, and 
all the other inhabitants of the United Colonies, at 
the hazard of their lives, are determined to hand 
down to posterity those just and invaluable privi- 
leges which they received from their ancestors. 

I shall now, sir, close my correspondence with 
you, perhaps forever. If your oflicers, our prison- 
ers, receive a treatment from me, diffei-ent from 
what I wished to shew them, they and you will 
remember the occasion of it. 

I am, sir, your very humble servant, 

GEOUGE WASHINGTON. 

General Gage. 



268 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Z/SlterJ'rom major general liobeiteon to his excellency 
governor Livivgslon, 

Nkw-Yobk, Jamtury 4, \777. 
SrR — I am interrupted in my daily attempts to 
soften the calamities of persons awd reconcile their 
(Case with our security, by a general cry of resent- 
tnent, arising from an information-; 

That offic TS in the king's service, taken on the 
27ih of November, and Mr. John Brovin, a deputy 
comnrsisssry, are to be tri'id in Jersey fir hig^ trea- 
son; and that Mr. Ilift' and another prisoner have 
been hanged. 

Though I -^m neither authorised to threaten or 
to sooth, my wish to prevent an increase of horrors, 
will justify my usinp the liberty of an old acquaint- 
ance, to de;Mre your interposition to put an end to, 
PC prevent meaiures which, if pursued on one side, 
would tend to prevent every act of humanity on 
the other, and render every person who exerci.'-es 
this 10 the king's enemies, odious to his frieifds. 

I aeed not point out to you all the cruel conse 
quences of such a procedure. I am hopeful you'll 
prevent them, and excuse 'his trouble from, 

Sir, your obedient humble servant, 

JA.MES K0BERT.'50?f. 
K B. At tlie moment that the cry of murder 
r'^ached my et,rs, i was sijjning oi ders that Fell's 
lequest to have the liberty of the city, and colonel 
Jitiynold now be set free on his parole, siionld be 
eomplied with. 1 have not recalled the order, be 
cause, though the evidence be strong, I cannot be- 
lieve it possible, a measure so cruel and unpolitic, 
*^otild be adopted where you bear sway. 
To William Livingston, esq. Uc. &c. 

GOVEUNOH LIVINGSTOh's ANSWER. 

January 7, 1777. 
Sin — Having received a letter under your sig- 
nature, dated the 4tii instant, which I have some 
reason to think you intended for mr, I sit down to 
answer your enquiries concerning certain officer> 
in the service of your king taken on Staten Inland, 
and one Browne, who culls himself a deputy com^ 
missary; and also respecting one IlifF and another 
prisoner, (I suppose you must mean John Mee, he 
having shared the fate you mention) who have been 
hanged. 

Buskirk, Earl and Hamrnel, who are, I presume, 
the oIBcers intended, with the said Browne, were 
sent to me by general Dickenson as prisoners ta- 
ken on Staten-lsland- Finding them all to be sub- 
jects of this state, and to have committed treason 
against it, the coiincil of safety committed them to 



Trenton gaol. At the same time I acquainttd ge- 
neral Washington, that if he chose to treat the 
three first, who were British officers, as prisoners of 
War, I dou!)ted not the council of safety would be 
satiijfied. General Washington has since informed 
me that he intends to consider them as such; and 
they are theref ire at his service, whenever the com- 
missary of prisoners shall direct concerning them. 
Browne, I am told, committed several robberies 
in this state before he took sanctuary on Staten- 
lsland, and I slisuld scarcely imagine that he has 
expiated the guilt of Lis former crimes by com- 
mitting \\\ft greater one of joining the enemies of 
iiis country. However, if general Washingtoia 
chooses to consider him also as a prisoner of war, 
I shall not interpose in the matter. 

Uiff was executed after a trial by a jury, for en- 
listing our subjects, himself being one, as recruits 
in the British army, and he was apprehended orj 
his way with them to Staten-lsland. Had he never 
been subject to this state, he would have forfeited 
his life as spy. Mee was one of his company, and had 
also procured our subjects to enlist in the service 
of the enemy. 

If these transactions, sir, should induce you to 
countenance greater severities towards our people, 
whom the fortune of war has thrown into your pow- 
er, than they have already sufi'ered, you will pardon 
me for thinking that you go farther out of yotir 
way to find palliatives for inhumanity than neces- 
sity seems to require; and if this be the cry of mur-. 
der to which you allude as having reached your 
ears, I sincerely pity your ears for being so fre- 
quently assaulted with cries of murder much more 
audible, because much less distant,— I mean the 
cries of your prisoners who are constantly perish- 
ing in the gaols Of New-York (the coolest and most 
deliberate kind of murder) from the ri,;orous mari- 
ner of their treatment. 

I am, with all due respect, your most humble 

servant, 

WILLIAM LIVINGSTOX, 

James Robertson, esq. &C. Sec. &c. 

P. S. You have distinguished me by a title which 
I h&ve neither authority nor ambition to assume. I 
know of no man, sir, who bean away in this state. 
It is our peculiar felicity, and our superiority over 
the tyrannical system we have discarded, that we 
are not swayed by men — In New-Jersey, sir, the 
laws alone bear sway. 

A''ovember, 1781. 
Address delivered by J\i, I'abbe Bandole, to congress, 
the supreme executive council, and the assembly •>/ 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTfON. 



269 



Pennsylvania, &c &c. tvho were invited by his 
excel.'ency the minister of France, to attend in the 
Roman Catholic church in Philadelphia, during 
the celebration of divine service, and thanksgiving 
for the capture of lord Corniuallis. 

Gentlemeit — A numeroas people assembled to 
render thanks to the Aln.igh'y for his rnercies, is 
one of the most affecting objects, and worthy the 
attention of the Supreme B<Mng. While camps 
resound with triumphal acclarriations — while na- 
tions rejoice in victory and glory, the most honora- 
ble office a minister of the altar can fill, is to be 
the organ by which public gratitude is conveyed 
to the Omnipotent. 

Those miracles, which he once wroiig'.it for his 



all pt=rfect mind; that courage, tbat skill, that 
itctiviiy, bear the sacred impression of him who is 
divine. 

For liow many fai'ors have we not to thank him 
during the course of the present year? Your uniott, 
which was at first supported by justice alone, h»s 
heen consolidated by your courage: and the knot, 
which ties you together, is become indissoluble, by 
the accession of all the states, and the unanimous 
voice of all the confederates. You present to the 
universe the noble sight of a society, which, found- 
ed in equ:ility and justice, secures to the individuals 
who compose it, the utmost happiness which can 
be derived from human institutions. This advan- 
tage, which so many other nations have been unable 
to procure, even after ages of efforts and misery, 
chosen people, are renewed in our favor; and itjjs granted by Divine Providence to the United 
would be equally ungrateful and impious not tojg -PS; <nd its adorable decrees have marked the 
acknowledge, that the event which lately confound. | pres .nt mt)ment for the completion of that memora- 
ed our enemies, and frustrated their designs, waS|bleand ha-^py revolution wliich has taken place in 
the wonderful work of that God who guards your I tliis extensive coniinent. Whileyour counsels were 
liberties. ithus acquiring new energy, rapid and multiplied 

4 J u I. i u ij _u- 4.U • _ I successes have crowned your arms m the southern 

And who but he could so combme the circum- •' 

states 
stances wliich led to success.' We have seen our j 

enemies push forward, amid perils aln-osl innumer-j We have seen the unfortunate citizens of these 

able, amid obstacles almost insurmountable, to the 'states forced from their peaceful abodes; after a 

spot which was designed to witness their dis- long and cruel captivity, old men, women and 

grace: yet they eagerly soaght it, as their theatre children, thrown, without mercy, into a foreign 

of triumph! country. Master of their lands and their slaves, 

Tii- J 4.1, ii u t. iu- i amid his ternporary afHuence, a sunerb victor 

Bhnd as they were, they bore hunger, thirst, i / ^^j » ui^ciu nour 

„,.,_.,. J ..u • ui J ■ u ..1 rejoiced in their distresses. But Philadeln'iia has 

»nd mclement skies, poured their blood m battle ^ •=»utii.. i<i nds 

. . u LI- J J • lwiti:essed iheir patience and for'itude- thev have 

agamst brave republicans, and crossed immense ^ ■>u'.ic, mcj^ navi, 

. c .. 1 . ..u I • 1 found here another lionie, and, thouerh driven from 

regions to confine themselves in another Jericho, I ' ' " fe ' "'"cn nou 

. II i: . J . i- 11 . r .. (their native soil, they have blessed God. that he 

whose walls were fated to fall before another | * ' ' 

has delivered them from their enemies, and co/>- 
ducted thetn to a country where every just an.i 
fepling m-an h:is sitretched out the helping hand of 
benevolence. Heaven rewards their virtues. Three 



Joshua. It is He, whose voice commands the winds, 
the seas and the seasons, who formed a juiiction 
on the same day, in the same hour, between a 
formidable fleet from the south, and an army rush- 
ing from the north, like an impetuous torrent. 
Who but he, in whose liands are the hearts of men, 
could inspire the allied troops witli the friendships, 
the confidence, the tenderness of brothers? How is 
it that two nations once divided, jealous, inimical, 
and nursed in reciprocal prejudices, are now be- 
come so closely united, as to form but one? — 
Worldlings would say, it is the wisdom, the virtue. 



htrge states are at once wrested from the foe. The 
rapacious soldier has been compelled to take refuge 
behind his ramparts; and opprcHsion has vanished 
like those phantoms which are dissipated by the 
morning ray. 

On this solemn occasion, we might renew our 
thanks to the God of battles, for the success ha 
has granted to the arms of your allies, and your 



and moderation of their chiefs; it is a great national fiends, by land and by sea, through the other parts 



interest which has performed this prodigy. They 
will say, that to the skill of the generals, to the 
courage of the troops, to the activity of the whole 
army, we must attribute this splendid success. Ah! 
they are ignorant, that the combining of so many 
fortunate circumstances, is an emanation from the 



of the globe. But let us not recal those events 
which too clearly prove how much the hearts cf 
our enemies have been obdurated. Let us pro- 
strate ourselves at the altar, and implore the God 
of mercy to suspend his vengeance, to spare them 
in his wrath, to inspire them with sentiments of 



^70 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



justice and moderation, to terminate their obstinacy , the chaff from the grain, ll has discriminated the 
and error, and to ordain that your victories be (temporising politiciyn. wlio, at the first appe«rance 



followed by peace and tranquility. Let us beseech 
him to continue to shed on the councils of the 
king your ally, that spirit of wisdom, of justice, 
and of courag-e, which has rendered his reign so 



of danger, was deiermined to secure his idol, pro- 
perty, at the hazard of the general weal, from the 
persevering patriot — who, having embarked his all 
in the common cause, chooses rather to risque — 



glorious. Let us intreat him to maintain in each rather to lose that all, for the preservation of the 
of the states that intelligence by which the United | more estimable treasure, liberty, than to possess 



States are inspired. Let us return him thanks that 
a faction, whose rebellioH he has corrected, now 
deprived of support, is annihilated. Let us offer 



it — fenjoy it he certainly could not) — upon the 
ignominious terms of tamely resitijning his coun- 
try an^ posterity to perpetual servitude. It has. 



him pure hearts, unsoiled by private hatred or pub-|in a word, opened the eyes of those who wei-e made 
lie dissention; and let us, with one will and onelto believe, that their iuipiru* .nerit, in abetting our 
voice, pour forth to the Lord that hymn of praise,] persecutors, would excTpt the-i from being involv- 



by which Christians celebrate their gratitude and 
his glory. 

Speech of his excellency V/iUiam Livingston, esq. 
governor of the state of JVew-.Tsrsey, to the legisla- 
ture of that state, in the year 1777. 
Gehtlemks— Having already laid before the as- 
sembly, by messages, the several matiers that have 
occurred to me, as more particularly demanding 
their attention during the present session, it may 
seem less necessary to address you in the more 
ceremonious form of a speech. But conceiving it 
my duty to tlie state, to deliver my sentiments on 
the present situation of affairs, and the eventful 
contest between Great Britain and America, which '' 
could not, with any propriety, be conveyed in 
occasional messages, you will excuse my giving you 
the trouble of attending for that purpose. 

After deploring with you, the desolation spread 
through this state by an unrelenting enemy, who 
have indeed marked their progress with a devasta- 
tion unknown to civilized nations, and evincive of 
the most implacable vengeance — I heartily congra 
tulate you upon that subsequent series of success 
wherewith it hath pleased the Almighty to crown 
the American arms; ?.nd particularly on the im- 
portant enterprise against the enemy at Trenton, 
— and the signal victory obtained over them at 
Princeton, by the gallant troops under the com- 
mand of his excellency general Washington. 

Considering the contemptible figure they make 
at present, and the disgust they have given to many 
of their own confederates amongst us, by their 
more than Gothic ravages— (for thus doth the Great 
Disposer of events often deduce good out of evil) — 
their irruption into our dominion will probably 
redound to the public benefit. It has certainly 
enabled us the more effectually to distinguish 
our friends from our enemies. It has winnowed 



ed in the general calamity. Biil iis the rapacity of 
the enemy was boundless — their havoc was indis- 
criminate, and their bii'.barity unparalleled. They 
have plundered friends and foes. Effec-ts capable 
of division, they have Jivided. Such as were not, 
they have destroyed. I'h&y hive warred upon 
decrepit age — warred upon defenc-less youth. They 
have conunitted hostilities against the professors 
of Jiierature, and the ministers of rtlgion — .ig^^inst 
public records, and private m'jcumenis, and boo'.ts 
of improvement, and papers of curiosity, and against 
the arts and sciences. They have butchered the 
wounded, ssking for quarter; mangled the dying, 
weltering in their blood; refu-ied to the dead the 
rite:; of sepulture; suffered prisoners to perish for 
want of sustenance; violated the c'lastity of women; 
disfigured private dwellings, of taste and elegance; 
and, in the rage of impiety and barbarism, profaned 
and prostrated edifices dedicated to Almighty 
God. 

And yet there are amongst us, who, either from 
ambitious or lucrative motives — or intimidated by 
the terror of their arms— or from a partial fondness 
for theBritish constitution — or deluded by insidious 
propositions — are secretly abettiiig, or openly aid- 
ing their machinations, to deprive us of that liber- 
ty, v/ithout which man is a beast, and government a 
curse. 

Besides the inexpressible baseness of wishing 
to rise on the ruins of our country — or to acquire 
riches at the expense of the liberties and fortunes 
of millions of our fellow-citizens — how soon would 
these delusive dreams, upon the conquest of Ame- 
rica, end in disappointraent? P'or where is the 
fund to recompense those retainers to the British 
arms? Was every estate in America to be con- 
fiscated, and converted into cash, the product 
would not satiate the avidity of their national 
dependents; nor furnish an adequate repast for the 
keen appetites of theirown min'i,'erial beneficiaries. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIO^^ 



£71 



Inscead of gratuities and promotion, these unhappy 
accomplices in their tyranny, would meet with 
supercilious looks and cold disdain; and, after 
tedious attendance, be finally told by their haughty 
masters, that they indeed approved the treason. 



With all this, we ought to contrast the nunoer- 
ous and hardy sons of America, inured to to'l — 
seasoned alike to heat and cold — hale — robust — 
patient of fatigue — and, from their ardent love of 
liberty, ready to face danger and death— the 



but despised the traitor. Insulted, in fine, by immer-.se extent of continent, which our infatuated 
their pretended proieclors, but real betrayers— and I enemies have undertaken to subjugate — the re- 
goaded with the stings of tlieir own consciences — jmarkable unanimity of its inhabitants, notwith- 
they would remain the frightful monuments of hu- Islanding the exception of a few apostates and 
man contempt and divine indignation, and linger deserters — ^their unshaken resolution to maintain 
out tberest of theii- days in self-condemnation and jtJieir freedom, or perish in the attempt — the 
remorse — and in weeping over the ruins of tlieir i fertility of our soil in all kinds of provisions neces- 
country, which themselves had been instrumental ;Sary for the support of war— our inexhaustible in- 
in reducing to desolation and bondage. ternal resources for military stores and naval arma- 

_,, .. 1. i •/• 1 u «u„ ^^..,^„ h^ents — our comparative economy in public ex- 

Others there are, who, ternhed by the power ^ / i 



of Britain, have persuaded themselves that she is 
not only formidable, but irresistible. That her 



; penses — and the millions we save by having re- 
probated the farther ex-:hange of our valuable 



^ . , , .. „ «u„t •(.•„„„(. t« h^taples for the worthless baubles and finery of 

power IS great, is beyond question; that it is not to ' J 



be despised, is the dictate of common prudence. 
But then we ought also to consider her, as weak 
in council, and ingulphed in debt— reduced in her 
trade — reduced in her revenue— immersed in plea- 
sure — enervated with luxury — and, in dissipation 
and venality, surpassing all Europe. We ought 
to consider her as hated by a potent rival, her 
natural enemy, and particularly exasperated by 
her imperious conduct in the last war, as well as i 
her insolent manner of commencing it; and thence 
inflamed with resentment, and only v/atching a 
favorable juncture for open hostilities. We ought 
to consider the amazing expense and difficulty of 
transporting troops and provisions above three 
thousand miles, with the impossibility of recruit- 
ing their army at a less distance, save only with 
such recreants, whose conscious guilt must at the 
first approach of danger, appal the stoutest heart. 
Those insuperable obstacles are known and ac- 
knowledged by ^very virtuous and impartial man 
in the nation. Even the author of this horrid war 
is incapable of concealing his own confusion and 
distress. Too great to be wholly suppressed, it 
frequently discovers itself in the course of his 
speech — a speech terrible in word, and fraught 
v^ith contradiction — breathing threatnings, and be- 
traying terror — a motley mixture of magnanimity 
and consternation — of grandeur and abasement. — 
With troops invincible, he dreads a defeat, and 
wants reinforcements. Victorious in America, and 
triumpliant on the ocean, he is an humble de- 
pendent on a petty prince; and apprehends an j debt already enormous.'' And what was the ma- 
attack upon his own metropolis; and, with full jority of their parliament, fm-merly the most august 



Eriglish manufacture. Add to this, that in a cause 
so just and righteous on our part, we have the 
highest reason to expect the blessing of Heaven 
upon our glorious conflict. For wha can doubt 
the interposition of the supremely just, in favor of 
a people forced to recur to arms in defence of 
every thing dear and precious, against a nation 
deaf to our complaints — rejoicing in our misery — 
wantonly aggravating our oppressions— determined 
to divide our substance— and by fire and sword to 
compel us into submission? 

Respecting the constitution of Great Britain, 
bating certain royal prerogatives, of dangerous ten- 
dency, it has been applauded by the be«t judges; 
and displays, in its original structure, illustrious 
proofs of wisdom and the knowledge of human 
nature. But what avails the best constitution, 
with the worst administration? For what is their 
present government — and what has it been for 
years past, but a pensioned confederacy again«t 
reason, and virtue, and honor, and patriotism, and 
the rights of man? What were their leaders, bat 
a set of political craftsmen, flagitiously conspiring 
to erect the babel, despotism, upon the ruins of 
the ancient and beautiiul fabric of law — a shame- 
less cabal, notoriously employed in deceiving the 
prince, corrupting the parliament, debasing the 
people, depressing tlie most virtuous, and exalting 
the most profligate—in short, an insatiable junto 
of public spoilers, lavishing the national wealth, 
»nd, by peculation and plunder, accumulating a 



confidence in the friendship and alliance of France, 
he trembles upon his throne, at her secret design 
and open preparations. 



assembly in the world, but venal pensioners to the 

crown — a prefect mockery of all popular repre- 

^ sentation— and at the absolute devotion of txery 



572 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



minister? Wlia^ were the characteristics of their| and divine; and we can neither question the justice 
administration of the provinces? The substitution jof our opposition, nor the assistance of Heaven to 

crown it with victory. 

Let us not, however, presumptuously rely on the 
interposition of Providence, without exerting those 
efforts which it is our duty to exert, and which our 
bountiful Creator has enabled us to exert. Let 
us do our part to open the next campaign with 
redoubled vigour; and until the United Stales have 
humbled the pride of Britain, and obtained an 
honorable peace, cheerfully furnish our proportion 
for continuing the war — a war, founded on our side 
on the itnmutable obligation of self defence and in 
support of freedom, of virtue, and every thing 
tending to ennoble our nature, and render a peo- 
ple happy — on their part, prompted by boundless 
avarice, and a thirst for absolute sway, and built 
on a clain repugnant to every principle of reason 
and equity — a claim subversive of all liberty, na- 
tural, civil, moral, and religious; incompatible with 
human happiness, and usurping the attributes of 
deity, degrading man, and blaspheming God. 

Let us all, therefore, of every rank and degree, 
remember our plighted failh and honor, to main. 
tain til a cause with our lives and fortunes. Let 
us inflexibly persevere in prosecuting to a happy 
period^!' what has been so gloriously begun, and 
liiiherto so prosperously conducted. And let those 
in more distinguished s'tations use all their influ- 
ence ar.d authority, to rouse the supine; to animate 
the irresolute; to confirm the wavering; and to draw 
from his lurking hole, the skulking neutral, who, 
leaving to others the heat and burden of the day, 
means in the final result to reap the fruits of that 
victory, for which he will not contend. Let us be 
peculiarly assiduous in bringing to condign punish^ 
ment, those detestable parricides who have been 
openly active against their native country. And 
may vve, in all our deliberations and proceedings, 
be influenced and directed by the Great Arbiter of 
the fate of nations, by whom empires rise and fall, 
and who will not always suffer the sceptre of the 
wicked to rest on the lot of the righteous, but in 
due time avenge an injured people on their un- 
feeling oppveaso'-, and his bloody instruments. 

HaJclmJi, Id, Feb. 25, 1777. 

[Xj^/f has been controverted -whether the capture of 
gen. Corniuallis was the result of a plan preconcert' 
ed between gen. IP usftington and count de Grasse; 
or rather -whether the arrival of the count in the 
Chesapeake, -was pve-determmed and expected by 
gen. Washington, and consequently all the prepara* 



of regid instructions in the room of law; the multi- 
plication of officers to strtiigthen the court in- 
teres-; perpetually extending the prerogatives of 
the kii'g, and retrenching the rights of the sub- 
ject, advancing to the most eminent stations, men 
without education, and of the most dissolute man- 
ners; employing, with the people's money, a band 
of emissaries to misrepresent and traduce the peo- 
ple; and, to crown the system of mis-rule, sport- 
ing with our persons and esta'.es, by filling the 
highest seats of justice, witii bankrupts, bullies, 
and block-heads. 

From such a nation (though all this we bore, and 
should perhaps have borne for another century, 
had they not avowedly claimed the unconditional 
disposal of life and property) it is evidently our 
duty to be detached. To remain happy or safe in 
our connexion with her, became thenceforth utterly 
impossible. She is moreover precipitating her own 
fall, or the age of miracles is returned — and Bri 
tain a phenomenon in the political world, without 
a parallel. 

The proclamations to ensnare the timid and 
credulous, are beyond expression disingenuous 
and tantalizlig. In a gilded pill they conceal real 
poison: they add insult to injury. After repeated 
intimations of commissioners to treat with Ame- 
rica, we are presented, instead of the peaceful olive- 
branch, with the devouring sword: instead of be 
ing visited by plenipotentiaries to bring matters 
to an accommodation, we are invaded by an army, 
in their opinion, able to subdue us — and upon dis- 
covering their error, the terms propounded amount 
to this, "If you will submit without resistance, we 
are content to take your property, and spare our 
lives; and then (the consummation of arrogance!) 
we will graciously pardon you, for having hitherto 
defended both." 

Considering then their bewildered councils, their 
blundering ministry, their want of men and money, 
their impaired credit, and declining commerce, their 
lost revenues, and starving islands, the corruptioi 
of their parliament, with the effeminacy of their na 
tion — and the success of their enterprise is against 
all probabiliiy. Considering farther, the horrid 
enormity of tbeir waging war against their own 
brethren, expostulating for an audience, complain- 
ing of iujurles, and supplicating for redress, and 
waging it with a ferocity and vengeance unknowr 
to modern ages, and contrary to all laws, human 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



2:3 



tions to attack JWttf York, a mere finesse to deceive 

the enemy, or ivhether the real intention -was against 

JV'*t;w York, and the siege of Yorktown planned npoii 

the unexpected arrival of the French fleet in the 

hay. The follotuing letter will set the matter in its 

trite light.] [Carey's Museum. 

Mount Yktxvos, July 31i 1788. 

Sin— I duly received your letter of the 14th inst 
and can only answer youbrieiiy and generally from 
• memory; that a combined operation of the land 
and naval forces of France in America, for the year 
1781, was preconcerted the year before; that the 
point of attack was not absolutely agreed upon*, 
because it could not be foreknown where tlie ene- 
my would be most susceptible of impression; and 
l)ec:»use we (liavingthe command of tlie water with 
sufficient means of conveyance) could transport 
oursflves to any spot with the greatest celerity; 
that it was determined by me, nearly twelve 
months before hand, at all hazards, to give out, 
and cause it to be believed by the highest military 
as well as civil oUicers, that New York was the 
destined place of attack, for the important pur- 
pose of inducing the eastern and middle states to 
make greater exertions in furnishing specific sup- 
plies, than they otherwise would have done, as well 
as for the interesting purpose of rendering the ene- 
my less prepared elsewhere; that, by these means, i^ ^'^*^ ' '''^'^ ""'•■'^ ^^'^"''^ ^o S^'^^'^V it, as I am 
and these alone, artillery, boats, stores, and provi- r^i'^'^''^' solicitous the undisguised verity should 
sions, were in seasonable preparation to move with ^ known. Many circumstances will unavoidasly 



first have been so far degarnishe;!, to carry on the 
southern operations, as to render our success in 
the siege of tiiat place, as infallible as any future 
military event can ever be made. For I repeat it, 
and dwell upon it again, some splendid advantage 
(whether upon n Urger or smaller scale was almost 
immaterial) was so essentially neces'sary, to revive 
the expiring hopes and languid exertions of the 
country, at the crisis in question, that I never 
would have consented to embark in any enterprize 
wherein, from the most raional plan and accurate 
calcul itions, the favorable issue should not have ap- 
peared to my view as a ray of light. The failure of 
an attempt against the pots of the enemy, could, 
in no other possible situation during the war, have 
been so fatal to our cause. 

That much trouble was taken, and finesse used, 
to misguide and bewilder sir Henry Ciiiiton, in 
regard to tliereal object, by fictitious coinitiunica- 
tions, as well as by making a deceptive provision 
of ovens, forage, and boats in his neighbortiood, is 
certain: nor were less pains taken to deceive our 
own army; for I had always conceived, where the 
imposition does not completely take place at home, 
it would never sufficiently succeed alu'oad. 

Your desire of obtaining truth, is very laudable; 



the utmost rapidity to any part of the continent; 
for the difficulty consisted more in providing, than 
knowing how to apply the military apparatus; that, 
- before the arrival of the count de Grasse, it was 
the fixed determination to strike the enemy in the 
most vulnerable quarter, so as to insure success with 
moral certainty, as our affairs were then in the 
most ruinous train imaginable; that New-York was 
thought to be beyond our effort, and consequently, 
that the only hesitation that remained, was between 
an attack upon the British army in Virginia, and tliat 
in Charleston: and finally, that, by the intervention 
of several communications, and some incidents 
which cannot be detailed in a letter, tiie liostile post 
in Virginia, from being a provisional and strongly 
expected, became the definitive and certain object of 
the campaign. 

I only add, that it never was in contemplation 
to attack New-York, unless the garrison should 



'Because it would be easy for count de Grasse, 
in good time before his departure fronrr the West 
Indies, to give notice, by express, at what place he 
could most conveniently first touch to receive ad- 
vice. 



be miscoriceived, and misrepresented. Notwith- 
standing most of the papers, which may properly be 
deemed official, are preserved; yet the knowledge 
of innumerable things of a more delicate and secret 
nature, is confined to the perishable remembrance 
of some few of the present generation. 

With esteem, I am, sir, your most obedient hum- 
ble servant, 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

FnOM THE AMF.niCAK MKIirtTRY. 

Tarring and feathering, origina'ly, a Yiink"e trich. 
Tl'.is appears from the speech of jypFitigal, the 

tory Sagamore, to the Yankee mob. 
"Was there a Yankee trick ye knew. 
They did not play as well as you.' 
Did they not lay their heads together, 
And gain your art to tar and feather?" 

Tarring and fealhcing hnufulf 
This appears by the authority of the sentence 
which was pronounced on M'Fingul — fAi'Fingat, 
by John Trumbull, esq. page 60 — 1.) This sen- 
tence, be it remembered, though seemingly the 
order and decrf>e of a comnuttee, in fact, had its 



QU 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE IlEVOLU I iON. 



origin in the oraia of a man who was a jutige <>! lyears I was placed with an ofticer as his servant, 

the supreme court, of the state of Cojineccicnt.hn which siation I continued until I was 15, and 

Whether appointed judge from this specimen of j being a great proficient in iiorsemanship, was taken 

his judicial knu-wledge, or not, is not no.v in qnes- jas an assistant to the riding master of the troop, 

tion — but let us hear the sentence pronounced on land in the year 17G1, was m:iHe sergeant of dra- 

M'FiTigul, king of the tories. js"0ns; but the peace coming tlie year fjUowing, 1 

... , , , I was disbanded. Beinj bred to no profession, I took 

"Meanwhile beside the pole, the guard > o i > 



A bench of justice had prepared. 
Where, sitting round in awful sort. 
The grand cammlllee hold the court; 
While all the crew in silent awe. 
Wait from their lips the lore of law. 
Few moments with deliberation, 
They hold the solemn consultation, 
When soon in judgment all agree. 
And clei'k declares the dread decree: 
"That squire M'Fingal, having grown 
The vilest tory in the town. 
And now on full examination. 
Convicted by his own confession, 
rinding no token of repentance. 
This court proceed to render sentence: 
That first the mob a slip-knot single. 
Tie round the neck of said M'Fingal; 
And in due form do tar him next, 
And fealiier, as the law i)iiiiicT:>: 
Then thro' th.e town attendant ride him. 
In cart with constable beside him. 
And having held him up to shame. 
Bring to the pole from whence he came." 

Vision and prediction of M'Fingal, king of the 
tories, when in his coat of tar and feathers. 
"Tar yet in embryo in pine, 
fcliall run on tories* backs to shine; 
Trees rooted fair in groves of fallows. 
Are growing for our future gallows; 
And geese unhatched, when pluck'd in fray. 
Shall rue the feath'ring of that day." 

,M'Fiti£-a', by J. Trumbull, esq. page 60. 

CAPTAIN WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM. 

The following is copied from the American Apollo, 
No. 7, Friday, Febiuary 17, 1792, vol. I. printed 
at Boston, by Belknap and Young, State street, 
(u weekly paper in the form of a pamphlet.) 

•'The life, confession, and last dying words oi 
captain William Cunningham, formerly Brilis] 
provost marshul, in the city of Nev.'-York, wh( 
was executed in London, the lOlh of August, 1791. 

"I, William Cunningham, was born in Dublin 
barracks, in tlie year 1738. My father was trum 
peter to the Blue dvagoor.s, and at the age of 8 



I up with a woman who kept a gin shop in a blind 
j alley, near the Coal Quay; but the house being 
I searched for stolen goods, and my doxy taken to 
Newgate, I thought it most prudent to decamp; 
accordingly set off for the North, and arrived at 
Drogheda, where, in a few months after, I married 
the daughter of an exciseman, by whom 1 had three 
sons. 

"About the year 1772, we removed to Newry, 
were I commenced the profession of a scowbanker, 
which is that of enticing the mechanics and coun- 
try people to s'lip themselves for America, on pro- 
mises of great advantage, and tiien artfully getting 
an indcniure upon them; in consequence of which, 
on their arrival in America, they are sold or 
obliged to serve a term or years for their p:issage. 
5 embarked at Nev^ry in the ship Needham fc^r 
New-York, and arrived at that port the fourth day 
of August, 1774, with some indented servants I 
kidnapped in Ireland, but were liberated in New- 
Yorkj on account of the bad usage they received 
from me during the p;iS3age. In that city I used 
the profession of breaking horses, and teaching 
ladies and gentlemen to ride, but rendering myself 
obnoxious to the citizens in their infant struggles 
for freedom, I was obliged to Hy on board the Asia 
man of war, and from thence to Boston, where my 
own opposition to the measures pursued by the 
Americans in support of their rights, was the first 
thing that recommended me to the notice of gen. 
Gag.; and when the war commenced, I was ap- 
pointed provost marshal to the royal army, v/hich 
placed me in a situation to wreak my vengeance 
on the Americans. I shudder to think of the 
niurders I have been accessary to, both ivith and 
without orders from government, especially while in 
New- York, daring v^rhich time there were more 
than two thousand prisoners starved in the dif- 
ferent churches by stopping their rations, which I 
sold. 

"There were also two hundred and seventy-five 
American prisoners and obnoxious persons execut- 
ed, out of all which number there were only about 
one dozen public executions, whic'i chiefly con. 
-listed of British and Hessian deserters. Tue mode 
for private e^iecutions Wiis thus conducted;— A 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE PvEVOLUTION. 



guard wss cispatched fram the provost, about lia'T 
after 12 at night, to the Barrack-street, and the 
neighborhood of the upper barracks, to order the 
people to shut their window shutters and put out 
their lights, forbidding thenn, at the same time to 
presume to look out of their windows and doors, 
on pain of de:4th; afcr which, the urfjrtunate pri- 
soners were conducted, grigged, just behind the 
tipper barracks, and hung without ceremony, and 
there buried by the black pioneer of t!ie provost. 

•'At the end of the war I returned to Knglaiu! 
with the army, and settled in Wales, as being a 
cheaper place of livipg than in any of the populous 
cities, but being at length persuaded to go to Lon 
don, I entered so warmly into the dissipations cf 
that capital, that I soon found my circumstances 
much embarrsssfd. To relieve which, I mortgaged 
my half pay to an army agent, but that being soon 
expended, I forged a draft for three hundred 
po'inds sterling on tlie board of ordnance, but 
being detected in presenting it for acceptance, 1 
was apprehended, tried and convicted, and for that 
cfTence am here to suffer an ignominous deatli. 

"I beg the prayers of all good Christians, an,^ 
also pardon and forgiveness of God for the many 
horrid murders I have been accessary to. 

"WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM." 

MILITARY OUDERS IN 1779- 
Cdpy of general Wayne's orders, issued on the evening 
previous to the attack on Stoiiv Point. 
IlEAn-auAnTEns, Fort Montgomery, 

Light infantry— Xv/^ 15, 1779. 

The troops will parade on beating the assemble. 
Taking it from the right, they will march, on beat- 
ing the troop, and move by the right. Proper 
lialling places will be fixed and every oflicer and 
noncommissioned ofncer will remain with and be 
accountable for every man of their platoons. No 
soldier to be permitted to quit the ranks on any 
pretence whatever, until a general halt is made, 
and then to be attended by one of the oiKcers of 
the platoon. As soon as t!ie troops assemble, this 
order to be read at the head of each: 

The troops will march from Clement's to Stony 
Point, at 11 o'clock, and move by the right. Every 
officer and non commissioned ofScer will remain 
with and be accountable for every maa in his 
platoon. No soldier to be permitted to q-iit the 
ranks on any pretence whatever, until a general 
lialt is made, and then to be attended by one of 
th-? ofKoers of tlie platoon 



When the van of the troop"! arrive in the rear 
of the hill, col. Fabager will form his regiment in 
a solid column of half platoons, in front, as fast 
as they come up; col. Mdigs will form next in 
Fabager's rear, and major Hull in the rear of 
Meigs, which will be the right coluvnn; col. But- 
ler will form a coUmn on th.e left of Fabager, and 
m:<jor Murpliy i:i his rear — every officer and soldier 
will then fix a piece of white priper in his hat or 
cap, to distinguisli him from the enemy. 

At the wor.l march, col. Fiury will take ch.''rge 
.>f 100 deternined and picked men, properly 
oificered, wiih their guns unloaded, their whole 
dependence to be on their bayonets, will move 20 
pices in front of the right column by the rout No. 
1, enter the sallyport C; he is to detach an officer 
and 20 naen a little in front of him, whose business 
it will be to secure the sentries, and renwve the 
abbaiees, and other obstructions, for the column 
to pass throug'i. Tlie column will follow close in 
the rear, with shouldered arms, under the com- 
•aand of col. Fabager, with gen. Wayne in person; 
vhen the works are forced, (and not before) the 
victorious troops will as they enter give the watch- 
vi-orJ, the Fort's our own, with repeated and loud 
voice, drivnig the enrmy from their works and 
guns, which will favor t!-,e pass of the whole; 
should the enemy refuse to surrender, or attempt to 
make their escape by water o» otherwise, vigorous 
means must be used to compel them to the former, 
and prevent their accomplishing the latter. CjI. 
Buller will move by the rout No. 2, preceded by 
100 men with fixed bayonets and unloaded muskets, 
under the command of major Stewart, who will 
observe a distance of 20 paces in front of the 
column, which will immediately follow under the 
command of col. Butler, wiiii shouldered muskets, 
and will enter the sally-port C or D. 

The officer commanding the above 100 men will 
also detach a proper officer, with 20 men, a little 
in front, to remove the obstructions — as soon as 
they gain the work, they will also give and continue 
the watch-word, which will prevent confusion and 
mistakes. 

Major Murphy will follow colonel Butler to the 
first figure. No. 3, where he wi.l divide a little to 
the right and left and wait the attack o.i the right, 
which will be a signal to begin and keep up a per- 
petual and galling fire, and endeavor to enter be- 
twecn, and pass the work A. A. If any soldier 
presumes to take L;s musket from his shoulder, 
attempts to fire or begin the battle till ordered by 
his proper officer, he shall be immediately put to 



276 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



death by the officer next to him; for the cowardice 
aiid misconduct of one man is not to put the whole 
in danger and disorder with impunity. After tlie 
trocps begin to advance to the works, the strictest 
silence must be observed and the srreatest atten- 
tion paid to the command of the officers; as soo;; 
as ihe lines are secured, the officers of the artillery, 
with their commands, will take possession of the 
cannon, to the end thatthe shipping may be secured 
Rnd the Fort at Verplank's Point annoyed, so as to 
facilitate the attack upon that quarter. The gene- 
ral has the fullest confidence in the bravery and 
fortitude of the corps he has the happiness to com- 
mand. The distinguished honor conferred on every 
officer and soldier who has been drafted into this 
corps, by his excellency general Wushington, the 
credit of the states they respectively belong to, 
end their own reputation, will be such powerful 
motives for each man to distinguish himself, that 
the general cannot have the least doubt of a glori 
ous victory: And further, he solemnly engages to 
reward the first man who enters the works with 
g500 and immediate preferment, to the second 
400, to the third 300, to the fourth 200, to the fifth 
100, and will report the conduct of every officer 
and soldier who distinguishes himself on this oc- 
casion, in the most favorable point of view, to his 
excellency, who always takes the greatest pleasure 
in rewarding merit. But should there be any 
soldier so lost to every feeling, every sense of 
honor, as to attempt to retreat one single foot, or 
shrink from the places of danger, the officer next 
to him is to put him immediately to death, that 
he may no longer disgrace the name of a soldier 
the corps or the state to which he belongs. 

As the general is determined to share the dan- 
gers of the night, so he wishes to participate the 
glory of the day, in common with his brother 

lioldiers. 

(Signed) A. WAYNE. 

GRATITUDE OF GENERAL GATES. 

From the genuine letter of an officer. 
An old soldier of the royal regiment of artillery, 
who served me while the 18th regiment was at 
Fort Pitt and the Illinois, on our return from that 
country to Philadelphia, in 1772, came to me with 
a happy smile on his countenance, and told me he 
had the honor to receive a letter from major Gates, 
and begged me to read it. I asked him how be 
came to correspond with major Gates. Please 
your honor, said the old man, major Gates was 
dangerously wounded at Braddock's defeat, and 
wa3 left among the slain, I was wounded also, but 



made a shift to carry t!ie worthy captain Gates 
(he was then a captain) off the field. He has 
often told me since, that he owed his life to me, 
and charged meat parting, that whenever I thought 
he could in any instance serve me, to write to him 
without reserve; so, please your honor, (this is a 
soldier's dialect to all officers) I am now grown 
old, and worn orit in the service, and expect to be 
invalided and sent home, but have been long in 
\merica, and I like America, please your honor; I 
accordingly took the liberty to write to major 
Gates for his advice, and this is his answer. lie 
has also w.-ote to major Hay, to give me every 
indulgence the service will admit of. I hope your 
honor will give me your opinion what is best to 
be done. I read the letter; but had not read far, 
before I was sensibly touched v/ith the sentiments 
of the writer. Afier re-capitulating the service 
the veteran had rendered him at Braddock's field, 
he says, "do as you please, respecting your small 
pittance of pension. Thou hast served long, but 
ihy service lias not brought ihee rest for thy 
wounds and infirmities. I find by your letter that 
you wish to continue in America, therefore make 
yourself easy; when you receive your discharge, 
repair to my plantation on Potomac river. 1 have 
ot a fine tract of land there, which not only 
furnishes me with all the necessaries, but all the 
comforts of life; come and rest your firelock in my 
chimney corner, and partake with me; while I have, 
my savior PenfoldHhiiU not want; and it is my wish, 
as well as Mrs. Gates's, to see you spend the even- 
ing of your life comfortably. Mrs. Gates desires 
to be affectionately remembered to you." 

ISDIGHANT lANGUAGE. 

Mr. Pitt's speech in 1777, in opposition to lord 
Suffolk, who proposed to parliament to employ the 
Indians against the Americans, and said, in the 
course of the debate, that "thei/ had a right to vze 
all the means that God and nature hud put into their 
hands to conquer America." 

"My I.0RDS — I am astonished to hear such prin« 
ciples confessed! I am shocked to hear them 
avowed in this house, or in this country! Princi- 
ples, equally unconstitutional, inhuman, and un- 
christian! 

My lords, I did not intend to have encroached 
again on your attention; but I cannot repress my 
indignation. I feel myself impelled by every duty. 
My lords we are called upon as members of this 
house, as men, as Christian men, to protest against 
such notions standing pear the throne, polluting 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S77 



xhe ear of majesty. "That God and nature pu< 
snto our hands!" I know not what ideas that lord 
may entertain of God and nature; but I know, that 
such abominable principles are equally abhorrent 
to religion and humanity. 

What! to attribute the sacred sanction of God 
and nature to the massacres of ihe Indian scalping 
knife! to the cannibal savage, torturing-, murder- 
ing", roasting, and eating; literally, my lords, eating 
the mangled victims of his barbarous battles! SucJi 
horrible notions shock every precept of religion, 
divine or natural, and every .~enerous feeling of hu- 
manity. And, my lords, they shock every senti- 
ment of honor; they shock me as a lover of honora 
ble war, and a detesler of murderous barbarity. 

These abominable principles, and tliis more 
abominable avowal of them, demand the most 
decisive indignation. I call upon that right reve 
rend bench, those l.oly ministers of the gospel, 
and pious pastors of our church: I conjure them 
to join in the holy work, and vindicate the religion 
of their God. I appeal to the wisdom and the 
law of this learned bench, to defend and support the 
justice of their country. I call upon the bishops 
to interpose the unsullied sanctity of their laivn; 
upon the learned judges, to interpose the purity 
of their crinnie, to save us from this pollution. I 
call upon the honor of your lordships, to reverence 
the dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain your 
own. I call upon the spirit and humanity of my 
country, to vindicate the national character. I in- 
voke the genius of the constitution. 

From the tapestry that adorns these walls, the 
immortal ancestor of this noble lord frowns with 
indignation at the disgrace of his country. In vain 
he led your victorious fleets against the boasted 
armada of Spain, in vain he defended and estab- 
lished the honor, the liberties, the religion, the 
protestant religion of this country, against the 
arbitrary cruelties of popery and the inquisition, if 
these more than popish cruelties and inquisitorial 
practices are let loose among us; to turn forth into 
our settlements, among our ancient connections, 
friends, and relations, the merciless cannibal, thirst 
ing for the blood of man, woman and child! to send 
forth the infidel spvage — against whom? against 
your protestant brethren; to lay waste their coun- 
try; to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their 
race and name, with these horrible hell-hounds of 
savage war! 

Spain armed herself with bloodhounds, to extir- 
pate the wretched natives of America; and we im- 



prove on the inhuman example even of Spanish 
cruelty. We turn loose these savage hellhounds 
against our brethren and countrymen in America, 
of the same language, laws, liberties, and religion, 
ende.ired to us by every tie that should sanctify 
humanity. 

My lords, this awful subject, so important to 
our honor, our constitution, and our religion, 
demands the most solemn and effectual enquiry.— 
And I again call upon your lordships and the unit- 
ed powers of the state, to examme it thoroughly, 
and decisively, and to stamp upon it an indelible 
stigma of the public abhorrence. And I again 
implore those holy prelates of our religion, to do 
away these iniquities from among us. Let them 
perform a lustration; let them purify this house, 
and this country from this sin. 

My lords, I am old and weak, and at present 
unable to say more; but my feelings and indigna- 
tion wtre too strong to have said less. 1 could 
not have slept this night in my bed, nor reposed 
my head on my pillow, witliout giving this vent 
to ray eternal abhorence of such preposterous and 
enormous principles." 

SURRENDER OF LOliD CORNWALLIS, 

From sir jY. W IVraxalVs memoirs of /lis own time. 
NovEJiBKH, irSl.— During the whole month of 
November, the concurring accounts transmitted to 
government, enumerating lord Cornwallis's em- 
barrassments, and the positions taken by the ene- 
my, augmented the anxiety of the cabinet. Lord 
George Germain, in particular, conscious that on 
the prosperous or adverse terminf.tion of that 
expedition, must hinge the fate of the American 
contest, his own stay in office, as wel! as probably 
the duration of the ministry itself, feU, ar.d evea 
expressed to his friends, the strongest uneasinesis 
on the subject. The meeting of parliament mear.- 
while stood fixed for the 27th of November. On 
SuTiday the 25th, about noon, official intelligence 
of the surrender of the British forces at Yorktown, 
arrived from Falmouth, at lord Germain's house 
in Pall mall. Lord Walsingham. who, previous to 
his father sir AVilliam de Grey's elevation to tlie 
peerage, had been under secretary of state in that 
department, and who was selected to second the 
address in the house of peers, on the subsequent 
Tuesday, happened to be there when the messenger 
brought the news. Without communicating it to 
any other person, lord George, for the purpose of 
despatch, immediately got with him into a hackney- 
coach and drove to lord Slormount's residence 
in Porlland-pbce. Haviiig imparud to lii.-n the 



srs 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION". 



disastrous information, and taken him into the car- 
riage, they instantly proceeded to the Chancellor's 
house in Great Ilnssel!street, Bloomsbury, whom 
they found at home; when, after a short consulta 
tion, they deternriined to lay it themselves, in per- 
son, before lord North. He had not received any 
intinnation of the event when they arrived at his 
door, in Downing- street, between 1 and 2 o'clock. 
The first minisier's firmness, and even his presence 
of mind, gave way for a short time, under this awful 
disaster. I asked lord George afterwards, how 
he took the communication, when made to hitn.? 
••As he would have taken a ball in liis breast," 
replied lord George. For he opened his arms, 
exclaiming wildly, as he paced up and down the 
apartment during a few minutes, "Oh God! it is 
all over!" Words which he repealed many times, 
under emotions of the deepest agitation and dis- 
tress. 

"When the first agitation of their rtiinds had 
subsided, the four ministers disctissed the ques- 
tion, whether or not it migiit be expedient to 
prorogue parliament for a few days; but, as scarcely 
an interval of forty-eight hours remained before 
the appointed time of assembling-, and as many 
members of both houses were already either ar- 
rived in London, or on the road, that proposition 
was abandoned. It became, however, indispensa- 
ble to alter, .ind almost model anew the king's 
speech, which had been alre&dy drawn up, and 
completely prepared for delivery from the throne. 
Tltis alteration was therefore made without delay; 
and at the same time, lord George Germain, as 
secretary for the American department, sent off a 
despatch to I*.is majesty, who was then at Kew, 
acquainted him witli the melancholy termination 
of lord Corn-.valUs's expedition. Some hours hav- 
ing elapsed, before these different, but necessary 
acts of business could take place, the ministers 
separated, and lord George Germain repaired to 
his office in Wliiteliail. There he found a confirma- 
tion of the intelligence, which arrived about two 
hours after the first communication; having been 
transmitted from Lover, to which place it was 
forwarded from Calais wilh the French account of 
the same event. 

I dined on that day at lord George's; and though 
the information, which had reached London in the 
course of the morning, from two different quarters, 
was of a nature not to admit of long concealmeiit; 
yet it had not been communicated either to me, 
or to any individual of the company, as it might 
naturally have been through the channel of com- 



[ mon report, when I got to Fall-mall, between five 
and six o'clock. — Lord Wahsingham, who likewise 
dined there, was the only person present, except 
lord George, who was acquainted with the f:tct.— 
The part)', nine in number, sat down to table, i 
thought the master of the house appeared s^iri'tus, 
though he manifested no discomposure. Before the 
dinner was finished, one of his servants delivered 
him a letter, brought back by the messenger who 
had been despatched to the king. Lord George 
opened and persued il: then looking at lord Wals- 
ingham, to whom he exclusively directed his 
observation, "Tlie king writes" said he "just as 
he always does, except that I observe he has. 
omitted to mark the hour and the minute of his 
writing with his usual precision." This remark, 
ih(.ugh calculated to awaken some interest, excited 
no comment; and while the ladies, iord George's 
three daugliters, remained in the room, we re- 
pressed our curiosity. But the)' had no sooner 
withdrawn, than lord George having acquainted 
us, that from Paris inform.-xtion had just arrived 
of the old Count de .Maurepas, first minister, lying 
at the point of death: "It would grieve me," said 
I, "to finish my career, however far advanced in 
years, were I first minister of France, before I had 
witnessed the termination of this great contest be- 
tween England and America." "Ue has survived 
to see that event," replied lord George, with some 
agitation. Utterly unsuspicious of the fact whichi 
had happ-ned beyond the Atlantic, I conceived 
him to allude to the indecisive naval action fought 
at the mouth of the Chesapeake, early in the pre- 
ceding month of September, between admiral 
Graves and count de Grasse; which, in its results, 
might prove most injurious to lard Cornwallis. 
Under this impression, "my meaning," said I, "is 
that if I were the Coimt de Maurepas, I should 
wish to live long enough, to behold the final issue 
of the war in Virginia." "lie ha.s survived to 
witness it completely," answered lord George. — 
"The army has surrendered, and you may peruse 
the particulars of the capitulation in that paper/' 
taking at the same time one from his pocket, which 
he delivered into my hand, not without visible 
emotion. By his permission 1 read it aloud, while 
the company listened in profound silence. We 
then discussed its contents, as it afTected the 
ministry, the country and the war. It must be 
confessed that they were calculated to diffuse a 
gloom over the most convivial society, and that 
they opened a wide field for political speculation. 

After perusing the account of lord Cornwallis's 
surrender at York-Town, it was impossible for all 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TlIE REVOLUTION. 



279 



present not to feel a lively curiosity to know bow compel them to expiate their crimes on the pub- 
the king had received the intelligence, as well as | lie scaflbld. Burke, with inconceivable warmth of 
how he had expressed himself in his note to lord i coloring, depicted the folly and impracticability of 



tieorge Germain, on the first communication of so 
painful an event. He gratified our wish by readirig 
it to us, observing at the same time, that it did the 



taxing America by force, or, as he described it, 
"shearing the wolf." The metaphor was wonder^ 
fully appropriate, and scarcely admitted of denial. 



highest honor to his majesty's fortitude, firmness j I'itt levelled his observations principally against 
and consistency of character. The words made the cabinet, whom he represented as destitute of 
an impression on my memory which the lapse of ] principle, wisdom or union of design. All three 
more than thir'y years has not erased; and i shall | were sustained, and I hud almost said, outdone 
here commemorate its tenor, as serving to show by Mr. Thomas Pitt, who, in terms of gloomy 
how that prince felt and wrote, under one of the I despondency, seemed to regard the situation of 
most afHiciing, as well as humiliating occurrences the country as scarcely admitting of a remedy, 
oi" his reign. The billet ran nearly to this effect: . under such a parliament, such minlsiera and sucli 
"I have received, with sentiments of the deepest' a sovereign. Lord North, in this moment of gene- 
concern, the communication which lord George! fid deprebsion, found resources within himself. — 
Germain had made me, of the unfortunate result I He scornfully repelled the insinuations of Fox, as 



of the operations in Virginia. I particularly lament 
it, on account of the consequences connected with 
it, and the difficulties which it may produce in 
carrying on the public business, or in repairing 
such a misfortune. — But 1 trust that neither lord 



deserving only contempt, justified the principle 
of the war, whicii uld not originate in u despotic 
wish to tyrannize over America, but from the 
desire of maintaining the constitutional authority 
of parliament over the colonies; deplored, in corn- 



George Germain, nor any member of the cabinet, mon with the opposition, the misfortunes whick 
will suppose that it makes the smallest alteration had marked the progress of the contest; defied 
in those principles of my conduct which have i the threat of punisliment; and finally adjured the 
directed me in past times, and which will always bouse not to aggravate the present calamity by 
continue to animate me under every event, in the | ^^fj action or despair, but, by united exertion, to 
prosecution of the present contest." I\ot a senti- 
ment of despondency orof despair was tobe found in 
the letter; the very hand-writing of which indicated 
composure of mind. — Whatever opinion we may 
entertain relative to the practicability of reducing 
America to obedience by force of arms, at the end 
of 1781, we must admit that no sovereign could 
manifest more calmness, dignity or self-command 
than George HI. displayed in this reply. 



Severely as the general effect of the blow receiv- 
ed in Virginia was felt throughout tlie nation, yet 
no immediate symptoms of ministerial dissolution, 
or even of parliamentary defection became visible 
in either house. All the animated invectives of 
Fox, aided by the contumelious irony of Burke, 
&nd sustained by the dignified denunciations of 
Pitt, enlisted on the same side, made little ap 
parent impression on their hearers, who seemed 
stupified by the disastrous intelligence. Yet never 
probably, at any period of our history, was more 
indignant language used by the opposition, or sup- 



' secure our national e-K^'ication. 

Massachusetts state Papers, 

SrEECU OF THK GOTEUMOIl TO BOTU UOUSES, 

February/ 16, 1773. 
Ceiiilemen of the comuil, and 

Gemleiiidii if the house of representatives.- 
The proceedings of such of the inhabitants of 
the town of Boston, as assembled together, and 
passed and published their resolves or voles, as 
the act of the town, at a legal (own meeting, 
denying, in the most express itrms, the suprema- 
cy of parliament, and inviting every other town 
and district in the province, to adopt the same 
principle, and to establish committees of corres- 
pondence, to consult upon proper measures to main- 
tain it, and the proceedings of divers other towns, 
in consequence of this invitation, appeared to me 
to be so unwarrantable, and of such a dangerous 
nature and tendency, that 1 thought myself bound 
to call upon you in my speech at opening the 
session, to join with me in discountenancing and 



ported by administration. In the ardor of his feel- ! bearing a proper testimony against such irregulari- 
ings at the recent calamity beyond the Atlantic, ^^^^ *"^ innovations. 



Fox not only accused ministers of being virtually 
in the pay of France, but menaced them with the 



I stated to you fairly and truly, as I conceived, 
the constitution of the kingdom and of the pro- 



vengeance of an undone people, who would speedily vince, so fir as relates to the dependence of the 



iO 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TilK UEVOLUTION. 



former upon the latter; and 1 desired you, if you 
diiTered from me in sentiments, to show me, with 
candor, my own errors, and to give your reasons 
in support of your opinions, so ftr as you might 
differ from me. I hoped that you would have 
considered my speech by your joint committees, 
and have given rae a joint answer; but, as the house 
of representatives have declined tliat mode of pro- 
ceeding, and as your principles in government are 
very different, I am obliged to make separate and 
distinct replies. I shall first apply myself to you. 

Gentlemen of the council.- 

The two first parts of your answer, which re 
spect the disorders occasioned by the stamp act, 
anJ the general nature of supreme authority, do 
not appear to me to have a tendeacy to invalidate 
any thing which I have said in my speech; for, how- 
ever the stamp act may have been the immediate 
occasion of any disorders, the authority of parlia- 
ancBt was, notwithstanding, denied, in order to 
jusufy or excuse them. And, for the nature of 
the supreme authority of parliament, I have never 
given you any reason to suppose, that I intended 
a iT;ore absolute power in parliament, or a greater 
degree of active or passive obedience in the peo- 
pie, than what is founded in the nature of govern- 
ment, let the form of it be what it may. I shall, 
therefore, pass over those parts of youi* ansv/er, 
without any other remark. I would also have 
saved you the trouble of all those authorities which 
you iiave brought to show, that all taxes upon Eng 
lish subjects, must be levied by virtue of the act, 
not of the king alone, but in conjunction with the 
lords and commons, for I should very readily have 
allowed it; and I should as readily have allowed, 
that all other acts of legislation must be passed 
by the same joint authority, and not by the king 
alone. 

Indeed, I am not willing to cominue a controversy 
with you, upon any other parts of your answer. 1 
am glad to find, that independence is not what 
you have in contemplation, and that you will not 
presume to prescribe the exact limits of the au- 
thority of parliament, only, as with due deference 
to it, you are humbly of opinion, that, as all human 
authority in the nature of it is, and ought to be 
limited, it cannot constitutionally extend, for the 
reasons you have suggested, to the levying of taxes, 
in any form, on his majesty's subjects of this pro- 
vince. 

I will only observe, that your attempts to draw 
aline as the limits of the supreme authority in go- 
vernmeat, by distinguishing some natural rights, 



as more peculiarly exempt from such authoritj 
than the resi, rather tend to evince the impractica- 
bility of drawing such a line; and that some parts 
of your answer seem to infer a supremacy in the 
provivice, at the same time that you acknwledge 
the supremacy of parliament; for otherwise, tbfc 
rights of tlie subjects cannot be tlie same in all 
es!=ential respects, as you suppose them to be, in 
all parts of the dominions, "under a like form of 
legislature." 

From these, therefore, and other considerations, 
I cannot help flattering myself, that upon more 
mature deliberation, and in order to a more con- 
sistent plan of government, you will choose rather 
to doubt of the expediency of parliament's exercis- 
ing its authority in cases that may happen, thun to 
limit the authority itself, especially, as you agree 
with me in the proper method of obtaining a 
redress of grievances by constitutional representa- 
tions, which cannot well consist with a denial of 
the authority to which the representations are 
made; and from the best information I have been 
able to obtain, the denial of the authority of parlia- 
ment, expressly, or by implication, in those petitions 
to which you refer, was the cause of their not being 
admitted, and not any advicS given by the minister 
to the agents of the colonies. I must enlarge, and 
be more particular in my reply to you. 

Gentlemen of the house of representatives: 

I shall tuke no notice of that part of your answer, 
which attributes the disorders of the province, to 
an undue exercise of the power of parliament; be- 
cause you take for granted, what can by no means 
be admittv 1, that parliament had e.xercised its 
power without just authority. The sum of your 
answer, so far as it is pertinent to my speech, is 
this. 

You allege that the colonies were an acquisition 
of foreign territory, not annexed to the realm o* 
England; and, therefore, at the absolute disposal 
of the crown; the king having, as you take it, a 
constitutional right to dispose of, and alienate any 
p.nrt of his territories, not annexed to the realm; 
that queen Elizabeth accordingly conveyed the 
property, dominion, and sovereignty of Virginia, 
to sir Walter Raleigh, to be held of the crown by 
homage and a certain render, without reserving any 
share in the legislative and executive authority; 
that the subsequent grants of America were similar 
in this respect; that they were without any reserva- 
tion for securing the subjection of the colonists 
to the parliament, and future laws of England; that 
this was the sense of the English crown, the b»- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



281 



lion, and our predecessors, when they first took 
possession of this country; that, if the colonies were 
not then annexed to the realm, they cannot have 
been annexed since that time; that, if they are not 



prince or state, against the general sense of the 
nation, be urged to invalidate them; and, upoa 
examination, it will appear, that all the grants 
which have been made of Arp.erica, are founded 



now annexed to the realm, they are not part of j upon them, and are made to conform to them, even 
tlie kingdom; and, consequently, not subject to j those which you have adduced in support of very 



the 4ffgislative authority of the kingdom; for no 
country, by the common law, was subject to the 
laws or to the parliament, but the realm of Eng- 
land. 

fiow, if thii foundation shall fail you in every 
p;u't of it, as I think it will, tlie fabric which you 
have raised upon it must certainly fall. 

Let me then observe to you, that as English sub- 



different principles. 

You do not recollect that, prior to what you 
call the first grant by queen E'izabetli to sir Wal- 
ter Raleigh, a grant had been made by the same 
princess, to sir Humphrey Gilbvit, of all such coun- 
tries as he should discover, which vvfere to be of 
the allegiance of her, her heirs and successors; but 
he dying in the prosecution of his voyage, a second 



jects, and agreeable to the doctrine of feudal grant was made to sir Waller Raleigh, which, you 



ten'jve, ail our lands and tenements are lield 
mediately, or immediately, of the crown, and al- 
though the possession and use, or profits, be in 
tlie subject, there still remains a dominion in the 
crown. When any new countries are discovered 
by English subjects, according to the general law 
and usage of nations, they become part of the 
stale, and, according to the feudal system, the 
lordship or dominion, is in the crown; and a right 
accrues of disposing of such territories, under such 
tenure, or for such services to be performed, as 
the crown shall judge proper; and whensoever any 
part of such territories, by grant from the crown, 
becomes the possession or property of private per- 
isons, such persons, thus holding, under the crown 
of England, remain, or become subjects of Eng- 



say, conveyed the dominion and sovereignly, wilh> 
out any reserve of legislative or executive au- 
thority, being held by homage and a render. To 
hold by homage, which implies fealty and a render, 
is descriptive of soccage tenure, as fully as if it 
had been said to hold, as of our manor of Eist 
Greenv/icli, the words in your charter. Now, this 
alone was a reserve of dominion and sovereignty in 
the queen, her lieirs and successors; and, besides 
tbis, the grent is made upon this express condition, 
which you pass over, that the people remain sub- 
ject to the crown of England, the head of that 
legislative authority, which, by the E.iglish con- 
sti*.ution, is equally extensive with the authority of 
the crown, throughout every part of the dominions. 
Now, if we could suppose the qtieen to have ac- 



land, to all intents andpurposes, as fully as if any jquired, separate from her relation to her subjects, 
of the royal manors, forests, or other territory, lor in her natural capacity, which she could not do. 



within the realm, had been granted to them upon 
tiie like tenure. But that it is now, or was, when 
llie plantations were first granted, the prerogative 
of the kings of England to alienate such territo- 
ries from the crown, or to constitute a number of 
new governments, altogether independent of the 
sovereign legislative authority of the English em- 
pire, I can by no means concede to you. 1 have 
never seen any better authority to support such an 
opinion, than an anonymous pamphlet, by which, 1 
fear, you have too easily been misled; for I shall 
presently show you, that the declarations of king 
James the I. and of king Charles the I. admitting 



a title to a country discovered by her subjects, and 
then to grant the same country to English subjects, 
in her public capacity as queen of England, still, 
by this grant, she annexed it to the crown. Thus, 
by not distinguishing between the crown of Eng- 
land and the kings and queens of England, in their 
personal or natural capacities, you h.ive been led 
into a fundamental error, which ihiist prova fatal to 
your system. It is not material, whether Virginia 
reverted to the crown by sir Walter's attainder, or 
whether he never took any benefit from his grant, 
though the latter is most probable, seeing he 
ceased from all attempts to take possession of 



they are truly related by the author of this pam-'the country after a few years trial. There were, 
phlet, ought to have no weight with you; nor does undoubtedly, divers grants made by king James 



the cession or restoration, upon a treaty of peace, 
of countries which have been lost or acquired in 
war, militate with these principles; nor may any 



the I. of the continent of Amerira, in the beginning 
of the seventeenth century, and similar to the grant 
of queen Elizabeth, in this respect, that they were 



particular act of power of a prince, in selling, or dependent on the crown. The charter to the coun- 
ddivering up any paitof his dominion* to a foreign I cil at Plymouth, in Devon, dated Nuv^mber 3, lS20j 



'3t!. 



^i<«^ 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



more immediately respects us, and of that we have 
the most authentic remains. 

By this charter, upon the petition of sirFerdinando 
Gorges, a corporation was constituted, to be, and 
continue by succession, forever in tJie town of 
Plymouth aforesaid, to which corporation, that 
part of the American continent, which lies be- 
i'.veen 40 and 48 degrees of latitude, was granted, 
to be held of the king, his heirs and successors, 
as of the manor of East Greenwich, with powers 
to constitute subordinate governments in Ame- 
rica, and to make laws for such governments, not 
repugnant to the laws and statutes of England. 
From this corporation, your predecessors obtained 
a grant of ihe soil of the colony of Massachusetts- 
Bay, in 1627, and in 1628, they obtained a charter 
from king Charles the I. making them a distinct 
corporation, also within the realm, and giving 
them full powers within limits of their patent, very 
like to those of the council of Plymouth, through- 
out their more extensive territory. 

We will now consider what must have been the 
senseof the king, of the nation, and of the patentee*, 
at the time of granting these patents. From the 
year 1602, the banks and sea coasts of New Eng- 
land had been frequented by English subjects, for 
catching and drying cod-fish. When an exclusive 
right to the fishery was claimed, by virtue of the 
patent of 1620, the house of commons was alarmed, 
and a bill was brought in for allowing a free fishery; 
and it was upon this occasion, that one of the 
secretaries of state declared, perhaps as his own 
opinion, that the plantations were not annexed to 
the crown, and so were not within the jurisdiction 
of parliament. Sir Edwin Sandys, who was one of 
the Virginia company, and an eminent lawyer, 
declared, that he kpew Virginia had been annexed, 
and was held of the crown, as of the manor of East 
Creenwich, and he believed New England was so 
also; and so it most certainly was. This declara- 
tion, made by one of the king's servants, you say, 
shewed the sense of the crown, and, being not 
secretly, but openly declared in parliament, you 
would make it the sense of the nation also, notwith- 
standing your own assertion, that the lords and 
commons passed a bill, that shewed their sense to 
be directly the contrary. But if there had been 
full evidence of express declarations made by king 
James the I. and king Charles the I. they were 
declarations contrary to their own grants, which 
declare this country to be held of the crown, and 
consequently, it must have been annexed to it. 
And may not such declarations be accounted for 
by other actions of those princes, who, when they 



were soliciting the parliament to grant the duties 
of tonnage and poundage, witli other aids, and 
were, in this way, ackiiOwledging the rights of 
parliament, at the same time were requiring the 
payment of those duties, with ship money, &c. by 
virtue of their prerogative? 

But to remove all doubts of the sense of the na= 
lion, and of the patentees of this patent, or char- 
ter, in 162'), I need only refer you to the account 
published by sir Ferdinando Gorges himself, of the 
proceedings in parliament upon this occasion. As 
he was tlie most active member of the council of 
Plymouth, and, as he relates what came within 
bis own knowledge and observation, his narrative, 
which has all the appearance of truth and sincerity, 
must carry conviction with it. He says, that soon 
after the patent was pa.S£ed, and whilst it lay in 
the crown office, he was summoned to appear in 
parliament, to answer what was to be objected 
against it; and the house being in a committee, and 
sir Edv/ard Coke, that great oracle of the law, ia 
the chair, he \¥as called to the bar, and was told 
by sir Edward, that the house understood that a 
patent had been granted to the said Ferdinando, 
and divers other nol^le persons, for establishing a 
colony in New England, that this was deemed a 
grievance of the commonwealth, contrary to the 
laws, and to the privileges of the subject, that it 
was a monopoly, 8tc. and he required the delivery 
of the patent into the house. Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges made no doubt of the authority of the 
house, but submitted to their disposal of the 
patent, as, in their wisdom, they thought good; 
'•not knowing, under favor, how any action of that 
kind could be a grievance to the public, seeing it 
was undertaken for the advancement of religion, 
the enlargement of the bounds of our nation, Stc. 
He was willing, however, to submit the whole to 
the honorable censures." After divers atten- 
dances, heimaglned he had satisfied the house, that 
the planting a colony was of much more conse- 
quence, than a simple disorderly course of fish'ng. 
He was, notwithstanding, disapointed; and, when 
the public grievances of the kingdom were pre- 
sented by the two houses, that of the patent for 
New England was the first. I do not know how 
the parliament could have shewn more fully the 
sense they then had of their authority over this 
new acquired territory; nor can we expect better 
evidence of the sense which the patentees had of 
it, for I know of no historical fact, of which we have 
less reason ta daubt. 

And now, gentlemen, I will shew you how it ap- 
pears from our charter itself, which you say I have 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOJ.UTION. 



i85 



not yet been pleased to point out to you, except j order sent unto tliem, under the hand of the clerk 
from that clause, which restrains us from makingjof the honorable house of commons, shall be enter- 
laws repugnant to the laws of England; that it was ed among their public records, to remain there 
the sense of our predecessors, at the time when junto posterity. And, in an address to parliament, 
the charter was granted, that they were to remain nine years after, they acknowledge, among other 



subject to the supreme authority of parliament. 



undeserved favors, that of taking off the customs 
from them. 



Besides this clause, which I shall have occasion 
further to remark upon before I finish, you wiU 
find that, by the charter, a grant was made of 
exemption from all taxes and impositions upon 
any goods imported into New England, or exported 
from thence into England, for the space of twenty- 
one years, except the custom of five per cent, upon 
such goods as, after the expiration of seven years, 
should be brought into England. Nothing can be 
more plain, than that the charter, as well as the 
patent to the council of Plymouth, constitutes a ' 
corporation in England, with powers to create a 
subordinate government or governments within 
the plantation, so that there would always be sub- 
jects of taxes and impositions both in the king- 
dom and in the plantation. An exemption for 
twenty-one years, implies a right of imposition 
after the expiration of the term, and there is no 
distinction between the kingdom and the planta- 
tion. By what authority then, in the understand- 
ing of the parties, were those impositions to be 
laid? If any, to support a system, should say by 
the king, rather than to acknowledge the authority 
of parliament, yet this could not be the sense of 
one of our principal patentees, ^tr. Samuel Vassal, 
who, at that instant, 1628, the date of the charter, 
was suffering the loss of his goods, rather thaq 
submit to an imposition laid by the king, without 
the authority of parliament; and to prove that, a 
few yeaifyfter, it could not be the sense of the 
rest, I need only to refer you to your own records 
for the year 1642, where you will find an order of 
the house of commons, conceived in such terms 
as discover a plain reference to this part of the 
charter, after fourteen years of the twenty-one 
were expired. By this order, tlie house of com- 
mons declare, that all goods and merchandise ex- 
ported to New England, or imported from thence, 
shall be free from all taxes and impositions, both 
in the kingdom and New England, until the liouse 
shall take further order therein to the contrary. 
The sense which our predecessors had of the bene- 
fit which they took from this order, evidently ap- 
pears from the vote of the general court, acknow. 
ledging their humble thankfulness, and preserv- 



I am at a loss to know what your ideas could 
be, when you say that, if the plantations are not 
part of the realm, they are not part of the king, 
dom, seeing the two words can properly convey but 
one ido", .ind tliey have one and the same significa- 
tion in the different languages from whence they 
are derived. I do not charge you with any design; 
liut the equivocal use of the word realm, in several 
parts of you answer, makes them perplexed and 
bscure. Sometimes you must intend the whole 
ominion, which is subject to the authority of par- 
liament; so')ietimes only strictly the territorial 
realm to which other dominions are, or may be 
annexed. If you mean that no countries, but the 
ancient territorial realm, can, constitutionally, be 
subject to the supreme authority of England, 
which you have very incautiously said is a rule 
of the common law of England — this is a doctrine 
which you will never be able to support. That 
the common law should be controled and changed 
by statu es, every day's experience teaches; but 
that the common law prescribes limits to the 
extent of the legislative power, I believe has never 
been said upon any other occasion. That acts of 
parliaments, for several hundred years past, have 
respected countries, which are not strictly withirt 
the realm, you might easily have discovered by 
the statute books. You will find acts for regulat- 
ing the affairs of Ireland, though a separate and 
distinct kingdom. Wales and Calais, whilst they 
sent no representatives to parliament, were sub- 
ject to the like regulations; so are Guernsey, 
.lersey, Alderney, &c. which send no members to 
this day. These countries are not more properly 
a part of the .ancient realm, than the plantations, 
nor do I know they can more properly be said to 
be annexed to the realm, unless the declaring that 
acts of parliament shall extend to Wales, tiiough 
not particularly nanned, shall make it so, which 
1 conceive it does not, in the sense you intend. 



Thus, I think, I have made it appear that the 
plantations, though not strictly within the reaiiE, 
have, from the beginning, been constitutionally 
subject to the supreme authority of the realm. 



ing a grateful remembrance of the honorable re-Lnd are so far annexed to it, as to be, with the 
spect from that high court, and resolving, tbiit the 'realm and the other dependencies upon it, one 



284 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



entire dominion; and that the plantation, or colony 
of Massachusetts-Bay in particular, is holden as 
feudatory of the imperial crown of England. Deem 
it to be no part of the realm, it is immaterial; for, 
to use the words of a very rjreat authority in a 
ease, in some respects analogous, "being feudatory, 
the conclusion necessarily follows, that it is under 
the government of the king's laws and the kings's 
courts, in cases pmper for them tointerpose, though 
(like counties Tulatine) it has peculiar laws and 
customs, jura regalia, and complete jurisdiction at 
borne." 

Yourremai'k upon, and construction of the words, 
rot repugnant to the laws of England, are much 
the same with those of the council; but, can any 
reason be assigned why the laws of England, as 
they stood just at that period, should be pitched 
upon as the standard, more than at any other 
period? If so, why was It not recurred to wlien the 
second charter was granted, more than sixty years 
after the first? It is not improbable, that the 
original intention might be a repugnancy in gene- 
ral, and a fortiori, guch laws as were made more 
immediately to respect us, but the statute of 7th 
and 8th of king William and c[ueen Mary, soon 
^fter the second charter, favors the latter construc- 
tion only; and the province agent, Mr. Dummer, in 
liis much applauded defence of the charter, says, 
that, then, a law in the plantations may be said to 
be repugnant to a law made in Great Britain, when 
it flatly contradicts it, so far as the law made 
there mentions and relates to the plantations. But, 
gentlemen, there is another clause, both in the 
iirst and second charter, which, I think, will serve 
to explain this, or to render all dispute upon the 
construction of it unnecessary. You are enabled 
to impose such oaths only, as are warrantable by, 
pv not repugnant to the laws and statutes of the 
realm. 1 believe you will not contend, that these 
clauses must mean such oaths only, as wei'e warrant- 
t^ble at the respective times when the charters were 
fjranted. It has often been found necessary, since 
the date of the charters, to alter the forms of oaths 
to the government by acts of parliament, and such 
itllerations have ahyays been conformed to in the 
plantations. 

Lest you should think that I admit the authority 
of king Charles the II. in giving his assent to an 
act of the assembly of Virginia, which you subjoin 
xo the authorities of James the I. and Charles the 
J, to have any weight, I must observe to you, that 
J do not see any greater inconsistency with Magna 
Cli^rta, in the king's giving his assent to an act ot 



a subordinate legislature in)mediately, or in per- 
son, than when he does it mediately by his gover- 
nor or substitute; but if it could be admitted, that 
such an assent discovered the king's judgment 
that Virginia was independent, would you lay any 
stress upon it, when the same king was, from time 
to time, giving his assent to acts of parliament, 
wiiich inferred the dependence of all the colonies, 
ai d had, by one of those acts, declared the planta- 
tions to be inhabited and peopled by his majesty's 
subjects of England? 

I gave you no reason to remark upon the absurdity 
of a grant, to persons not born within the realm, of 
the same liberties which would have belonged to 
them, if they had been born within the realm; but 
rather guarded against it, by considering such grant 
as declaratory onjy, and in the nature of an a'csur- 
ance, that the plantations would be considered as 
the dominions of England. But is there no absurdity 
in a grant from the king of England, of the liber- 
ties and immunities of Englishmen to persons born 
in, and who are to inhabit other territories than 
the dominions of England; and would such grant, 
whether by charter, or other letters patent, be 
sufficient to make them inheritable, or to entitle 
them to the other liberties and immunities of Eng- 
lishmen, in any part of the English dominions? 

As I am willing to rest the point between us, 
upon the plantations having been, from their first 
discovery and settlement under the crown, a part 
of the dominions ,of England, I shall not take up 
any time in remarking upon your arguments, to 
show that, since that time, they cannot have been 
made a part of those dominions. 

The remainin.^ parts of your answerjltfe princi- 
pally intended to prove that, under both chartersj 
it hath been the sense of the people, that they were 
not subject to the jurisdiction of parliament, and, 
for this purpose, you have made large extracts 
from the history of the colony. Whilst you are 
doing honor to the book, by laying any stress up- 
on its authority, it would have been no more than 
justice to the author, if you had cited some other 
passages, which would have tended to reconcile 
the passage in my speech to the history. I have 
said that, except about the time of the anarchy, 
which preceded the restoration of king Charles 
the II. I have not discovered that the authority of 
parliament had been called in question, even by 
particular persons. It was, as I take it, from the 
principles imbibed in those times of anarchy, that 
the persqns of influence, mentioned in the histortj-^ 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



28: 



disputed the authority of parliament, but the go-i 
vernment would not venture to dispute it. On the 
contrary, in four or five years after the restora- 
tion, the government declared to the king's com- 
missioners, that the act of navigation had been for 
some years observed here, that they knew not of 
its being greatly violated, and that such laws as 
appeared to be against it, were repealed. It is 
not strange, that these persons of influence should 
prevail upon a great p^irt of ibe people lo fall in, 
for a time, with their opinions, and to suppose 
acts of the colony necessary to give force to acts 
of parliament. The government, however, several 
years before the charter was vacated, more ex- 
plicitly acknowledged the aut'iiority of parliaiiient, 
and voted that their governor sbould take the 
oath required of him, faithfully to do, and perform 
all matters and tilings, enjoined him by the acts 
of trade. I have not recited in my speech, all 
these particulars, nor had I them all in my mind; 
but, I think, I have said nothing inconsistent v/ith 
tbem. My principles in government, are still the 
same with what they appear to be in the book 
you refer to; nor am I conscious that, by any part 
of my conduct, I have given cause to suggest the 
contrary. 

Inasmuch, as you say that I have not particularly 
pointed out to you the acts and doings of the ge- 
neral assembly, which relate to acts of parliament, 
I will do it now, and demonstrate to you that such 
acts have been acknowledged by the assembly, or 
submitted to by the people. 

From your predecessors' removal to America, 
until the year 1640, there was no session of par- 
liament; and the first short session, of a few days 
only, in 1640, and the whole of the next session, 
until the withdrav/ of the king, being taken up in 
the disputes between the king and the parliament, 
there could be no r»om for plantation affairs. Soon 
after the king's withdraw, the house of commons 
passed the memorable order of 1642; and, from 
that time to the restoration, this plantation seems 
to have been distinguished from the rest; and the 
several acts and ordinances, which respected the 
other plantations, were never enforced here; and, 
possibly, under color of the exemption, in 1642, it 
might not be intended they should be executed. 

For fifteen or sixteen years after the restoration, 
there was no officer of the customs in the colony, 
except the governor, annually elected by the peo- 
ple, and the acts of trade were but little regarded; 
mr did the governor take the oath required of 



governors, by the act of the 12th of king Charles 
tbe 11. until the time which I have mentioned. — 
Upon the revolution, the force of an act of parlia- 
ment was evident, in a case of as great importance 
as any which could happen to the colony, King 
William and queen Mary were proclaimed in the 
colony, king and queen of England, France, and 
Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, 
in the room of king .Tames; and this, not by virtue 
of an act of the colony, for no sur!i act ever passed, 
but by force of an act of parliament, whic'? altered 
the succession to the crown, and for which the 
people waited several weeks, with anxious concern. 
By force of another act of parliament, and that 
only, such officers of the colony as had taken the 
oaths of allegiance to king .Tames, deemed them- 
selves at liberty to take, and accordingly did take, 
the oaths to king William and qneen Mary. And 
that I may mention other acts of the like nature 
together, it is by force of an act of parliament, that 
the illustrious house of Hanover succeeded to the 
throne of Britain and its dominions, and by several 
other acts, the forms of the oaths have, from time 
to time, been altered; and, by a late act, that form 
was established which every one of us has com- 
plied with, as the charter, in expresr, words, re- 
quires, and makes our duty. Siiall v/e now dispute 
whether acts of parliament have been submitted 
to, when we find them submitted to, in points 
which are of the very essence of our constitution.' 
If you should disown that authority, which has 
power even to change the succession to the crown, 
are you in no danger of denying the authority of 
our most gracious sovereign, which I am sure noiie 
of you can have in your thoughts.' 

I think I have before shewn you, gentlemen, 
what must have been the sense of our predecessors 
at the time of the first charter; let us now, whilst 
we are upon the acts and doings of the assembly, 
consider what it must have been at the time of 
the second charter. Upon the first advice of ijie 
revolution in England, the autiiority which assumci 
tiie government, instructed their agents to petition 
parliament lo restore the first charter, and a bill 
for that purpose passed the house of commons, 
but went no furtlier. Was not this owning the 
authority of parliament.' By an act of parliament, 
passed in the first year of king William and queen 
Mary, a form of oaths was estivbiished, to be taken 
by those princes, and by all succeeding kings and 
queens of England, at their coronation; the first 
of which is, that they will govern the people of 
the kingdom, and the dominions thereunto belong- 
ing, according to tljr statutes in parliament agreed 



286 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



on, and the laws and customs of the same. When 
the colony <-'irected their agents to make their 
hunnble application to king William, to grant the 
second charter, they could have no other pretence, 
than, as they were inhabitants of part of the 
dominions of England; and they also knew the 
oath the king had taken, to govern them according 
to the statutes in parliament. Surely, then, at 
the time of this charter, also, it was the sense of 
our predecessors, as well as of the king and of 
the nation, that there was, and would remain, a 
supremacy in the parliament. About the same 
time, they acknowledge, in an address to the king, 
that they have no power to make l^vs repugnant 
to the laws of England. And, immediately after 
the assumption of the powers of government, by 
virtue of the new charter, an act was passed to 
revive, for a limited time, all the local laws of the 
colonies of Massachusetts-Bay and New Plymouth, 
respectively, not repugnant to the laws of Eng- 
land. And, at the same session, an act passed, 
establishing naval officers, in several ports of the 
province, for which, this reason is given; that all 
undue trading, contrary to an act af parliament, 
made in the 15th year of king Charles the 11. may 
be prevented in this, their majesty's province.— 
The act of this province, passed so long ago as the 
eecond year of king George the T. for stating the 
fees of the custom house officers, must have rela- 
tion to the acts of parliament, by which they are 
constituted; and the provision made in that act 
of the province, for extending the port of Boston 
to all the roads, as far as Cape Cod, could be for 
no other purpose, than for the more effectual 
carrying the acts of trade into execution. And, to 
come nearer to the present time, when an act of 
parliament had passed, in 1771, for putting an end 
to certain tinwarrantable schemes, in this pro- 
vince, did the authority of government, or those 
persons more immediately affected by it, ever dis- 
pute the validity of it? On the contrary, have not 
a number of acts been passed in the province, the 
burdens to which such persons were subjected, 
might be equally apportioned; and have not M 
those acts of the province been very carefully 
framed, to prevent their militating with the act 
of parliament? I will mention, also, an act of par- 
liament, made in the first year of queen Anne, 
' although the proceedings upon it more imme- 
diately respected the council. By this act, no 
office, civil or military, shall be void, by the death 
of the king, but shall continue six months, unless 
suspended, or made void, by the next .successor. 
By force of this act, governor Dudley continued 



in the administration six months from the demise 
of qneen Anne, and immediately after, the council 
assumed the admiiaistration, and continued it unti! 
a proclamation .arrived from king George, by virtue 
of which governor Dudley reassumed the govern, 
ment. It would be tedious to enumerate the 
addresses, votes and messages, of both the coun- 
cil and house of representatives, to the same pur- 
pose. I have said enough to shew that this go- 
vernment has submitted to parliament, from a con- 
viction of its constitutional supremacy, and this not 
from inconsideration, nor merely from reluctance 
at the idea of contending with the parent state. 

If, then, I have made it appear that, both by the 
first and second charters, we hold our lands, and 
the authority of government, not of the king, but 
of the crown of England, that being a dominion of 
the crown of England, we are consequently sub- 
ject to the supreme authority of England. That 
this hath been the sense of this plantation, except 
in those few years when the principles of anarchy, 
which had prevailed in the kingdom, had not lost 
their influence here; and if, upon a review of your 
principles, they shall appear to you to have been 
delusive and erroneous, as I think they must, or, 
if you shall only be in dodbt of them, you certainly 
will not draw that conclusion, which otherwise 
you might do, and which I am glad you have 
hitherto avoided; especially when you consider the 
obvious and inevitable distress and misery of inde- 
pendence upon our mother country, if such inde- 
pendence could be allowed or maintained, and the 
probability of much greater distress, which we are 
not able to foresee. 

You ask me, if we have not reason to fear we 
shall soon be reduced to a worse situation than 
that of the colonies of France, Spain, or Holland. 
I may safely affirm that we have not; that we have 
no reason to fear any evils from a submission to 
the authority of parliament, equal to what we must 
feel from its authority being disputed, from an 
uncertain rule of law and government. For more 
than seventy years together, the supremacy of 
parliament was acknowledged, v;ithout complaints 
of grievance. The effect of every measure cannot 
be foreseen by human \visdom. What can be 
expected more, from any authority, than, when 
the unfitness of a measure is discovered, to make 
it void? When, upon the united representations 
and complaints of the American colonies, any acts 
have appeared to parliament to be unsalutaty, 
have there not been repeajLed instances of the 
repeal of such acts.^ We cannot expect these in- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION 



287 



stances should be carried so far as to be equivalent 
to a disavowal, or relirquishment of the right itself 
Why, then, shall we fear for ourselves, and our 
posterity, greater rigor of government for seventy 
years to come, than what we and our predecessors 
Gave felt, in the seventy years past. 

You must give me leave, gentlemen, in a few 
words, to vindicate myself from a charge, in one 
part of your answer, of having, by my speech, 
reduced you to the unhappy alternative of appear- 
ing, by your silence, to acquiesce in my sentiments, 
or of freely discussing this point of the supremacy 
of parliament. I saw, as I have before observed, 
the capital town of the province, without being 
reduced to such an alternative, voluntarily, not 
only discussing but determining this point, and 
■ inviting every other town and district in the pro- 
vince to do the like. I saw that many of the prin- 
cipal towns had followed the example, and that 
there was imminent danger of a compliance in 
most, if not ail the rest, in order to avoid being 
distinguished. Was not I reduced to the alterna- 
tive of rendering myself justly obnoxious to the 
displeasure of my sovereign, by acquiescing in such 
ii-regularities, or of calling upon you to join with 
me in suppressing them.' Might I not rather have 
expected from you an expression of your concern, 
that any persons should project and prosecute a 
plan of measures, which would lay me under the 
necessity of bringing this point before you.' Ii 
was so far from being my inclination, that nothing 
short of a sense of my duty to the king, and the 
obligations I am under to consult your true interest, 
could have compelled me to it. 

Gsntlemen of the council, and 

Gentlemen of the house of representatives. 
We all profesi to be the loyal and dutiful sub- 
jects of the king of Great Britain. His majesty 
considers the British empire as one entire dominion, 
subject to one supreme legislative power; a due 
submission to which, is essential to the mamten- 
ance of the rights, liberties and privileges of the 
several p.irls of this dominion. We have abundant 
evidence of his majesty's tender and impartial 
regard to the rights of his subjects; and I am 
authorised to say, that "his majesty will most 
graciously approve of every constitutional measure 
that may contribute to the peace, the happiness, 
andprosperity of his colony of Massachusetts-Bay, 
and which may have the effect to shew to the 
world, that he has no wish beyond that of reigning 
ih the hearts and affections of his people." 

T. HUTCHINSON". 



ANSWER OF THE HOUSE 0? HKPnESENTATlTES TO THE 
SPEECH OF THE GOTERSOn, OF EEBRUAHT SIXTEESTH. 

-. March 2, 1773. 

May it please your excellency, 

In your speech, at the opening of the present 
session, your excellency expressed your displeasure 
at some late proceedings of the town of Boston, 
and other principal towns in the province. And, 
in another speech to both houses, we have your 
repeated exceptions at the same proceedings, as 
being "unwarrantable," and of a dangerous nature 
and tendency; "against which, you thought your- 
self boHnd to call upon us to join with you in 
bearing a proper testimony." This house have not 
discovered any principles advanced by the town 
of Boston, that are unwarrantable by the constitu- 
tion; nor does it appear to us, that they have 
"invited every other town and district in the pro- 
vince to adopt their principles." We are fully 
convinced, that it is our duty to bear- our testimony 
against "innovations, of a dangerous nature and 
tendency;" but it is clearly our opinion, thst it is 
the indisputable right of ail, or any of his majesty's 
subjects, in this province, regularly and orderly to 
meet together, to state ihe grievances they labor 
under; and to propose, and unite in such constitu- 
tional measures, as ibey shall judge necessary ox' 
proper, to obtain redress. This right has been 
frequently exercised by his majesty's subjects 
within the realm; and we do not recollect an 
instance, since the Imppy revolution, when the two 
houses of parliament have been called upon to dis- 
countenance, or bear their testimoay against it, ia 
a speech from the throne. 

Your excellency is pleased to take notice of some 
things which we "allege," in our answer to your 
first speech; and the observation you make, we 
must confess, is as natural and undeniably true, 
as any one that could have been made; that, "if 
our foundation shall fail us in every part of it, the 
fabric we have raised upon it must certainly fall," 
You think this foundation will fail us; but we 
wish your excellency had condescended to a con- 
sideration of what we have "adduced in support 
of our principles." We might then, perhaps, have 
had some things offered for our conviction, more 
than bare affirmations; which, we must b^ to be 
excused if we say, are far from being sufficient, 
though they came with ycur excellency's authority, 
for which, however, v/e have a due regard. 

Your excellency says that, "as English subjects, 
and agreeable to the doctrine of the feudal tenure, 
all our lands are held mediately, cr immediately. 



288 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE UEVOLUTIOxV, 



of the crown." We trust your excellency does 
not mean to introduce the feudal system in its 
perfection; which, to use the words of one of our 
greatest historians, was ''a state of perpetual war, 
anarchy, and confusion, calculated solely for de- 
fence against the assaults of any foreign power; 
but, in its provision for the interior order and 
tranquility of society, extremely defective. A con- 
stitution, so contradictory to all the principles that 
govern mankind, could never be brought about, 
but by foreign conquest or native usurpation " — 
And a very celebrated writer calls it, "that most 
iniquitous and absurd form of trovei-nment, by 
which human nature was so shamefully degraded." 
This system of iniquity, by a strange kind of 
fatality, "though originally formed for an encamp- 
ment, and for military purposes only, spread over 
a great part of Europe;" aad, to serve the pur- 
poses of oppression and tyranny, "was adopted by 
princes, and wrought into their civil constitutions;" 
and, aided by the canon lav/, calculated by the 
Roman Pontiff to exalt himself above all that is 
called God, it prevailed to the almost utter extinc- 
tion of knowledge, virtue, religion and liherly from 
that part of the earth. But, from the time of the 
reformation, in proportion as knowledge, which 
then darted its rays upon the benighted world, 
increased and spread among the people, they 
grew impatient under this heavy yoke; and the 
most virtuous and sensible among them, to whose 
steadfastness we, in this distant age and climate, 
are greatly indebted, were determined to get rid 
of it; and, though they have in a great measure 
subdued its power and influence in England, they 
have never yet totally eradicated its principles. 

Upon these principles, the king claimed an 
absolute right to, and a perfect estate in, all the 
lands within his dominions; but how he came by 
tliis absolute right and perfect estate, is a mystery 
which we have never seen unravelled, nor is it our 
business or design, at present, to enquire. He 
granted parts or parcels of it to his friends, the 
great men, and they granted lesser parcels to their 
tenants. All, therefore, derived tiieir right and 
held their lands, upon these principles, mediately 
or immediately of the kingi which Mr. Blackstone , 
however, calls, "in reality, a mere fiction of our 
English tenures." 

By what right, in nature and reason, the christian 
princes in Europe, claimed the lands of heathen 
people, upon a discovery made by any of their 
subjects, is equally mysterious. Such, however, 
was the doctrine universally prevailing^, when the 



lands in America were discovered; but, as the peo- 
ple of England, upon those principles, held all the 
lands they possessed, by grants from the ki.ig, 
and the king had never granted the lands in Ame- 
rica to them, it is certain they could have no sort 
of claim to them. Upon the principles advanced, 
1 the lordsiiip and dominion, like tliat of the lands 
I in England, was in the king solely, and a right from 
thence accrued to him, of disposing such territories, 
under such tenure, and for such services to be per- 
formed, as the king or lord thought proper. But 
how the grantees became subjects of England, that 
is, the supreme authority of the parliament, your 
excellency has not explained to us. We conceive 
that, upon the feudal principles, all power is in the 
king; they sifford us no idea of parliament. "The 
lord was in early times, the legislator and judge 
over all his feudatories," says judge Blackstone. 
By the struggle for libsrty in England, from the 
days of king John, to the last happy revolution, 
the constitution has been gradually changing for 
the better; and, upon the more rational principles 
that all men, by nature, are in a state of equality 
in respect of jurisdiction and dominion, power in 
England has been more equally divided. And 
thus, also, in America, though we hold our land* 
agreeably to the feudal principles of the king, yet 
our predecessors wisely took care to enter into 
compact with the king, that power here should 
also be equally divided, agreeably to the original 
fundamental principles of the English constitution, 
declared in Magna Charta, and other laws and 
statutes of England, made to confirm them. 

Your excellency says, "you can by no means 
concede to us that it is no^, or was, when the 
plantations were first granted, the prerogative of 
the kings of England, to constitute a number of 
new governments, altogether independent of the 
sovereign authority of the English empire." By 
the feudal principles, upon which you say "all the 
grants which have been made of America are 
founded, the constitutions of the emperor have 
the force of law." If our government be considered 
as merely feudatory, we are subject to the king's 
absolute will, and there is no authority of parlia» 
ment, as the sovereign authority of the British em- 
pire. Upon these principles, what could hindec 
the king's constituting a number of independent 
governments in America.'' That king Charles the 
I. did actually set up a government in this colony, 
conceding to it powers of making and executing 
laws, without any reservation to the English p.'«r- 
liament, of authority to make future laws binding 
therein, is a fact which your excellency has not 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



2J9 



disproved, if you have denied it. Nor have you 
shewn that the parliament or nation objected to 
it; from whence we have inferred that it was an 
acknowledged right. And we cannot conceive, 
why the king has not the same right to alienate 
and dispose of countries acquired by the discovery 
of his subjects, as he has to "restore, upon a 
treaty of peace, countries which have been ac- 
quired in war," carried on at the charge of the 
nation; or to "sell and deliver up any part of his 
dominions to a foreign prince or state, against the 
general sense of the nation;" which is "an act of 
power," or prerogative, which your excellency 
allows. You tell us, that "when any new countries 
are discovered by English subjects, according to 
the general law and usage of nations, they become 
part of the state." The law of nations is, or ought 
to be, founded on the law of reason. It was the 
saying of sir Edwin Sandis, in the great case of the 
union of the realm of Scotland with England, v/hich 
is applicable to our present purpose, that "iherc 
being no precedent for this case in the law, the 
law is deficient; and the law being deficient, re- 
course is to be had to custom; and custom being 
insufiicient, we must recur to natural reason" — the 
greatest of all authorities, which, he adds, "is the 
law of nations." The opinions, therefore, and 
determinations of the greatest sages and judges 
of the law in the exchequer chamber, ought not 
to be considered as decisive or binding in our pre- 
sent controversy with your excellency, any further 
than they are consonant to natural reason. If, how- 
ever, we were to recur to such opinions and deter- 
minations, we should find very great authorities in 
•ur favor, to show that the statutes of England 
are not binding on those who are not represented 
in parliament there. The opinion of lord Coke, 
that Ireland was bound by statutes of England, 
wherein they were named, if compared with his 
other writings, appears manifestly to be grounded 
upon a supposition, that Ireland had, by an act of 
their own, in the reign of king John, consented to 
be-thus bound; and, upon any other supposition, 
this opinion would be against reason; for consent 
only gives human laws their force. We beg leave, 
upon what your excellency has observed of the 
colony becoming a part of the state, to subjoin the 
opinions of several learned civilians, as quoted by 
a very able lawyer in this country. "Colonies," 
Bays Puffendorf, "are settled in different methods; 
for, either the colony continues a part of the com- 
monwealth it was set out from, or else is obliged 
to pay a dutiful regard to the mother common- 
wealth, and to be in reallnejs to defend and 



vindicate its honor, and so is united by a sort of 
unequal confederacy; or, lastly, is erected into a 
separate commonwealth, and assumes the same 
rights with the state it descended from." And 
king Tullius, as quoted by the same learned author 
from Grotius, Says, "we look upon it to be neither 
truth nor justice, that mother cities ought, of 
necessity, and by the law of nature, to rule over 
the colonies." 

Your excellency has misinterpreted what we 
l)ave said, "that no countrj', by the common law, 
was subject to the laws or the parliament, but the 
realm of England;" and are pleased to tell us, 
"that we have expressed ourselves incautiously." 
We beg leave to recite the word* of tl^ judges 
of England, in the beforemenrioned case, to our 
purpose. "If a king go out of England with a com* 
pany of his servants, allegiance remaineth among 
Ids subjects and servants, although he be out of 
his realm, wliereto his laws are confined." We 
lid not mean to say, as your excellency would sup- 
pose, that "the common law prescribes limits to 
ihe extent of the legislative power," though we 
shall always affirm it to be true, of the law of rea- 
son and natural equity. Your excellency thinks 
you have made it appear, that the "colony of 
Massachusetts-Bay is holden as feudatory of the 
mperial crown of England;" and, therefore, you 
say, "10 use the words of a very great authority in 
a case, in some respects analogous to it," being 
feudatory, it necessarily follows that "it is under 
the government of the king's laws." Your excel- 
lency has not named this authority; but we con- 
ceive his meaning must be, that, being feudatory, 
it is under the government of the king's laws 
absolutely; for, as we have before said, the feudal 
system admits of no idea of the authority of par- 
liament; and this would have been the case of the 
colony, but for the compact with the king in the 
charter. 

Your excellency says, that "persons thus holdinfj 
under the crown of England, remain or become 
subjects of England," by which, we suppose your 
excelle.icy to mean, subject to the supreme au- 
thority of parliament, "to all intents and purposes, 
as fully as if any of the royal manors, &c. within 
the realm, had been granted to them upon the 
like tenure." We apprehend, wit'.j submission^ 
your excellency is mistaken in supposing that our 
allegiance is due to the crown of England. Every 
man swears allegiance for himself, to his own king, 
in his natural person. "Every subject is presumed 
by law to be sworn to the king, which is to Hi3 



590 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



natural person," says lord Coke— Rep. on Calvin's | is not to be taxed in the other, because laws ordain 



case. "The allegiance is due to his natural body;" 
and, he says, "in the reign of Edward II, the 
Spencers, the father and tlie son, to cover the 
treason liatched in their hearts, invented this 
dannnuble and damned opinion, that homage and 
oath of allegiance was more by reason of the king's 
crown, that is, of his politic capacity, than by rea- 
son of the person of the king; upon which opinion 
they inferred execrable and detestable conse- 
quents." The judges of England, all but one, in 
the case of the union between Scotland and Eng- 
land, declared that "allegiance followeth the na- 
tural person, not the politic;" and, "to prove the 
allegiance to be tied to the body natural of the 
king, and not to the body politic, the lord Coke 
cited the phrases of divers statutes, mentioning 
our natural liege sovereign." If, then, the homage 
and allegiance is not to the body politic of the 
king, then it is not to him as the head, or any part 
of that legislative authority, which your excellency 
says "is equally extensive with the authority of 



taxes, impositions, and charges, as a discipline of 
subjection, particularized to every particular na« 
tion." Nothing, we think, can be more clear to 
our purpose than this decision of jud^s, perhaps 
as learned as ever adorned the English nation, or 
in favor of America, in her present controversy with 
the mother state. 

Your excellency says that, by "our not dis- 
tingui.sliing between the crown of England and 
the kings and queens of England, in their personal 
or natural capacities, we have been led into a 
fundamental error." Upon tliis very distinction 
we have availed ourselves. We have said, that 
our ancestors considered the land, which they 
took possession of in America, as out of the'bounds 
of the kingdom of England, and out of the reach 
and extent of the laws of England; and that the 
king also, ef*en in the act of granting the charter, 
considered the territory as not within the realm; 
that the king had an absolute right in himself to 
the crown throughout every psrt of the dominion;" I '^'^P°^^ °^ ^'^^ *^"^^» ^"^ ^^'»^ ^'>'s was not disputed 
and your excellency's observations thereupon must | ^^ ^^^ "*^'°"' "°^ '^^"^'^ ^^^ ^^"'^^' °" ^"J' *''^'"^ 
fail. The sarae judges mention the allegiance of j S''^^^^^' ^^ claimed by the nation; and, therefore, 
a subject to the'kings of England, who is out of| ^ ancestors received the lands, by grant, from 
the reach and extent of the laws of England, which I ^^^ ^"^^' *"'^' ** ^^^ ""'"^ *'"*^' compacted with 
is perfectly reconciieable with the principles of '"""» ^nd promised him homage and allegiance, not 
our ancestors, quoted before from your excellency's '" ^'^ ^"'"^''^ "^ politic, but natural capacity only, 
history, but, upon your excellency's principles. ap-T '* ^^ difficult for us to sIhjw how the king ac- 
pears to us to be absurdity. The judges, speakingN""^"^ * ^'^^"^ ^* *'"^ country in his natural capacity, 

or separate from his relation to his subjects, which 
we confess, yet we conceive it will be equally 
difficult for your excellency to show how the body 
politic and nation of E'lgland acquired it. Oar 
ancestors supposed it was acquired by neither; 
and, therefore, they declared, as we have before 
quoted from your history, that, saving their actual 
purchase from the natives of the soil, the dominion^ 
the lordship, and sovereignty, they had, in the sight 
of God and man, no right and title to what they 
possessed. How much clearer then, in natural rea- 
son and equity, must our title be, who hold estates 
dearly purchased at the expense of our own, as well 
as our ancestors labor, and defended by them with 
treasure and blood. 



of a subject, say, "although his birth was out of 
the bounds of the kingdom of England, and out of 
the reach and extent of the laws of England, yet, 
if it were within the allegiance of the king of Eng- 
land, &c. Normandy, Aquitain, Gascoign, and other 
places, within the limits of France, and, conse- 
quently, out of the realm or bounds of the kingdom 
of England, were in subjection to the kings of En-r. 
land." And the judges say, "Bex et lie^mim, be 
not so relatives, as arfiing can be king but of one 
kingdom, which clearly holdcth not, but that his 
kingly power extending to divers nations and king- 
doms, all owe him equal subjection, and are equally 
born to t!ie benefit of his protection; and although 
he is to govern them by their distinct laws, yet 
any one of the people coming into the other, is 
to have the benefit of the laws, wheresoever he 
Cometh." So they are not to be deemed aliens, 
as your excellency in your speech supposes, in 
any of the dominions, all which accords with the 
principles our ancestors held. "And he is to bear 
the burden of taxes of the place where hecometh. 
but living in one, or for his livelihood 



¥our excellency has been pleased to confirm, 
rather than deny or confute, a piece of history, 
which, you say, we took from an anonymous pam- 
phlet, and by which you "fear we have been to» 
easily misled." It may be gathered from your 
own declaration, and other authorities, besides the 
anonymous pamphlet, that the house of commons 
m one, he;*,,^!^ exception, not at the king's having made an 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTfON. 



231 



absolute grant of the territory, but at the claim 
of an exclusive right to the fishery on the banks 
and sea coast, by virtue of the patent. At this 
you say "the house of commons was alarmed, and 
A bill was brought in for allowing a free fishery." 
And, upon this occasion, your excellency allows 
that "one of the secretaries of state declired, thai 
the plantations were not annexed to the crown, 
and so were not wiUiin the jurisdiction of parlia- 
ment." If we should concede to what your excel- 
lency supposes might possibly, or, "perhaps," be 
the case, that the secretary made this declaration 
*'as his own opinion," the event showed that it 
was the opinion of the king too; for it is not to be 
accounted for upon any other principle, that he 
would have denied his royal assent to a bill, formed 
for no other purpose, but to grant his subjects 
in England the privilege of fishing on the sea 
coasts in America. The account published by sir 
Ferdinando Gorges himself, of the proceedings of 
parliament on this occasion, your excellency thinks 
will remove all doubt of the sense of the nation, 
and of the patentees of this patent or charter, in 
1620. «'ThiB narrative," you say, "has all the ap- 
Jjcarance of truth and sincerity," which we do not 
deny; and, to us, it carries this conviction with it, 
that "what was objected" in parliament, was the 
exclusive claim of fishing only. His imagining that 
he had satisfied the house, after divers attendances, 
that the planting a colony was of much more con- 
sequence than a simple disorderly course of fish- 
ing, is sufficient for our conviction. We know 
that the nation wae at that time alarmed with 
apprehensions of monopolies; and, if the patent of 
New England was presented by the two liouses as 
a grievance, it did not show, as your excellency 
supposes, "the s^nse they then had of their au- 
thority over this new acquired territory," but only 
their sense of the grievance of a monopoly of the 
sea. 

We are happy to hear your excellency .say, that 
"our remarks upon, and construction of the words, 
not repugnant to the laws of Eng-land, are much 
the same with those of the council." It serves to 
confirm us in our opinion, in what we take to be 
the most important matter of difference between 
your excellency and the two houses; After saying, 
that the statute of 7th and 8th of William and 
Mary favors the construction of the words, as 
intending such laws of England as are made more 
immediately to respect us, you tell us, that "the 
province agent, Mr. Dummer, in his much applaud- 
ed defence, says that then a law of the plantations 



may be said to be repugnant to a law made in 
Cireat Britain, when it flatly contradicts it, so far 
as the law made there mentions and relates to 
the plantations." This is plain and obvious to com- 
mon sense, and, ther.°fore, cannot be denied. But, 
if your excellency would read a page or two fur- 
ther, in that excellent defence, you will see that 
he mentions this as the sense of the phrase, as 
taken from an act of parliament, ratheij than as 
the sense he would choose him.ielf to put upon it; 
and he expressly designs to show, in vindication of 
the charter, that, in that sense of the words, there 
never was a law made In the plantations repugnant 
to the laws of Grf;at Britain. He gives another 
cnnstrui'tion, much more likely to be the true intent 
of the words, namely, "that the patentees shall not 
presume, under color of their particular charters, 
to make any laws inconsistent with the great char- 
ter, and other laws of Englatid, by which the lives, 
liberties, and properties of Englishmen are secur- 
ed." This is tlie sense in which our ancestors ■* 
understood the words; and, therefore, they are 
unwilling to conform to the acts of trade, and 
disregarded them till they made provision to give 
tliem force in the colony, by a law of their ownj 
saying, that "the laws of England did not reacU 
America; and those acts were an invasion of their 
rights, liberties, and properties," because they 
were not "represented in parliament." The right 
of being governed by laws, which were made by 
persons in whose election they had a voice, they 
looked upon as the foundation of English liberties. 
By the compact with the king, in the charter, they 
were to be as free in America as they would have 
been if they had remained within the realm; and, 
therefore, they freely asserted that they "were to 
be governed by laws made by themselves, and by 
officers chosen by themselves." Mr. Dummer says, 
"it seems reasonable enough to think that the 
crown," and, he ciight have added, our ancestors, 
"intended by this injunctioiinlto provide for all its 
subjects, that they might not be oppressed by 
arbitrary power; but, being still, subjects, they 
should be protected by the same mild laws, and 
enjoy the same happy government, as if they con. 
tinued within the realm " And, considering the 
words of the charter in this light, he looks upon j. 
them as designed to be a fence against oppression in 
and despotic power. But the construction which of 
your excellency puts upon the words, reduces us,iali 
to a state of vassalage, and exposes us to oppres- the 
sion and despotic power, whenever a parliamentsion 
shall see fit to make laws for that purpose, and put' the 
them in execution. '-xn. 



:92 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



We flatter ourselves that, from tlie large extracts 
we have made from your excellency's history of 
the colony, it appears evidently that, under both 
charters, it hath been the sense of the people and 
of the governnient, that they were not under the 
jurisdiction of parliament. We pray you again to 
turn to those quotations, and o'lr observations up- 
on them; and we wish to have your excellency's 
judicious remarts. When we adduced that his- 
tory, to prove that the sentiments of private per- 
sons of influence, four or fivie years after the 
restoration, were very ditTerent from what your 
excellency apprehended them to be, when you 
delivered yqur speech, you seem to concede to it, 
by telling us, "it was, as you take it, from the prin- 
ciples imbibed in those times of anarchy, (preced- 
ing the restoration,) that they disputed the au- 
thority of parliament;" but, you add, "the govern- 
ment would not venture to dispute it." We find, 
in the same history, a quotation from a letter of 
Mr. Stoughton, dated seventeen years after the 
restoration, mentioning "the country's not taking 
notice of the acts of navigation, to observe them." 
And it was, as we take it, after that time that the 
government declared, in a letter to their agents, 
that they had not submitted to them; and they 
ventured to "dispute" the jurisdiction, asserting 
that they apprehended the acts to be an invasion 
of the rights, liberties, and properties of the sub- 
jects of his majesty in the colony, they not being 
represented in parliament, and that "the laws of 
England did not reach America." It very little 
avails in proof, that they conceded to the supreme 
authority of parliament, their telling the commis 
sioners, "that the act of navigation had for some 
years before been observed here; that they knew 
not of its being greatly violated; and that such 
laws as appeared to be against it, were repealed." 
It may as truly be said now, that tlie revenue acts 
are observed by some of the people of this pro 
vincc; but it cannot be said that the government 
and people of this province have conceded that 
the parliament had authority to make such acts 
to be observed here. Neither does their declara- 
tion to the commissioners, that such laws as ap 
peared to be against the act of navigation, were 
repealed, prove their concession of the authority of 
^ parliament, by any means, so much as their making 
. provision for giving force to an act of parliament 
^within this province, by a deliberate and solemn 
_act or law of their own, proves the contrary. 

t; 



You tell us, that "the government, four or five 
years before the charter was vacatjsd, more es. 



plicitly," that is, than by a conversation with the 
commissioners, "acknowledged the authority of 
parliament, and voted that their governor sh.onld 
take the oath required of !iim, faithfully to do and 
perform all matters and things enjoined him by 
the acts of trade." But does this, may it please 
your excellency, show their explicit acknowledg- 
ment of the authority of parliament? Does it not 
rather show directly the contrary? For, what 
could there be for their vote, or authsrity, to re- 
quire him to take the oath already required of 
him by the act of parliament, unless both he and 
they, judged that an act of parliament was not of 
force sufficient to bind him to take such oath? — 
We do not deny, but, on the contrary, are fully 
persuaded, that your excellency's principles in go« 
vernments are still of the same with what they ap- 
pear to be in the history; for you there say, that 
"the passing this law, plainly shows the wrong 
sense they had of the relation they stood unto Eng- 
land." But we are from hence convinced, that 
your excellency, when you wrote the history, was 
of our mind in this respect, that our ancestors, in 
passing the law, discovered their opinion, that they 
were without the jurisdiction of parliament; for it 
was upon this principle alone, they shewed the 
wrong sense they had, in your excellency's opinion, 
of the relatioR they stood unto England. 

Your excellency, in your second speech, conde^ 
scends to point out to us the acts and doings of 
the general assembly, which relates to acts of par- 
liament, which, you think, "demonstrates that they 
have been acknowledged by the assembly, or sub- 
mitted to by the people," neither of which, in our 
opinion, shows that it was the sense of the nation, 
and our predecessors, when they, first took posses- 
sion of this plantation, or colony, by a grant and 
charter from the crown, that they were to remain 
subject to the supreme authority of the English 
parliament. 

Your excellency seems chiefly to rely upon oup 
ancestors, after the revolution, "proclaiming king 
William and queen Mary, in the room of king 
James," and taking the oaths to them, "the altera- 
tion of the form of oaths, from time to time," and 
finally, "the establishment of the form, which 
every one of us has complied with, as the charter, 
in express terms, requires and makes our duty." 
We do not know that it has ever been a point in 
dispute, whether the kings of England were ipsa 
facto kings in, and over, this colony, or province. 
The compact was made between king Charles 
the I. his heifs and sucessors, and the governor 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



293 



and company, their heirs and successors. It is 
easy, upon this principle, to account for the ac- 
knowledgment of, and submission to, king William 
and queen Mary, as successors of Charles the I. in 
the room of king James; besides, it is to be con- 
sidered, that the people in the colony, as well as 
in England, had suffered under the tyrant Janves, 
by which he had alike forfeited his right to reign 
over both. There had been a revolution here, as 
well as in England. The eyes of the people here 
were upon William and Mary; and the news of 
their being proclaimed in England was, as your 
excellency's history teils us, "the most joyful news 
tver received in Hew England." And, if tbey 
were not proclaimed here, "by virtue of an act of 
the colony," it was, as we think may be concluded 
from the tenor of your history, with the general or 
universal consent of the people, as apparently as 
if "such act had passed." It is consent alone that 
makes any human laws binding; and, as a learned 
author observes, a purely voluntary submission to 
an act, because it is highly in our favor and for our 
benefit, is in all equity and justice, to be deemed 
as not at all proceeding from the right we include 
in the legislators, that they thereby obtain an au- 
thority over us, and that ever hereafter, we must 
obey them of duty. We would observe, that one 
of the first acts of the general assembly of this 
province, since the present charter, was an act 
requiring the taking the oaths mentioned in an act 
of parliament, to which you refer us. For what 
purpose was this act of the assembly passed, if it 
wssthe sense of the legislators that the act of par- 
liament was in force in the province.' And, at the 
same time, another act was made for the e.stablish- 
ment of other oaths necessary to be taken, both 
which acts have the royal sanction, and are now 
in force. Your excellency says, that when the 
colony applied to king William for a second char- 
ter, they knew the oath the king hid taken, which 
was to govern them accordingto the statutes in par- 
liament, and (which your excellency here omits,) 
the laws and customs of the same. r>y t!ie laws 
and customs of parliament, the people of England 
freely debate and consent to such statutes as are 
made by themselves, or their chosen representa- 
tives. This is a law, or custom, which all man- 
kind may justly challenge as their inherent right. 
According to this iaw, the king has an undoubted 
right to govern us. Your excellency, upon recol- 
lection, surely will not infer from hence, that it 
was the sense of our predecessors that there was 
to remain a supremacy in the English p.irliament, 
.or a full power and authority to make laws binding 



upon us, in a'l cases whatever, in that parliamentr 
where we cannot debate and deliberate upon the 
necessity or expediency of any law, and, conse- 
quently, without our consent; and,jts it may proba- 
bly happen, destructive of the first law of society,* 
the good of the whole. You tell us that, "after 
the as.sumption of all the pov/ers of government, by 
v'rtue of the new charter, an act passed for the 
reviving, for a limited time, all the local laws of 
the Massachusetts Bay and New Plymouth, re- 
spectively, not repugnant to the laws of England. 
And, at the same session, an act passed establish- 
ing naval ofticers, that all undue trading, con- 
trary to an act of parliament, may be prevented." 
Among the acts that were then revived, we may 
reasonably suppose was that, whereby provision 
was made to give force to this act of parliament 
in the province. The establishment, therefore, of 
the naval officers, was to aid the execution of an 
act of parliament, for the observance of which, 
witliin the colony, the assembly had before made 
provision, after free debates, with their own con- 
sent, and by their own act. 

Tl'.« actof parliament, passed in 1741, for putting 
an end to several unwarrantable scheiTies, mention- 
ed by your excellency, was designed for the general 
good; and, if the validity of it was not disputed, 
it cannot be urged as a concession of the supreme 
authority, to make laws binding on us in all cases 
whatever. Bat, if the design of it was for the ge- 
neral benefit of the province, it was, in one respect, 
at least greatly complained of by the persons mor* 
immediately affected by it; and to remedy the in- 
convenience, the legislature of this province pass-ed 
an act, directly militating with it; wliich is t'la 
strongest evidence that, althougli tiiey may huve 
submitted, sub silentio, to some acts of parliarnenr, 
that they conceived might operate for their bene- 
fit, they did not conceive tliemselves bound by any 
of its acts which, they judged, would operate to 
the injury even of individuals. 

Your excellency has not thought proper to at- 
tempt to confute the reasoning or" a learned writer 
on the laws of nature and nations, quoted by us, 
on this occason, to shew that the authority of the 
legislature does not extend so far as the funda- 
mentals of the constitution. We are unhappy in 
not having your remarks upon the reasoning of 
that great man; and, until it is confuted, we shall 
remain of the opinion, that the fundamentals of the 
constitution being excepted from the commission 
of the legislators, none of the acts or doings of the 
general a-ssembiy, however dslihsiatf; and sc3'.M;\n, 



£94 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIONS. 



could avail to change them, if the people have noti 
in very express terms, given them the power to do 
it; and that, much less ought their acts and doings, 
however ntimerous, which barely refer to acts of 
parlinment made expressly to relate to us, to be 
taken as an acknowledgment that we are subject 
to the supreme authority of parliament. 

We shall sum up our own sentiments in the 
%vords of that learned writer, Mr. Hooker, in his 
ecclesiastical policy, as quoted by Mr. Locke. — 
«'The lawful power of making laws to command 
whole political societies of men, belonging so pro- 
perly to the same entire societies, that for any 
prince or potentate of what kind soever, to exer- 
cise the same of himself, and not from express 
commit^sion, immediately and personally received 
from God, is no better than mere tyranny. Laws, 
therefore, they are not, which public approbation 
hath not made so; for laws human, of what kind 
soever, are available by consent." "Since men, 
naturally, have no full and perfect power to com- 
mand whole politic multitudes of men, therefore, 
utterly without our consent, we could in such sort, 
be at no man's commandment living. And to be 
commanded, we do not consent, when that society, 
whereof we be a party, hath at any time before 
consented." We think your excellency has not 
proved, either that the colony is a part of the politic 
society of England, or that it has ever consented 
that the parliament of England or Great Britain, 
slioald make laws binding upon us, in all cases, 
whether made expressly to refer to us or not. 

We cannathelp, before we conclude, expressing 
our great concern, that your excellency has thus 
repeatedly, in a manner, insisted upon our free 
sentiments on matters of so delicate a nature and 
weighty importance. The question appears to us 
to be no other, than whether we are the subjects 
of absolute unlimited power, or of a free govern- 
ment, formed on the principles of the English con- 
stitution. If your excellency's doctrine be true, 
the people of this province hold their lands of the 
crown and people of England; and their lives, liber- 
ties, and properties, are at their disposal; and that, 
even by compact and their own consent, they 
were subject to the king, as the head allerius populi 
of another people, in whose legislature they have 
no voice or interest. They are, indeed, said to have 
a constitution and a legislature of their own; but 
your excellency has explained it into a mere phan- 
tom; limited, controled, superseded, and nullified 
at the will of another. Is this the constitution 
which so charmed our ancestors, that, as your ex- 



cellency has informed us, they kept a day of solemn 
thanksgiving to Almighty God when they received 
it? And were they men of so Htt'e discernment, 
such children in understanding, as to please them- 
selves with the imagination, that they were blessed 
with the same rights and liberties which natural 
born subjects in England enjoyed, when, at the 
same time, they had fully consented to be ruled 
and ordered by a legislature, a thousand leagues 
distant from them, which cannot be supposed to 
be sufficiently acquainted with their circuiTiStances, 
if concerned for their interest, and in which they 
cannot be in any sense represented.? 

[The committee who reported the above, were 
Mr. Gushing, (the speaker,) Mr. S. Adams, Mr, 
Hancock, Mr. PhilUps, major Poster, col. Bowers, 
Mr. Hobson, col. Thayer, and Mr. Denny.] 

Massachusetts besolutioks. — On motion of Mr. S. 

Adams, the fullorvinff resolutions were adopted, 110 

to 4, May 28, 1773. 

Whereas, the speaker hath communicated to this 
house, a letter from the truly respectable house of 
Burgesses, in his majesty's ancient colony of Vir- 
ginia, enclosing a copy of the resolves entered into 
by them, on the 12th of March last, and request, 
ing that a committee of this house may be appoint- 
ed to communicate, from time to time, with a cor- 
responding committee, then appointed by the said 
house of Burgesses in Virginia: 

And, whereas this house is fully sensible of the 
necessity and importance of a union of the several 
colonies in America, at a time when it clearly ap- 
pears, that the rights and liberties of all are sys- 
tematically invaded; in order that the joint wisdom 
of the whole may be employed in consulting their 
common safety: 

Resolved, That this house have a very grateful 
sense of the obligations they are under to the house 
of Burgesses, in Virginia, for the vigilance, firm- 
ness and wisdom, which they have discovered, at 
all times, in support of the rights and liberties of 
the American colonies; and do heartily concur with 
them in their said judicious and spirited resolves. 

Resolved, That a standing committee of corres- 
pondence and enquiry be appointed, to consist of 
fifteen members, any eight of whom to be a quorum; 
whose business it shall be, to obtain the most early 
and authentic intelligence of all such acts and 
resolutions of the British parliament, or proceed- 
ings of administrations as may relate to, or affect 
the British coloiues in America, and to keep up 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



295 



and maintain, a correspondence and communica- 
tion with our sister colonies, respecting these im 
portant considerations; and the result of such their 
proceedings, from time to time, to lay before the 
house. 

Resolved, That it be an Instruction to the said 
committee, that they do, without delay, inform 
themselves particularly of the principles and au- 
thority, on which was constituted a court of en- 
quiry, held in Rhode Island, said to be vested with 
powers to transport persons, accused of oftences 
committed in America, to places beyond the seas 
to be tried.* 

Resolved, That the said committee be further 
instructed to prepare and report to this house, a 
draft of a very respectful answer to the letter, 
received from the speaker of the honorable house 
of Burgesses of Virginia, and another, to a letter 
received from the speaker of the honorable house 
of representatives, of the colony of Rhode Ish^nd; 
also, a circular letter to the speakers of the several 
other houses of assembly, on this continent, enclos- 
ing the aforesaid resolves, and req;esu..g them to 
lay the same before their respective assemblies, m 
confidence, that they will readily and cheerfully 
comply with the wise and salutary resolves of the 
house of Burgesses, in Virginia. 

[The committee of correspondence, chosen in 
pursuance of the resolves aforesaid, were Mr. 
Gushing, (the speaker,) Mr. S. Adams, hon. John 
Hancock, Mr. William Phillips, captain William 
Heath, hon. Joseph Hawley, James Warren, esq. 
R. Derby, jun. esq. Mr. Elbridge Gerry, J. Bowers, 
esq. Jedediah Foster, esq. Darnel Leonard, esq. 
captain T. Gardner, capt. Jonathan Greenleaf^ and 
J, Prescott, esq.] 

Letter from the house of representatives, addressed 
to the speakers of the several houses of assembly, on 
the continent, 

BosTow, June 3, 1773. 
Sir — The house of representatives, of this pro- 
vince, being e;trnest!y attentive to the controversy 
between Great Britain and the colonies, and con- 
sidering that the authority claimed and exercised 



*ln consequence of burning the Ga&pee, a British 
armed vessel, which had greatly harassed the 
navigalio.'i of Rhode Island, a court of enquiry was 
appointed, under the great seal of Enghuid, to be 
holden at Newport. Tney met once and again, 
but finally dissolved, wi.hout doi ig any thing im- 



by parliament, on the one side, and by the general 
assemblies of this continent, on the other, greatly 
militates, and is productive of this unhappy conten- 
tion, think it of the utmost importance to the wel- 
fare of both, and particularly of the colonies, that 
the constitutional powers and rights of each, be 
enquired into, delineated and fully ascertained. 

That his majesty's subjects of America, are 
entitled to the same rights and liberties as those 
of Great Britain, and that these ought, in justice, 
by the constitution, to be as well guaranteed and 
secured, to the one, as to the other, are too ap- 
parent to be denied. 

It is, by this house, humbly conceived, to be 
likewise undeniable, that the authority as.sumed, 
and now forcibly exercised by parliament, over 
the colonies, is utterly subversive of freedom in 
the latter; and that, while his majesty's loyal .sub- 
jects in America have the mortification, daily, to 
see new ahndgemeuts of their rights and liberiies, 
they have not the least security for those which 
at present remain. Were the colonists only af- 
fected by a legislature, subject to their control, 
t'ley would, even then, have no other security than 
belongs to them by the laws of nature, and the 
English constitution; but should the authority, 
now claimed by parliament, be fully supported by 
power, or submitted to by the colonies, it appears 
CO this house that there will be an end to liberty 
in America; and that the colonists will then change 
the name of freemen for that of slaves. 

In order to adjust and settle these important 
concerns, the free and magnanimous Burgesses of 
Vi"ginia have proposed a method for uniting the 
councils of its sister colonies; and it appearing to 
this house to be a measure very wise and salutary, 
is cheerfully received and heartily adopted. 

W'ith great respect for your honorable assembly, 
and in confidence, that a matter, which so nearly 
affects the safety of each colony, will be assisted 
by its wise councils, permit this house to enclose 
a copy of resolutions, la'ely entered into here, and 
to request you to comni'»*jicate the same at acoH' 
venient opportunity. 

THOMAS GUSHING, speaker. 

[June 2, 1773, the galleries having been cleared, 
oy a vote of the house, Mr. S. Adams observed, 
"that he perceived the minds of the people wei*e 
much agitated by a report, tltat letters of an ex* 



portant. li was supposed that many persons, ,. , , j . .... j ^ ^ 

suspected ofburnnig the Gaspee, would have been ^•■^"'•'^'"^''y "'^^"^'^ ^^^^ ^^^" *""^" '''''^ "^"^ *<* 

sent to England tor trial. iEngland, greatly to the prejudice of this province 



i9G 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



that he had obtained certain letters, with different ibeen made by all his governors, ever since its first 
signatures, with the consent of the gentlenian, publication, make it proper for me to communicate 
from whom he received them, that they should the order to both houses, 
be read in the house, under certain restrictions. 



namely, that the said letters be neither printed nor 
copied, in whole, or in part," — and lie accordingly 
offered them for the Consideration of the house. 



I am required to signify to you his majesty's 
disapprobation of the appointment of committees 
of correspondence, in various instances, which sit 



A vote then passed, that the letters be read; and i and act, during the recess of the general court, by 



prorogation. 



T. HUTCHINSON. 



they were read accordingly: being signed, Thomas 
Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver, Charles Paxton, Ro- 
bert Auchmuty, &c. The whole house was then 
resolved into a committee, to take said letters 
into consideration, and the house adjourned to the 
afternoon. Mr. Hancock, from the committee of 
the whole house, rep(Jrtei1, that the committee 

were of opinion, the tendency and design of thelth^t ^is mnjesty has been pleased to put an end to 
said letters was to overthrow the constitution of 



EXTBACT FHOM THE ANSWER OF THE HOUSE OV RB- 
rntSENTATIVES TO THE GOVERJCOH, 

February 5, 1 774f. 
J\fay it please your excellency, 

It affords great satisfaction to this house to find. 



this government, and to introduce arbitrary power 
into the province, and the report was accepted, 
101 to 5. A comrr.ittee of nine was, thereupon, 
chosen, to consider what was proper to be done, in 
reference to the letters aforesaid; and the speaker, 
(Mr. Gushing,) Mr. Admas, Mr. Hancock, Mr. Gor 
ham, Mr. Pickering, maj. Hawley, col. Warren, Mr, 
Payne and major Fester, were chosen.] 

IXTHACT rnOM THE GOVERSGr's MESSAGE TO THE TWO 
HOUSES, JANUARY 26, 1774. 

Gentlemen of the council, and 

Genilemen of the house of representatives. 
The judicial proceedings of the governor and 
council, as the supreme court of Probate, and as 
the court for determining in cases of marriage and 
divorce, having been impeded in many instances, 
where the opinion of the governor has been dif- 
ferent from that of the majority of councellors 
present, the governor having always considered 
his consent as necessary to every judicial act. In 
the year 1771i I stated the arguments, as well 
against as for the claim of the governor; and his 
majesty having been pleased to order the case thus 
stated, to be laid before the lords of his majesty's 
most honorable privy couiicil, I am now able to 
inform you, that it has been signified to me, to be 
his majesty's pleasure, that I do acquiesce in the 
determination of the majority of counsellors pre- 
sent, voting as a court for proving wills and ad- 
ministration, and deciding controversies concern- 
ing marriage and divorce, although I should differ 
in opinion from that majority. This order more 
immediately respects the council; nevertheless, 
the tender regard which his majesty has shewn for 
the interest and convenience of his subjects, in a 
construction of the charter, different from what bad 



an undue claim, heretofore made by the governors 
of this province, grounded upon a supposition 
that the consent of the chair was necessary to the 
validity of the judicial acts of the governor and 
council. Whereby their proceedings, when sitting 
as the supreme court of Probate, and as the court 
for determining in cases of marriage and divorce, 
have been so often impeded. The royal order, 
that the governor shall acquiesce in the determina- 
tion of the majority of the council, respects not 
the council only, but the body of the people of 
this province. And his majesty has therein shewed 
his regard to justice, as well as the interest and 
convenience of his subjects, in rescuing a clause 
in the charter from a construction which, in the 
opinion of this house, was repugnant to the express 
meaning and intent of the charter, inconsistent with 
the idea of a court of justice, and dangerous to the 
rights and property of the subject. 

Your excellency is pleased to inform the twe 
houses, that you are required to signify to them 
his majesty's disapprobation of the appointment 
of committees of correspondence, in various in- 
stances, which sit and act, during the recess of the 
general court, by prorogation. You are not pleased 
to explain to us the grounds and reasons of his 
majesty's disapprobation: until we shall have such 
explanation laid before us, a full answer to this 
part of your speech will not be expected from us. 
We cannot, however, omit saying, upon this occa- 
sion, that while the common rights of the Ameri- 
can subjects, continue to be attacked in various 
instances, and at times when the several assemblies 
are not sitting, it is highly necessary that they 
should correspond with each other, in order to 
unite in the most effectual means for the obtaining 
a redress of their grievances. And as the sittinjj 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



297 



of the general assemblies in this, and most of the 
colonies, depends upon the pleasure of the gover- 
nors, Mfho hold themselves under the direction of 
administration, it is tol^e expected, that the meet- 
ing of the assemblies will be so ordered, as that 
the intention proposed by a correspondence be- 
tween them, will be impracticable, but by com- 
mittees, to sit and act in the recess. We would, 
moreover, observe that, as it has been the practice 
• for years past for the governor and lieutenant go- 
vernor of this province, and olher officers of the 
crown, at all times, to correspond with ministers 
of state, and persons of distii'.ction and influence 
in the nation, in order to concert and carry on such 
measures of the British administration, as have 
been deemed by the colonists to be grievous to 
them, it cannot be thought unreasonable, or im- 
proper, for the colonists to correspond with their 
agents, as well as with each other, to the end, thsit 
tlieir grievances may be so explained to his ma- 
jesty, as tha*, in his justice, he may aflTord then, 
necessary relief. As this province has heretofore 
felt the great misfortune of the displeasure of our 
sovereign, by means of misrepresentations, permit 
us further to say, there is room to apprehend tliat 
his majesty has, in this instance, been misinformed; 
and that there are good grounds to suspect, that 
those who may have misinformed him, have had in 
meditation furthermeasuresdestructive to the colo 
flies, wliich they were apprehensive v/ould be de- 
feated by means of committees of correspondence, 
sitting and acting in the recess of the respective 
assemblies. 

It must be pleasing to the good people of this 
province, to find that the heavy debt which had 
been incurred by their liberal aids, fhrough the 
course of the late war, for the subduing his ma- 
jesty's inveterate enemies, and extending his ter- 
ritory and dominion in America, is so nearly dis- 
charged. Whenever the house of representatives 
shall deem it incumbent upon them to provide for 
any future charges, it will be done, as it ought, by 
such ways and means as, after due deliberation, to 
them shall seem meet. 

In the mean time, this house will employ the 
powers with which they are entrusted, in suport 
ing his majesty's just authority in the province, 
according to the royal charter, and in despatching 
such public business as now properly lies before 
us. And, while we pursue such measures s.z tend, 
by God's blessing, to the redress of grievances, 
and to the restoration and establishment of the 
public liberty, we persuade ourselves., tliac we 



shall, at the same time, as far as in us lies, most 
effectually secure the tranquility and good order 
of the government, and the great end for which it 
was instituted, the safety and welfare of the peo» 
pie. 

[The committee, by whom the forei^oing was 
reported, were, the speaker, Mr. S. Adams, Mr. 
Hancock, col. Warren, col. Thayer, col. Bowers, 
and captain Derby.] 

[Uefove the general court of Massachusetts se* 
pirated, in June, 1?T4, they elected live delegates, 
to meet sucli as should be cliosen by the other colo- 
nies, to convene at Philadelphia, to consider the 
critical and alar.-ning situation of the country. — 
They met in September, 1774, and delegates from 
all the otlier provinces, (except Georgia, which, 
however, soon afterwards joined the confederacy,) 
convened there, at that period, and formed the 
iiist continental congress. The following gentle- ^ 
met! were appointed delegates: Thomas Gushing, 
Samuel Adams, Robert T. Paine, James Bowdohi, 
and John Adams. And as the general court w:is dis- 
solved, it was also proposed to have a provincial 
congress, or meeting of deputies, from every town 
in this state. Deputies were accordingly chosen, 
and met at Salcin, October 7th, 1774. An adjourn- 
ment was immediately voted, to Concord, John 
Hancock, was chosen president, and Benjamin 
Lincoln, secretary. A committee was appointed 
to consider the s;ate of the province, consisting of 
the following gentlemen, viz, the pre.jideut, Joseph 
Hawley, Dr. Joseph Warren, Samuel D.;xter, col. 
Ward, col. Warren, captain ilealh, col. Lee, Dr. 
Church, Dr. Holtan, Mr. Gerry, col. Tying, captain 
llobinson, major Foster, and Mr. Gorliam. The 
day following, the committee reported a message 
to governor Gage, which was accepted, and is as 
follows:] 

MESSAGE rnOM THi: PnOVtNCIAL CO'«GHESS, SITTINBAT 
CONCOKD, TO UlS F.XCELLK.VCr GO-S'liUSOR GAGE. 

J/aj' it p'e.a&e your excellency. 

The delegates, from the several towns in the 
province of Massachusetts Bay, convened in con- 
grass, beg leave to address you. Tiie distressed 
and miserable state of the province, occasio.ned 
by the intolerable grievances and oppressions to 
which the people are subjected, and the danger 
and destruction to which they are expi; ed, of 
which your excellency must be sensible, and the 
want of a general assembly, have rendered it 
indispensably necessary to collect the wisdom of 
the province, Jjy their delegates, in this congress, 



S.9i 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Pene'raled with tlie mosv poignant concern, and 
ardently solicitious to preserve union and harmony 
between Great Britain and the colonies, necessary 
to the well being of both, we entreat your excel- 
lency to remove that brand of contention, the 
fortress at the entrance of Boston. We are much 
concerned that you should have been induced 4.0 
construct it, and thereby causelessly excite such a 
spirit of rciientment auJ indignation, us now gene- 
rally prevails. 



to concert some adequate remedy for prevewting 
impending ruin, and providing for the public safety. 

It is with the utmost concern we see your hostile 
preparations, which have spread such alarm through 
the province and the whole continent, as threaten } 
to involve us in ail tlie confusion and horrors of I 
civil war: and, wbiie we contemi)late an event sol 
deeply to be regretted by every good man, it must I 
occasion the surprise and astonishment of all man- 
kind, that such measures are pursued, against a I 
people, wliose love of order, attachment to Britain, We assure you, that the good people of this 
and loyalty to their prince, have ever been truly colony never have had the least intention to do 
exemplary. Your excellency must be sensible, that I any injury to his majesty's troops; but, on the con- 
trary, most earnestly desire, that every obstacle 
to treating them as fellow subjects may be im- 
mediately removed: but are constrained to tell 
your excellency, that the minds of the people will 
never be relieved, till those hostile works are 
demolished. And we request you, as you regard 
his majesty's honor and interest, the dignity, and 
happiness of the empire, and the peace and wel- 
fare of this province, that you iiniriediately desist 
from the fortress, now constructing at the south 
entrance into the town of Boston, and restore the 
pass to its natural state. 



the sole end of government is the protection and 
security of the people: whenever, therefore, that 
power, which was originally instituted to effect 
these important and valuable purposes, is employed 
to harass and enslave the people, in this case it 
becomes a curse, rather than a blessing. 

The most painful apprehensions are excited in 
our minds, by the measures now pursuing; the 
rigorous execution of the (Boston) port bill, with 
improved severity, must certainly reduce the capi- 
tal and its numerous dependences to a state of 
poverty and ruin. Th» acts for altering the char- 
ter,* and the administration of justice in the 
colony, are manifestly designed to abridge this 
people of their rights, and to license murders; 
and, if carried into execution, will reduce them to 
slavery. The number of troops in the capital, 
increased by daily accessions drawn from the whole 
continent, together with the formidable and hostile 
preparations which you are now making on Bos- 
ton Neck, in our opinion, greatly endanger the 
lives, liberties, and property, not only of our 
.brethren in the town of Boston, but of this pro- 
vince in general. Permit us to ask your excel- 
lency, whether an inattentive and unconcerned 
acquiescence to such alarming, such menacing 
measures, would not evidence a state of insanity? 
Or, whether the delaying to take every possible 
precaution for the security of this province, would 
not be the most criminal neglect in a people, here 
tofore rigidly and justly tenacious of their con- 
stituted rights? 



ADDIIESS OF THE IROVISCTAL CONGRESS TO THE INHA- 
BITANTS OF THE TOWMS AS JJ UISTRICTS OF MASSA- 
CHUSETTS -DAT. 

December 4, 177A. 
Friends and brethren: 

At a time when the good people of this colony 
were deprived of their laws, and tiie administra- 
tion of justice; when the cruel oppressions brought 
on their capital had stagnated almost all their com- 
merce; when a standing army was illegally posted 
among us, for the express purpose of enforcing 
submission to a system of tyranny; and when the 
general court was, with the same design, prohibit- 
ed to sit; we were chosen, and empowered by you, 
to assemble and consult upon measures necessary 
for our common safety and defence. With much 
anxiefy for the common welfare, we have attended 
this service, and upon the coolest deliberation, have 
adopted the measures recommended to you. 



We have still confidence in the wisdom, justice, 
and goodness of our sovereign, as well as in the 
mtegrity, humanity, and good sense of the nation. 
And, if we had a reasonable expectation that the 
truth of facts would be made known in England, 



•In June of this year, an act of parliament was 
passed, revoking that part of the charter, which 
allowed the representatives of the people to elect 
counsellors; and the king, with the advice of his 
ministers, was empowered to appoint th'em; and, 

in Au^ist, he accordingly appointed others, com- I we should entertain the most pleasing hopes, that 
monly called mandamus counsellors; being wholly Ue measures concerted by the colonies, jointly 
independent of the people, and holding their office 

of the crown, they were likely to be (it inslruoients ''"'^ severally, would procure a full redress of our 
of opprcistOii and tjranHy. 'grievances: but we are construmed in j'.ttice to 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



£99 



Vf)ii, to ourselves, and posterity, to say, that the 
incessant and unrelenting malice of our enemies 
lias been so successful, as to fill t'le court and 
kingdom of Great Britain with falsehood and 
calumnies concerning us, and excite the most bit- 
ter and groundless prejudices against us; that the 
sudden dissolution of parliament, and the hasty 
summons for a new election, gives us reason to 
apprehend that a majority of the house of com- 
mons will be again elected, under the influence of 
an arbitrary ministry; and that the i^eneral tenor 
of our intelligence from Great Britain, with the 
frequent reinforcements of the army and navy at 
Boston, excites the strongest jealousy, that the 



and provincial congress; and, v/hile it censures 
its ov/n individuals counteracting those plans, 
that it be not deceived, or divei-ted from its duty, 
by rumors, should any take place, to the prejudice 
of other communities. Your provincial congresses, 
we have reason to hope, will hold up the tov/ns, if 
:iny should b° so lost, as not to act tlieir parts; 
and Hone can doubt, that the continental congress 
will rectify errors, should any take place, in any 
colony, through the subtilty of our enemies. Surely, 
no arguments can be necessary to excite you to 
tlie most strict adherence to the American associa- 
tion, since the minutest deviation iH one colony, 
especially in this, will probably be misrepresented 



system of colony administration, so unfriendly to i in the others, to discourage their general zeal and 
the protestant religion, and destructive of A.meri. perseverance, wjiich, however, we assure ourselves, 
can liberty, is still to be pursued, and attempted | cannot be efiected. 

with force, to be carried into execution. | ^^j^jj^ ^,^g fj^.;^;^,^ ministry are suffered, with a 

You are placed, by Providence, in a post of! high hand, to tyrannize over America, no part of it, 
honor, because it is a post of danger; and while we presume, can be negligent in guarding against 
struggling for the noblest objects, the liberties of; the ravages threatened by the standing army, now 
our country, the happiness of posterity, and rights in Boston; these troops will, undoubtedly, be em- 
of human nature, the eyes, not only of North Ame-i ployed in attempts to defeat the association which 
rica and the whole British empire, but of all Ku- our enemies cannot but ftfar will eventually defeat 
rope, are upon you. Let us be, therefore, altogether them; and, so sanguin?,ry are those our enemies, 
solicitous that no disorderly behavior, nothing un- as we have reason to think, so thirsty for the blood 
becoming our character, as Americans, as citizens, | of this innocent people, who are only contending for 



and Christians, be justly chargeable to us. 

Whoever, with a small degree of attention, con- 
templates the commerce between Great Britain and 
America, will be convinced that a total stoppage 
thereof will soon produce, in Great Britain, such 
dangerous effects, as cannot fail to convince the 
ministry, the parliament, and people, that it is 



their rights, that v/? should be guilty of the most 
unpardonable neglect, siiould we not apprize you 
of your danger, which appears to us imminently 
great, and ought attentively to be guarded against. 
The improvement of the militia in general, in the 
military art, has been therefore tliought necessary, 
and strongly recommended by this congress. We 



their interest and duty to grant us relief. Who- "^^^ think, that particular care should be taken by 



ever considers the number of brave men inhabiting 
North America, well know, that r- general atten- 
tion to military discipline must so establish their 
rights and liberties as, under God, to render it 
impossibfce for an arbitrary minister of Britain to 
destroy them. These are facts, which our ene- 
mies are apprized of, and if they will not be in- 
fluenced byprinciples of justice, toalter their cruel 
measures towards America, these ought to lead 
them thereto. They, however, hope to effect by 



the towns and districts in this colony, that each of 
the minute men, not already provided therewith, 
should be immediately equipped with an effective 
fire-arm, bayonet, pouch, knapsack, thirty rounds 
of cartridges and ball, and that they be discipUned 
three times a week, and oftener, as opportunity 
may offer. 

To encourage these, our worthy countrymen, to 
obtain the skill of complete soldiers, we recom- 
mend it to the town.s, and districts, furtliwilh to 



stratagem what they may not obtain by power, and [pay their own minute men a reasonable considera- 
are using arts, by the assistance of base scribblers, I tion for their services; and, in case of a general 
who undoubtedly receive their bribes, and by many | muster, their further services must be recompensed 



other means, to raise doubts and divisions through- 
out the colonies. 

To de.'^eat their Vvricked designs, we think it 
necfbS.iy to:- each town to be particuLu-ly care- 
ful, str;ctiy to execute the pUas of tiie cfi.itiiientai 



by the province. An attention to discipline in the 
militia, in general, is, however, by no means to be 
neglected. 

With the utmost cheerfulness, we assure you 
of our determinalion to stand or fail with the li^ 



300 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



berties of America; and while we humbly implore 
the Sovereign Disposer of all thing's, to whose 
Divine Providence the rights of his creatures can- 
not be indiflerent, to correct tlie errors and alter 
the measures of an infatuated ministry, we cannot 
doubt of his support, even in the extreme difficul- 
ties which we all may have to encounter. May 
all means devised, for our safety, by the general 
congress of America, and assemblies or conven- 
ticns of the colonies, be resolutely executed, and 
iiappily succeeded; and may this injured people be 
reins'ated in. the full exercise of their rights, with- 
out tlie evils and devastations of civil war. 

JoliiiChanipe. 

rUOM THK HTCHMO?JD COMriLF.Ii. 

Some person in a late Compiler having asked, 
with at least the semblance of sincerity, whether 
Slaughter qir Champe was sent to arrest the traitor 
Arnold? I beg leave to inform him, upon the testi- 
mony of Henry Lee, that Champe was the distin- 
guished soldier selected for this highly honorable, 
and most confidential business, by major Lee, at 
the request of general Washington. Lee, in his 
memoirs of the war in the southern states, thus 
describes the hero, and his adventure:— 

"He was a native of Loudon county, in Virginia, 
about twenty-three or twenty-four years of age; 
that he had enlisted in V6— rather above the 
common size — full of bone, and muscle; with a 
saturnine countenance; grave, thoughtful and 
taciturn — of tried courage and inflexible persever- 
ance, and as likely to reject an offer coupled with 
ignominy, as any officer in the corps; a commission 
being the goal of his long and anxious exertions, 
and certain on the first vacancy." 

[It will be proper here to premise, that although 
Champe was young, ardent, and devoted to bis 
country's cause, and thirstmg for military fame; 
' yet his noble and magnanimous soul revolted at 
tl'.e idea of doing any think underhanded, or that 
had even the shadow of a deviation from the paths 
of cliivalry, r.nd the high notions of honor which 
glowed in every Ainerican bosoni. — —At last, how- 
ever, Champe, convinced that no action stampt 
ivlth ihe approbation of the commander in chief, 
could be other than laudable and worthy of a 
soldier's best exertions, he engaged in the inter- 
prize with alftcrity and zeal; and after all the plans 
of Washington were fully explained to him by 
jnajor Lee, it was determined that, to give a greater 
chance of success, that Champe should enter the 
fneinjes lines as a deserter! and accordingly be did 



desert.] — "Evidently discernible as were the diffi- 
culties in the way, no relief could be administered 
by major Lee, lest it might induce a belief that he 
was privy to the desertion, which opinion getting 
to the enemy, would involve the life of Champe., 
The si^rjeant was left to his own resources and 
to his own management, with the declared deter- 
mination that, in case his departure should be dis- 
covered before morning, Lee would take care to 
delay pursuit as long as was practicable." 

"Giving to the scrjeant three guineas, and pre- 
senting his best wishes, he recommended him to 
start without delay, and enjoined him to communi- 
cate his arrival in New-York as soon thereafter as 
might be practicable. Champe pulling out his 
vt^atch, compared it with the major's, reminding the 
latter of the importance of holding back pursuit, 
which he was convinced would take place during 
the night, and which might be fatal, as he knew 
that he should be obliged to zig-zag in order to 
avoid the patroles, which would consume time. It 
was now 11 o'clock: He returned to camp,* and 
taking his cloak, valice, and orderly book, he drew 
his horse from the picket, and mounting him, put 
himself upon fortune. Lee, charmed with his ex- 
peditious consummation of the first part of his 
enterprize, retired to rest. Useless attempt! The 
past scene could not be obliterated; and, indeed, 
had that been pi'acticable, the interruption which 
ensued would have stopped repose. 

"Within half an hour, captain Carnes, officer of 
the day, waited upon the major, and, with con- 
siderable emotion, told him that one of the patrole 
had fallen in with a dragoon, who, being challenged, 
put spur to his horse and escaped, though instantly 
pursued. Lee, complaining of the interruption, 
and pretending to be extremely fatigued by his 
ride to and from head-quarters, answered as if he 
did not understand what had been said, which 
compelled the captain to repeat it. Who can the 
fellow that was pursued be? enquired the major; 
adding, a countryman, probably. No, replied the 
captain, the patrole sufficiently distinguished him 
to know that he was a dragoon; propably one from 
the army, if not certainly of our own. This idea 
was ridiculed from its improbability, as during the 
whole war but a single dragoon had deserted from 
the legion. This did not convince Carnes, so much 
stress was it now the fashion to lay on the deser- 
tion of Arnold, and the probable effect of his 
example. The captain withdrew to examine the 



*From Lee's Marque, where they had been con- 
sulting on the best plan of the proposed desertion. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Sftl 



squadron of horse, whom he had ordered to assem- 1 enaMed the pursuinpr dr.goons to take the trail of 
ble in pursuance of established usage on such oc-jhis horse; knowing", as officer and trooper did, the 
casions. Vory quickly he retui-ned, stating that! make of their shoes, whose impression was an 
tSe scoundrel* was known, and no other person unerring guide. 



than the serjeant major, who had gone off with his 

horse, baggage, and orderly book — so presumed, 
as neither the one nor the other could be found. 
Sensibly affected at the supposed baseness of a 
«oldier extremely respected, the captain added that 
he had ordered a party to make ready for pursuit,^ 
and begged the major's written orders. 

"Occasionally this discourse was Interrupted, and 
every idea suggested which the excellent character 
of the sergeant warranted, to induce the suspicion 
that he had not deserted, but had taken the libs-r^y 
to leave camp with a view to personal pie iSure: 
an example, said Lee, too often set by the officer- 



"When Middleton dep[irted, it was a few minutes 
past twelve; so that Champe had only the start of 
rather more than an hour — by no means as long as 
was desired. Lee became very unhappy, not only 
because the estimable and gallant Champe might 
be injured, but lest the enierprize might be delay- 
ed; and he spent a sleepless night. The pursuing 
party duringthenight, was, on their part, delayed by 
the necessary halts to examine the road, as the im- 
pression of ihe horse's shoes directed their course; 
tiiis was unfortunately loo evident, no other horse 
uiving passed along the road since the shower- 
When the day broke, Middleton was no longer 



themselves, destructive as it was of discipline, fo„na to halt, and he pressed on with rapidity, 
opposed asitwristo orders, and disastrous as it Ascending an eminence before he reached the 
might prove to the corps in the course of the ser.|tj,,ee pjdgeons, some miles on the north of the 

village of Bergen, (Jersey) as the pursuing party 
reached its summit, Champe was discovered not 
more than half a mile infront, resembling an Indian 
in his vigilance. The serjeant at the same mo- 
ment discovered the party, (whose object he was 
no stranger to,j and giving spur to his horse, he 
determined to outstrip his pursuers. Middleton,' 
at the same instant put his horses to the top of 
their speed; and being (as the legion all were) 



"Some little delay was thus interposed, but it 
being now announced that the pursuing parly was 
ready, major Lee directed a change in the-officer, 
saying that he had a particular service m view, 
^hich he had determined to entrust to the lieut. 
ready for duty, and which probably must be per- 
formed in the morning. He therefore directed 
him to summon cornet Middleton for the present 



command. Lee was induced thus to act, first to well acquainted with the country, he recollected 
add to the delay, and next from his knowledge of a short route through the woods to the bridge 
the tenderness of Middleton's disposition, which below Bergen, which diverged from the great 
he hoped would lead to the protection of Champe, road just after you gain the Three Pidgeons.— 

should he be taken. Within ten minutes Mid [Reaching the point of separation he halted, and 

dleton appeared to receive orders, which were dividing his party, directed a serjeant with a few 



delivered to him made out in the customary form, 
and signed by the major. 'Pursue so far as you 
can with safety, serjeant Champe, who is suspected 
of deserting to the enemy, and has taken the road 
leading to Pauler's Hook. Bring him alive thai 
he may suffer in the presence of the army; but kill 
bim if he resists or escapes after being taken.* 



dragoons to take the near cut, and possess, with 
all possible despatch the bridge, while he with the 
residue followed Champe; not doubting but that 
Champe must deliver himself up, as he would be 
closed between himself and his serjeant. Champe 
did not forget the short cut, and would have taken 
it himself, but he knew it was the usual route of 
our parties when retarnlng in the way from the 
neighborhood of the enemy, properly preferring 



"Detaining the cornet a few minutes longer in 

advising him what course to pursue urgi«g him 

^ , , ex., 1 • the woods to the road.— He consequently avoided 

to take care of the horse and accoutrements, jfj. , t. j 

■t; and persuaded that Middleton would avail hlm- 



recovered— and enjoining him to be on his guard, 
lest he might, by his eager pursuit, improvidenliy 
fall into the hands of the enemy, the major dis- 
missed Middleton, wishing him success. A shower 
of rain fell soon after Champe's departure, which 

*The reader will understand, that Washington 
and Lee were the only persons acquainted with the 
facts in this case. 



self of it, wisely resolved to relinguish his inten. 
tion of getting to Pauler's Hook, and to seek 
refuge from two British galleys, lying a few miles 
to the west of Bergen, 

"This was a station always occupied by one or 
more galleys, and which it was known now lay 
there. Entering the village of Bergen, .Champe 



S02 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



turned to his right, and disguised his change of 
course as much as he could by taking the beaten 
streets, turning as they turned; he passed through 
the village and took the road towards Elizabeth 
town Point, Middleton'sserjeantgainedthebridge, 
when he conceived himself ready to pounce upon 
Champe when he came up; and Middleton pursuing 
his course through Bergen, soon got also to the 
bridge, when to his extreme mortification he found 
that the serjeant had slipped through his fingers. 
Returning up the road, he enquired of the villagers 
of Bergen, whether a dragoon had been seen that 
morning preceding his party? He was answered 
in the affirmative, but could learn nothing satis- 
factory as to the route he took. While engaged 
in eiquiries himself, he spread his party through 
the village to take the trail of Champe's horse, a 



as would more efl^ectually mislead. After this 
examination he was consigned to the care of ge- 
neral Arnold, and by him retained in his former 
rank. AVashington hoped and believed, that the 
trial of Andre v.'ould occupy much time, and enable 
Champe to accomplish his designs. That gallant 
officer disdaining all subterfuge, completely foiled 
this hope, by broadly confessing the nature of his 
connexion with Arnold. The commander in chief 
offered to excliange Andre for Arnold, a proposal 
sir Henry Clinton, for obvious motives, declined. 
Had this gallant ofiicer protracted his trial, and 
the plot proved successful, the life of Andre would 
have been saved, not by the intrigues of sir Henry 
Clinton, but of Washington in his favor. The 
honest and precipitate intrepidity of the British 
officer defeated this benevolent project, and no 



resort always recurred to. Some of his dragoons alternative remained but a speedy death. The 
hit it just as the serjeant, leaving the village, got serjeant, unfortunate as he was in this, was more 
in the road leading to the Point. Pursuit was J successful in obtaining evidence the most full and 
renewed with vigor, and again Champe was dis- 1 satisfactory, that the suspicions resting on several 



covered. He, apprehending the event, had pre- 
pared himself for it, by lashing his valice, (contain, 
jnghis cloathes and orderly book) on his shoulders, 
and holding a drawn sword in his hand, having 
thrown away its scabbard. This he did to save 
what was indispensable to him, and to prevent any 
interruption to swimming by the scabbard, should 
Middleton, as he presumed, when disappointed at 
the bridge, take the measures adopted by him. The 
pursuit was rapid and close, as the stop occasioned 
by the Serjeant's preparation for swimming had 
brought Middleton within two or three hundred 
yards. As soon as Champe got abreast of the 
galleys, he dismounted, and running through the 
marsh to the river, plunged into it, calling upon 
the galleys for help. This was readily given; they 
fired upon our horse, and sent a bo.'.t to meet 
Champe, who was taken on board, and conveyed 
to New- York, with a letter from the captain of 
the galley stating the past scene, all of which he 
had seen." 

[ Champe's affair covtinited, from another paper."] 
Washington was highly pleased with the result 
of his adventure. The eagerness of the pursuit 
he thought would be decisive evidence to the 
British commander, that this was a real and not 
a feigned desertion. Champe was immediately 
brought before sir Henry Clinton, and questioned 
by him on a variety of subjects, and amongst the 
rest, if any American officers luere suspected of deser- 
tion, and -who those officers were. The serjeant was 
forewarned on this point, and gave such answers 



American officers were foul calumnies, and a 
forgery of the enemy. He now determined on 
making one bold attempt for the seizure of Arnold, 
Having been allowed, at all times, free access to 
Arnold, marked all his habits and movements, he 
awaited only a favorable opportunity for the execu- 
tion of his project. He had ascertained that Arnold 
usually retired to rest about twelve, and that pre- 
vious to this, he spent some time in a private 
garden, adjoining his quarters. He was there to 
have been seized, bound, and gagged, and under 
the pretext that he was a soldier in a state of 
intoxication, to have been conveyed through bye 
paths, and unsuspected places to a boat laying in 
readiness, in the river Hudson. Champe engaged 
two confederates, and major Lee, who co operated 
in the plan, received timely intelligence of the 
night fixed on for its execution. At the appointed 
time that officer, attended by a small party well 
mounted, laid in wait on the other side of the 
Hudson with two spare horses, one for Champe, 
and the other for Arnold. The return of day light 
announced the discomfiture of the plan, and Lee 
and his party retired to the camp with melancholy 
forebodings that the life of the gallant serjeant 
had been sacrificed to his zeal in the service of his 
country. Consoling was the intelligence, shortly 
after received from the confederates, that on the 
nig':t preceeding the one fixed for Arnold's arrest, 
that officer had shifted his quarters. It appeared 
that he was employed to superintend the embarka- 
tion of certain troops, composed chiefly of Ameri- 
can deserters, and it was appiehended that unless 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



>(ys 



Ihey were removed from their barracks, which 
were adjacent to the shore, many might seize that 
opportunity to escape. This attempt was never 
afterwards renewed. On the junction of Arnold 
with lord Cornwallis, in Virginia, the serjeant 
found means to elude the vigilance of the British 
lines, and to reach in safety the army of general 
Greene. Having been furnished by that officer 
with the means of escaping to Washington's camp, 
he arrived there to. the astonishment and joy of his 
old confederates in arms. 

When Wasliington assumed the command of the 
army under president Adams, he caused strict en- 
quiry to be made for ihe aoan who had so honorably 
distinguished himself, intending to honor such 
tried fidelity with military promotion, and heard 
to his great sorrow that he died but a short time 
before, in the state bf Kentucky. These facts are 
taken and condensed from the giteresling manu- 
scrip of major general Lee. 

Ann Seward, in her monody on the death of ma- 
jor Andre, thus speaks of the character of Wash- 
ington: 

Oh Washington! I thought thee great and good, 
Nor knew thy Nero thirst for guiltless blood: 
Severe to use the power that fortune gave. 
Thou cool determined murderer'of the brave. 
Remorseless Washington! the day shall oome 
Of deep repentance for this barbarous doom; 
When injured Andre's mem'ry shall inspire, 
A kindling army with resistless fire. 
Each faulchion sharpen that the Britons wield. 
And lead th'iir fiercest lion to the field; 
Then, when each hope of thine shall end in night, 
When dubious dread, and unavailing flight. 
Impel your haste, thy guilt upbraided soul 
Shall wish untouch'd, the precious life you stole: 
And when thy heart, appail'd and vanquish'd pride, 
•Shall vainly ask the mercy you denied; 
With horror shalt thou meet the fate thou gave, 
Nor pity gild the darkness of thy grave. 

Thus does poetic petulance dispense its invec- 
tive. We will now ask, who accelerated the death of 
Andre? Who made the extension of mercy toward 
him an act of mistaken mercy and of criminal 
indulgence.' Unquestionably sir Henry Clinton? 
Unquestionably tlieman who was propagating these 
false alarms of treason in the American camp. He 
rendered this severe measure for common security 
perfectly indispensable, as the commander in chief 
could not, at that time, know but what those who 
shared his confidence the most, where the most 



deeply implicated in Arnold's machinations. Was 
he to reprieve the victim, and thus sanction to bis 
surrounding officers the treasdn of Arnold, by his 
own signature, or to mitigate the severity of his 
fate, and teach them by this example to hope for 
mercy if detected? It is not meant to criminate 
sir Henry Clinton. Such artifices are justifiable 
in war. That he did, however, by the promulgar 
tion of such reports, render the death of Andre 
inevitable, it is conceived impossible tft doubt. — 
The solicitude of Washington to save the life of 
this unfortunate man was such, that he hazarded 
one of the bravest of his own soldiers in the camp 
of the enemy, for that purpose; and nothing but a 
concurrence of unpvopitious circumstances, that 
could not have been foreseen by mortal eye, or 
guarded against, if they could have been, pre- 
vented its accomplishment. It is a singular fact, 
that while the British commander was liastening 
the death of Andre, Washington was exerting hita- 
self to ward off that calamity. 

Serjeant Jasper. 

Thefollowingbiographical sketch of Serjeant Jas« 
PEB, whose name has been given to one of the coun- 
ties of Georgia, in commemoration of his gallant 
deeds and signal services during the revolutionary 
war, is extracted from the second vol. of M'CaU's 
history of Georgia. 

"The conduct of serjeant Jasper, meets particsv 
Lr notice in the history of Georgia, and his name 
is entitled to a page in the history of fame, while 
many others, high in rank, might jastJy be for- 
gotten. He w^ a man of strong mind, but as it 
had not been cultivated by education, he modestly 
declined the acceptance of a commission, which 
was offered to him. At the commencement of the 
war, he enli.sted in the second South Carolina regi- 
ment of infantry, comaianded by colonel Moultrie. 
He distinguished himself ia a particular manner, 
at the attack which was made upon fort Moultrie, 
on Sullivan's Island, on the 28th of June, 1776. In 
the warmest part of that contest, the flag- staff was 
severed by a csnnon bail, aad the flag fell to the 
bottom of the ditch on the outside of the works. 
This accident was considered by the anxious inha,- 
bitants in Charleston, as putting an end to the 
contest by striking the American flag to the ene- 
my. The moment Jasper made the discovery that 
the flag had fallen, he jumped from one of the 
embrasures, and mounted the colors, which he 
lied to a. spunge-stafl^, and re-planted them on the 
parapet, where be supported them u.^til another 



504 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



fiag-stafF was procured. The subsequent activity 
and enterprize of this patriot, induced colonel 



where travellers often halt to refresh themselves 
with a coel draught from this pure fountain. Jasper 



■ 



Moultrie to give him a sort of roving commission,! and his companion considered this spot the most 



to go and come at pleasure, confident that he was 
always usefully employed. He was privileged to 
select such men from the regiment as he should 
c'loose to accompany him in his enterprizes. His 
parties consisted generally of five or six, and he 
often returned v/ith prisoners before Moultrie was 



favorable for their enterprize. They accordingly 
passed the guard and concealed themselves near 
the spring. When the enemy came up they halted, 
and only two of the guard remained with the pri- 
soners, while the others leaned their guns against 
trees in a careless manner and went to the spring. 



ar>nrised of his absence. Jasper was distinguished! Jasper and Newton sprung ftom their place of 



for his humane treatment, when an enemy fell 
into his power. His ambition appears to have 
been limited to the characteristics of bravery, 
humanity and usefulness to the cause in which he 
was engaged. When it was in his power to kill, 



concealment, seized two of the muskets, and shot 
the sentinels. The possession of all the arms 
placed the enemy in their power, and compelled 
them to surrender. The irons were taken off, and 
arms put in the hands of those who had been pri- 



but not to capture, it was his practice to permit isoners, and the whole party arrived at Purysburgh 
a single prisoner to escape. By his cunning and | the next morning and joined the American camp, 
enterprize, he often succeeded in the capture of! There are but few instances upon record, where 
those who were lying in ambush for hira. He | personal exertions, even for self-preservation frons 

certain prospects of death, would have induced 
resort to an act so desperate of execution; how 
much more laudable was this, where the spring to 
action was roused by the lamentations of a female 
unknown to the adventurers. 



entered the British lines, and remained several 
days in Savannah, in disguise, and after informing 
himself of their strength and intentions, returned to 
the American camp with useful information to his 
commanding officer. In one of these excursions, 
an instance of bravery and humanity is recorded 
by the biographer of general Marion, which would 
stagger credulity, if it was not well attested. — 
While he was examining the British camp at 
Ebenezer, all the sympathy of his heart was 
awakened by the distresses of a Mrs. Jones, whose 
husband, an American by birth, had taken the 
king's protection, and been confined in irons for 
deserting the royal cause, after he had taken the 
oath of allegiance. Her well founded belief was, 
that nothing short of the life of her husband would 
atone for the offence with which he was charged, 
Anticipating the awful scene of a beloved husband 
expuing upon the gibbet, had excited inexpressible 
emotions of grief and distraction. 

"Jasper secretly consulted with his companion, 
Serjeant Newton, whose feelings for the distressed 
female and her child were equally excited with 
his own, upon the practicability of releasing Jones 
from hlis impending fate. Though they were unable 
to suggest a plan of operation, they were determin- 
ed to watch for the most favorable opportunity and 
make the effort. The departure of Jones, and 
several others (all in irons,) to Savannah, for trial. 



"Subsequent to the gallant defence at Sullivan's 
Island, colonel Moultrie's regiment was presented 
with a stand of colors by Mrs. Elliot, which she 
had richly embroidered with her own hands, and 
as a reward for Jasper's particular merits, gover- 
nor Rutledge presented him with a very handsome 
sword. During the assault against Savannah, twd 
officers had been killed and one wounded endeavor- 
ing to plant these colors upon the enemy's parapet 
of the Spring hill redoubt. Just before the retreat 
was ordered, Jasper endeavored to replace thera 
upon the works, and while he was in the act, re- 
ceived a mortal wound and fell into the ditch.-— 
When a retreat was ordered he recollected the 
honorable conditions upon which the donor pre- 
sented the colors to his regiment, and among the 
last acts of his life, succeeded in bringing them 
off. Major Horry called to see him soon after the 
retreat, to whom, it is said, he made the following 
communication: "I have got my furlough. That 
sword was presented to me by governor Rutledge, 
for my services in the defence of fort Moultrie— 
give it to my father, and tell him I have worn it 
with honor. If he should weep, tell him lys son 
binder a guard, consisting of a serjeant, corporal, 1 died in the hope of a better life. Tell Mrs. Elliot 
and tight men, was ordered upon the succeeding that I lost my life supporting the colors which she 
morning. Within two miles of Savannah, about presented to our regiment. If you should ever 
thirty yards from the main road, is a spring of fine see Jones, his wife, and son, tell them that Jasper 
water, surrounded by a deep and thick underwood, lis gone, but that the remembranoc of the battle 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



305 



which he fought for them, brought a eecret joy 
to his heart when it was about to stop its motion 
forever." He expired a few »iunutes after closing 
this sentence. 

FEMALE PATRIOTISM. 

From the Richmond Enguirer. 
The M. S. of the following interesting letter was 
p-,,r,tely forwarded to us by a gentleman of Balti- 
more, and was found among some old papers of a 
distinguished lady of Philadelphia.-It is a copy 
of a letter from a lady of Philadelphia to a British 
omcer at Boston, written immediately after the 
brittle of Lexington, and previous to the declara- 
tion of independence-It fully exhibits the feelings 
of those times.-A finer spirit never animated the 
breasts of the Roman matrons, than the following 
letter breathes: j 

Siu_We received a letter from you— wherein 
you let Mr. S. know that you had written after the 
b-ittle of Lexington, particularly to me-knowing 
,P.v martial spirit-that I would delight to read 
the exploits of heroes. Surely, my friend, you must 
mean the New England heroes, as they alone per- 
formed exploits worthy fame-while the regulars. 
Viistly superior in numbers, were obliged to retreat 
with a rapidity unequalled, except by the French 
at the battle of Minden. l.ideed, general Gage 
gives them their due praise in his letter home, 
where he says lord Percy was remarkable for his 
activity. You will not, I hope, take offence at any 
expression that, in the warmth of my heart, should 
escape me, when I assure you. that though we 
consider you as a public enemy, we regard you as 
a private friend; and while we detest the cause you 
are fighting for, we wish well to your own personal 
interest and safety. Thus far by way of apology 
As to the martial spirit you suppose me to possess 
you are greatly mistaken. I tremble at the thoughts 
of war; but of all wars, a civil one: our all is at 
stake; and we are called upon by every tye that is 
dear and sacred to exert the spirit that Heaven 
has given to us in this righteous struggle for li- 
berty. 

I will tell you what I have done. My only bro 
ther I have sent to the camp with my prayers and 
blessings; I hope he will not disgrace me; I am 
confident he will behave with honor, and emulate 
the great examples he has before him; and had I 
twenty sons and brothers they should go. I have 
retrenched every superfluous expense in my table 
and family; tea I have not drank since last Christ- 
mas, nor bought a new cap or grown since yo\:r 



defeat at Lexington, and what I never did before, 
have learnt to knit, and am now making stockings 
of American wool for my servants, and this way 
do I throw in my mite to the public good. I know 
this, that as free I can die but once, but as a slave 
I shall not be worliiy of life. I hive the pleasure 
to assure you that these are the sentiments of all 
imy sister Americans. They have sacrificed both 
assemblies, parties of pleasure, *ea drinking and 
finery to tliat great spirit of patriotism, that 
actuates all ranks and degrees of people through- 
out this extensive continent. If these are the sentl- 
ments of females, what must glow in the breasts 
of our husbands, brothers and sons.? They are as 
with one heart determined to die or be free. It 
is not a quibble in politics, a science which few 
understand, wliich we are contending for; it is this 
plain truth, which the most ignorant peasant knows, 
land is clear to the weakest capacity, that no man 
'has a right to take their money without their con- 
sent. The supposition is ridiculous and absurd, 
as none but higliwaymen and robbers attempt it. 
Can you, my friend, reconcile it with your own 
good sense, that a body of men in Great Britain, 
who have little intercourse with America, and of 
course know nothing of us, nor are supposed to 
see or feel the misery they would inflict upon us, 
shall inveiit themselves with a power to command 
our lives and properties, at all times and in all 
cases whatsoever? You say you are no politician. 
Oh, sir. it requires no Machiavelean head to develope 
this, and to discover this tyranny and oppression. 
It is written with a sun-beam. Every one will see 
and know it because it will make them feel, and 
we shall be unworthy of the blessings of Heaven, 
if we ever submit to it. 



All ranks of men amongst us are in arms.— 
Nothing is heard now in our streets but the trumpet 
and drum; and the universal cry is "Americans to 
arms" All your fneads are officers; there are 
captain S. D. lieut. B. and c*ptain J. S. We have 
five regunents in the city and county of Philadel- 
phia. complete in arms and uniform, and very ex- 
pert at their military mancuvres. We have com- 
paniesof lighthorse, light infantry, grenadiers nfle- 
men, and Indians, several companies of artillery, 
and some excellent brass cannon and field pieces. 
Add to this, that c^ry county in Pennsylvania, and 
Uie Delaware government, can send two thousand 

men to the field. Heaven seems to smile on us 
for in the memory of man never were known such 

quantities of Rux, and sheep without number.- 

We are making powder fast, and do HOt want for 



t; 



SOS 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



iin^.muriiuon. In short, we want for nothing bin 
ships of war to defend us, which we cowld procure 
by mak.iti;j alliances: but such is our attachment to 
Great Britain, that we sincerely wish for recon- 
ciUaliofi, and car.no'. bear the thoughts of throwing 
off all dep'^ndence on her, whicli such a step would 
assuredly lead to. The God of mercy will, I hope, 
open the eyes of our king that he may see, while 
in seeking our d struciion, he will go near to com- 
plete his own. It is my ardent prayer that the 
elusion of blood may be stopped. We hope yet 
to see you in this city, a friend to the liberties of 
America, whicli will give infinite satisfaction to. 
Your sincere friend, C. S. 

To captain S. in Boston. 

Remarks on liberty of conscieirce, ascribed to his 
excellency William Livingston, governor of JVew 
Jersey, 177S. 

«'If, in our estiniate of things, we ought to be 
regulated by their importance, doubtless every 
encroachment upon religion, of all things the most 
important, ought to be considered as the greatest 
imposition; and the unmolested exercise of it, & 
proportionable blessing. 

By religion, I mean an inward habitual reverence 
for, and devotedness to the Deity, toith svch external 
homage, either public or private, as the loorshipper 
belitves most acceptable to him. According to this 
definition, it is impossible for human laws to re- 
gulate religion without destroying it; for they can- 
not compel imoard religious reverence, that being 
altogether mental and of a spiritual nature; nor 
can they enforce outward religions homage, because 
all such homage is ei'J.ier a man's own choice, and 
then it is not compelled, or it is repugnant to it, 
and then it cannot be religious. 

The laws of England, indeed, do not peremptorily 
inhibit a man from worshipping God, according to 
the dictates of his own conscience, nor positively 
constrain him to violate it, by conforming to the 
religion of the state: But they punish him for 
doing the former, or what amounts to the same 
thing, for omitting the latter, and consequently 
punish him for his religion. For what are the 
civil disqualifications and the pr',vatIon of certain 
privileges he thereby incurs, but so many punish- 
ments? And what else is the punishment for not 
embracing the religion of others, but a punishment 
for practising one's own? With how little pro- 
priety a nation can boast of its freedom under suc!i 
restraints on religious liberty, requires no great 



sagacity to determine. They affect, tis true, to 
abhor the imputation of intolerance, and applaud 
themselves fur tijeir preten,ded toleration and 
lenity. As contradistinguished, indeed, from 
actual prohibition, a permission may doubtless be 
called a toleration; for as a man is permitted to- 
enjoy his religion under whatever penalties or 
forfeitures, he is certainly tolerated to enjoy it. 
Gut as far as he pays for such enjoyment, by suffer- 
ing those penalties and forfeitures, he as certainly 
does not enjoy it freely. On the contrary, he is 
persecuted in the proportion that his privilege is 
]so regulated and qualified. I call it persecution, 
because it is .harassing mankind for their princi- 
ples; and I deny that sucli punishments derive any 
sanction from law, because the consciences of men 
are not the objects of human legislation. And to 
trace this stupendous insult on the dignity of rea- 
son to any other source than the one from which 
I deduced it in the preceding essay, I mean the 
abominable combination of Kise-cnAFx and fhii;st- 
CRAFT, (in everlasting indissoluble league to extir- 
pate liberty, and erect on its ruins boundless and 
universal despotism,) would I believe puzzle the 
most assiduous enquirer. For what business, in 
the name of common sense, has the magistrate 
(distinctly and singly appointed for our political 
and temporal happiness) witli our religion, which 
is to secure our happiness spiritual and eternal? 
And indeed among all the absurdities chargeable 
upon human nature, it never yet entered into the 
thoughts of any one to confer such authority upon 
another. The institution of civil society I hs.ve 
pointed out as originating from the unbridled 
rapaciousness of individuals, and as a necessary 
curb to prevent that violence and other incon- 
veniences to which men in a state of nature were 
exposed. But whoever fancied it a violence offered 
to himself, that another should enjoy his own 
opinion? Or who, in a state of nature, ever deemed 
it an inconvenience that every man should choose 
his own religion? Did the free denizens of the 
world, before the monstrous birth of priest-c.iapt, 
aiding by and aided by the secular arm, ever worry 
one another for not practising ridiculous rites, or 
for disbelieving things incredible-i* Did men in 
their aboriginal condition ever suffer persecution 
for conscience sake? The most frantic enthusiast 
■.vill not pretend it. Why then should the mem- 
bers of society be supposed, on their entering into 
it, to have had in contemplation the reforming an 
abuse which never existed? Or why are they 
pretended to have invested the raagisirate with 
,uthority to sway and direct their religious senli- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



507 



menl? In reality, such delegation of power, had 
it ever been made, would be a nrnre nullity, and 
the compact by which it was ceded, altogether 
nugsitory, the rights of conscience being immntabhj 
personal and absolutely inalienable, nov can the state 
or community as such have any concern in the 
matter. For in what manner doth it affect society. 
which is evidently .-ind solely instituted to prevent 
personal assault, the violation of property and the 
defamation of character; and hath not (these re- 
maining inviolate) any interest in the actions of 
men— how doth it, I say, afl'ect society what prin- 
ciples we entertain in our own niiiuls, or in luliat 
outxuard form r.'s think it best to pay our adoration to 
God? But to set the absurdity of the magistrate's 
authority to interfere in matters of religion, in the 
strongest light, I would fain know what religion 
it is that he has authority to establish? Has he a 
right to establish only the true religion, or is any 
religion true because he does not establish it? If 
the former, his trouble is as vain as it is arrogant, 
because the true religion being not of this -world, 
■wants not the princes of this world to support it; but 
has in fact either languished or been adulterated 
■ivherever they meddled with it. If the supreme 
magistrate, as such, has authority to establish any 
religion he thinks to be true, and the religion so 
established is therefore right and ought to be 
embraced, it follows, since all supreme magis- 
trates have the same authority, that all establisli- 
ed religions are equally right, and ought to be 
embraced. The emperor of China, therefore, hav- 
ing, as supreme magistrate in his empire, the same 
right to establish the precepts of Confucius, and 
the Sultan in his, the imposture of Mahomet, as 
hath the king of Great Britain the doctrine of 
Christ in his dominiDn, it results from these princi- 
ples, that the religions of Confucius and Mahomet 
are equally true with the doctrine of our blessed 
Saviour and his Apostles, and equally obligatory 
upon the respective subjects of China and Turkey, 
as Ciiristlaiiily is on those within the British realm; 
a position wliich, 1 presume, the most zealous ad- 
vocate for ecclesiastical domination would think it 
blasphemy to avow. 

Tlie English ecclesiastical government, therefore, 
is, and all the ukctgious estaulisuwkmts in the 
WOULD, are manifest violations of the right of private 
Judgment in matters of religion. They are iujp'jdent 
outrag; s on common sense, in arrogitin;j a power 
of controlling the devotiand optralions of .the mind 
and external acts of divine homage not cog.dzable 
by any human tribunal, and for which we are ac • 



countabk only to the Great Searcher of heart"*, 
whose prerogative it is to judge them. 

In contrast with this spiritual tyranny, hoy 
beautiful appears our Catholic constitution in di?' 
claiming all jurisdiction over the soi(h of men, and 
securing, by a law never to be repealed, the volun- 
tay, unchecked mural suasion of every individu*!, 
iuid his own self-directed intercourse v/ith t!.e 
father of spirits, either by devout retirement or pub- 
lie -tuorship of his own election/ ilow amiable the 
plan of entrenching, with the sanction of an ordi- 
nance, immutable and irrevocable, the sacred rigliis 
of conscience, and renouncing cil discrimination be- 
txccen men on account of their sentiments about the 
various modes of church government^ or the dij'crent 
articles of their faith V 

LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA. 

FROM WIRt's life OF HEXRT. 

Debate on the motion ojfered by Patrick Henry, esq. 

in (he year 1775, to put the colony of Virginia in s 

state of defence. 

On Monday the 20th of March, 1775, the con- 
vention of delegates from the several coimlies and 
corporations of Virginia, met for the second time. 
Their meeting was held in tlie Old Churcii, in ti.s 
town of Jiichmond.— Mr. Henry was a member of 
this body also. The reader will bear in mind the 
tone of the instruciions given by the conventioa 
of the preceding year, to their deputies in con- 
gress. He will remember that wliile they recite, 
with great feeling, the series of grievances undf r 
which the colonies had labored, and insist, with 
firmness, on their constitutional rights, they give 
nevertheless the most explicit and solemn pledge 
of their faith and true allegiance to iiis majesty, 
king George the HI. and avow their determination 
to support him, widi their lives and fortunes, in 
the legal e.vercise of all his just rights and preroga- 
tives. He will remember that these instructions 
contain also an expression of their sincere approba- 
tion of a connecliuu with Great Britain— and of 
their ardent wishes for a return of that friendly 
intercourse, from which this country had derived 
so much prosperity and happiness. These senti- 
ments still acUuted many of the leading members 
of the convention of 1775 — they could not part wiUi 
the fond hope, that those peaceful days would, 
again return, which had shed so much light and 
wannlh over the land; and the report of tiie king's 
gracious reception of the petiiion from copgres.s, 
tended to ciierish that hope and to render thein 
averse to any measure of violence — but Mr. Henry 
saw things with a sleiditr eye; and a deeper insight 



503 



rPJN'CIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



His judgment was too solid to be duped by ap- 
pearances, and his heart too firm and manly, to be 
amused by false and flattering hopes. — IT'; had long 
since r^ad the true character of the British court, 
and saw that no alternative remained for his coun- 
try, but abject submission, or heroic resistance. It 
was not fi)r a soul like Henry's, to hesitate between 
these courses. He had offered upon the altar of 
liberty no divided heart. The gulph of war which 
yawned before him, was indeed fiery and fearful. 
Eat he saw that the awful plunge was inevitable. 
Tlie body of the convention, however, hesitated. 
They cast around a "longing lingering look" to 
those floWery fields, on which peace and ease and 
joy were still sporting, and it required all the 
energies of a Mentor, like Henry, to push them 
fiom the precipice, and conduct them over the 
stormy sea of the revolution, to liberty and glory. 

The convention being formed, and organized for 
business, proceeded in the first place to express 
their unqualiHed approbation of the measures of 
congress, and to declare that they considered this 
whole continent as under the highest obligations 
to that respectable body for the wisdom of their 
coimcils, and their unremitted endeavors to main, 
tain and preserve inviolate, the just rights and 
liberties of his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects 
in America. 

They next resolved, "that the warmest thanks 
of the convention, and of all the inhabitants of this 
colony were due, and that this just tribute of 
applause, be presented to the worthy delegates, 
deputed by a former convention to represent this 
colony in general congress, foi' their cheerful under- 
taking, and faithful discharge of the very important 
trust reposed in them." 

The morning of the 23d of March was opened 
by readmg a petition and memorial from the as- 
sembly of Jamaica, "to the king's most excellent 
majesty;" whereupon it was resolved "that the 
unfeigned thanks, and most grateful acknov/ledge- 
Ttients of the convention be presented to that very 
respectable assembly, for the exceeding generous 
aud affectionate part they have so nobly taken, in 
the \inhappy contest between Great Britain and 
her co'iO'iics, and for their truly patriotic endeavors 
to fix the just claims of tlie colonists upon the most 
permanent constitutional principles; that the as- 
sembly be assured, that it is the most ardent, wish 
of this colony (and they were persuaded, of the 
whole continent of North America) to see a speedy 
j-eturn of those halcyon days when we lived a free 
sBd happy people." 



Tliese proceedings were not adapted to the taste 
of Mr. Henry. On the contrary, they were "gall 
and worm-wood" to him. The house required to 
be wrought up to a bolder tone. He rose, there- 
fore, and moved the folio wing, manly resolutions: 

"Jiesohed, That a well-regulated militia, com. 
posed of gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural 
strength and only security of a free government; 
that such a militia, in this colony, would forever 
render it unnecessary for the mother country to 
keep among us, for the purpose of our defence, 
any standing army of mercenary soldiers, always 
subversive of the quiet, and dangerous to the 
liberties of the people, and would alleviate the 
pretext of taxing us for their support. 

"That the establishmenl of such a militia is, at 
this time, peculiarly necessary, by the state of o\ir 
laws, for the protection and defence of the coun- 
try, some of which are already expired, and others 
will shortly be so, and that the known remissness 
of government, in calling us together, in legislative 
capacity, renders it too insecure, in this time of 
danger and distress, to rely that opportunity will 
be given of renewing them, in general assembly, 
or making any provision to secure our inestimable 
rights ami liberties from those further violations -with 
•which they are threatened. 

"Resolved, therefore, that this colony be imme- 
diately put into a state of defence, and that 

be a committee to prepare 
a plan for the embodying, arming and disciplining 
such a number of men, as may be sufficient for that 
purpose." 

The alarm which such a proposition must have 
given to those who had contemplated no resist- 
ance of a character more serious than petition, 
non-importation and passive fortitude, and who 
still hung, with suppliant tenderness, on the skirts 
of Britain, in the hope of seeing, once more, her 
maternal smile, will be readily conceived by the 
reflecting reader. Tlie shock v/as painful: it was 
almost general. The resolutions were opposed, 
as not only rash in policy, but as harsh, and 
well nigh impious, in point of feeling. Some of 
the warmest patriots of the convention opposed 
them. Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and 
Eidmund Pendleton, who had so lately drunk of 
the fountain of patriotism, in the continental con- 
gress, and Robert C. Nicholas, one of the best, as 
well as ablest men and patriots in the state, gave 
them all the resistance of their great influence and 
abilities. They urg«d the late gracious re-ceptian 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



5o,g 



of the congressional petition by the throne.— They 
insisted that national comity, and much more, 
filial respect, demanded the exercise of a more 
dignified patience:— that the sympathies of the 
parent country were now on our side; that the 
friends of American liberty, in parliament, were 
still with us, and had, as yet, had no cause to blush 
for our indiscretion; that the manufacturing in- 
terest of Great Britain, already smarting under the 
effects of our non-importation, co-operated power- 
fully towards our relief; that the sovereign himself 
had relented, and shown that he looked upon our 
sufferings with an eye of pity. Was this the 
moment, they asked, to disgust our friends, to 
extinguish all the conspiring sympathies which 
were working in our favor, to turn their friend- 
ship into hatred; their pity into revenge? And 
what was there, they asked, in the situation of the 
colony, to tempt us to this? Were we a great 
military people? Were we ready for war? Wliere 
were our stores— where were our arms — where our 
soldiers — where our generals — whe-e our money, 
the sinews of war? They were no where to be 
found. In truth, we were poor — we were naked — 
we were defenceless: and yet we talk of assuming 
the front of war! — of assuming it too, against a 
nation, one of the most formidable in the world! a 
nation, ready an4 armed at all points! — her navies 
aiding triumphant in every sea — her armies never 
marching but to certain victory? — What was to be 
the issue of the struggle we were called upon to 
court? What could be the issue, in the compara- 
tive circumstances of the two countries, but to 
yield up this country, an easy prey to Great Bri- 
tain, and to convert the illegitimate right, which 
the British parliament now claimed, into a firm and 
indubitable right, bv conquest? The measure might 
fae brave; but it was the bravery of madmen. It 
had no pretension to the character of prudence, 
and as little to the grace of genuine courage. It 
would be time enough to resort to measures of 
despair, when every well founded hope had entirely 
vanished. 

To this strong view of the subject, supported 
as it was, by the stubborn fact of the well known 
helpless condition of the colony, the opponents of 
those resolutions superadded every topic of persua- 
sion which belonged to the case. "The strength 
and lustre which we derived from our connexions 
with Great Britain— the domestic comforts which 
we had drawn from the same soiirce, and whose 
value we were now able to estimate, by their loss! 
—that ray of reconciliation, whicli was dawning I 



upon us from the east, and which promised sofai 
and happy a day; with this they contrasted the 
clouds and storms which the measure, now pro- 
posed, was so well calculated to raise, and in which 
we should not have even the poor consolation of 
being pitied by the world, since we should have, 
so needlessly and rashly, drawn them upon our- 
selves." 

These arguments and topics of persuasion were 
so well justified by the appearance of things, and 
were, moreover, so entirely in unison with that love 
of ease and quiet, which is natural to man, and that 
disposition to hope for happier times, even under 
the most forbidding circumstances, that an ordinary 
man, in Mr. Henry's situation, would have been 
glad to compound with the displeasure of the 
house, by being permitted to withdraw his resola. 
tions in silence. 

Not so Mr. Henry. His was a spirit fitted to 
raise the whirlwind, as well as to ride in and direct 
it. His was that comprehensive view, that unerring 
prescience, that perfect command over the actions 
of men, that qualified him, not merely to guide, 
but almost to create the destinies of nations. 

He rose, at this time, with a majesty unusual 
to him, in an exordium, and with all that self- 
possession by which he was so invariably distin- 
guished. "No man," he said, "thought more highly 
than he did of the patriotism, as well as abilities, 
of the very wortky gentlemen who had just ad- 
dressed the house. But different men often saw 
the same subject in different lights; and therefore, 
he hoped it would not be thoKght disrespectful to 
those gentlemen, if entertaining, as he did, opi- 
nions of a character very opposite to theirs, be 
should speak his sentiments, freely and without 
reserve. This, he said, was no time for ceremony. 
The question before the house, was one of awful 
moment to this country. For his own part, he 
considered it, as nothing less than a question of 
freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the 
magnitude of the subject, ought to be the free- 
dom of the debate. It was only in this way that 
they could hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the 
great responsibility which they held to God and 
their country. Should he krep back his opinions, 
at such a time, through fear of giving offence, he 
should consider himself as guilty of treason to- 
wards his country, and of an act of disloyalty to- 
wards the Majesty of Heaven, which he revered 
before all earthly kings." 

"Mr. President," said he, "it is natural to man 
to iadi;!ge in the illusions of hope. We are »pt 



;]0 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen! —we have remonstrated— we have supplicated— we 

to the song of that syren, till she transforms us 

into beasts. Was this, he asked, the part of wise 

men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for 

liberty? Were we disposed to be of the number 

of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, 

hear not the things which so nearly concern their 

temporal salvation? For his part, whatever anguish 



ppl 
have prostrated ourselves before the tlirone, and 
have implored its interposition, to arrest the lyran- 
nical hands of the ministry and parliament. — Our 
petitions have been slighted— our remonstrances 
have produced additional violence and insult — 
our supplications have been disregarded, and we 
have been spurned with contempt from the foot 



of spirit it might cost, he was willing to know the j of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we 

indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. 
There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish 
to be free— if we mean to preserve inviolate those 
inestimable privileges, for which we have been so 
long contending — if we mean not basely to abandon 
the noble struggle, in which we have been so long 
engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves 
never to abandon, until the glorious object of oup 
contest shall be obtained — we must fight! I re- 
peat it, sir, WE MUST fight! ! An appeal to arms^ 
and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us!" 



whole truth — to know the worst, and to provide 
for it." 

"He had," he said, "but one lamp, by which his 
feet were guided, and that was the lamp of ex- 
perience. He knGw of no way of judging the 
future, but by the past; and judging by the past, 
he wished to know what there had been in the 
conduct of the British ministry for the last ten 
years, to justify those hopes with which gentle- 
men had been pleased to solace themselves and the 
house. It is that insidious smile with which our 
petition has- been lately received? Trust it not, 
sir, it will prove a snare to your feet. — Suffer not 
yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask your- 
selves how this gracious reception of our petition 
comports v/ith those warlike preparations, which 
cover our waters, and darken our land? Are fleets 
and armies necessary to a work of love and recon- 
ciliation? Have we shewn ourselves so unwilling 
to be reconciled, that force must be called in, to 
win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, 
sir. These are the implements of war and subjuga- 
tion — the last arguments, to which kings resort. I 
ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, 
if its purposes be not to force us to submission? — 
Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive 
for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quar- 
ter of the world, to call for all this accumulation 
of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They 
are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. 
Tlicy are sent over, to bind and rivet upon us those 
chains, which the British ministry have been so 
long forging. And what have we to oppose to 

them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have 

been trying that, for the last ten years. Have we 
any thing new to offer upon the subject? Notiiing. 
We have held the subject up in every light of 
which it is capable: but it has been all in vain. — 
Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplica- 
tion? What terms shall we find, which have not 
been already exhausted? Lei us not, I beseech 
you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have 
done every thing that could be done, to avert the 
storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned 



"Imagine to yourself," says my correspondent,* 
"this sentence, delivered with all the calm dignity 
of Cato, of Utica— imagine to yourself the Roman 
senate, assembled in the capitol, when it was 
entered by the profane Gauls, who, at first, were 
awed by their presence, as if they had entered an 
assembly of the Gods! — imagiwe that youheard that 
Cato addressing such a senate— imagine that you 
saw the hand writing on the wall of Belshazar's 
palf.ce — imagine you had heard a voice, as from 
Heaven, uttering the words "JFe must Jighty" as 
the doom of fate, and you may have some idea of 
the speaker, the assembly to whom he addressed 
himself^ and the auditory, of which I was one. 

"They tell us, sir," continued Mr. Henry, "that 
we are weak — unable to cope with so formidable 
an adversary. — But when shall we be stronger?-*— 
Will it be the next week or the next year? Will 
it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a 
British guard shall be stationed in every house? 
Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inac- 
tion? Shall we acquire the means of effectual 
resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and 
hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our 
enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, 
we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those 
means which the God of nature hath placed in our 
power. — Three millions of people, armed in the 
holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that 
which we possess, are invincible by any force whicii 
our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we 



* Judge Tucker. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Sli 



pendence was the effect of ministerial oppression 
and not the result of a pre-concerted plan. — Tho' 
intended for the bosom of private friendship, those 
letters may legilirnately be considered as convey- 
ing the sentiments of the whole American people 
at that time. They evince the reluctattce with 
which a separation from Great Britain was contem.* 
plated; and do away the idea held oat by some 
English writers, ihat "independence had long beea 
meditated by the leading characters in the colo- 
nies, and that tliey availed themselves of the ob- 
noxious acts of the Brilish government for its as- 
sertion." 

Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to Dr. Wm. Smallj 
formerly one of the professors of William and Ma- 
ry, but then at Birmingham, in England, where he 
successfully applied his extensive scientific know- 
ledge to practical improvements, in various manu- 
factures, Etc, dsited May 7ih, 1775, writes as fol- 
lows: 

"Within this week, we have received the unhap- 
py news of an action of considerable magnitude be- 
tween the king's troops and our brethren of Boa- 
ton, in which it is said 500 of the former, with 
the earl of Percy, were slain. That such an ac- 
tion has happened is undoubted, though, perhaps, 
the circurastawces may not yet Jiave reached us 
with trulh. This accident has cut off our last 
hopes of reconciliation, and a phrenzy of revenge 
seems to have seized all ranks of people —It is a. 
lamentable circumstance that the only mediatory 
power acknowledged by both parties, instead of 
leading to a reconciliation this divided people, 
should pursue the incendiary purpose of still blow- 
ing up the flames, as we find him constantly doiag 
in every speech, and public declaration. This ma}'; 
perhaps, be intended to intimidate into an acqui- 
escence, but the effect has been most unfortu- 
nately otherwise. A littie knowledge of human 
nature, and attention to its ordinary workings, 
might have foreseen th.-it the spirits of the people, 
were in a state, in wlUch they were more like)}' to 
be provoked than frightened by haughty deport- 
Harrison, Lemuel Riddick, George Washington, j ment; and to fill up the measure of irritation, 
Adam Stevens, Andrew Lewis, William Christian, proscription of individuals has been substituted 
Edmund Pendleton, Thomas Jefferson, and Isaac in the room of just trial. Can it be believed that 
Zahe, esquires, were appointed a committee to pre a grateful people will suffer those to be consigned 
pare the plan called for by the last resolution. to execution wiiose sole crime has been developing 

'^^ and asserting their right? Had the parliament pos- 

Letters from Thomas Jeiferson. sessed the liberty of reflection, they would have 

From the Richmond Compiler of April 6, 1816. [avoided a measure as impotent as it was inflamma- 

The following are extracts horn letters tending j tory. When I saw lord Chatham's bill, I enter- 

to prove that the American declaration of inde- itaified hi^h hopes that a reconciliation coald have 



shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just 
God, who presides over the destinies of nations, 
and who will raise up friends to fight our battles 
for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; 
it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Beside.s, 
sir, we have no election. If we were base enough 
to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the 
contest. There is no retreat, but in submission 
and slavery! Our chains are forged: their clank- 
ing may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war 
is enevitable; and let it come!! I repeat it, sir— Let 
IT come! ! ! 

"It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter: Gen- 
tlemen may cry, "peace peace;" but there is no 
peace; the war is actually begun! The next gale 
that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears 
tiie clash of resounding arms.' Our brethren are 
already in the field! Why stand we here idle.' — 
What is it that gentlemen wish.' What would 
they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, 
as to be purchased at the price of chains and 
slavery!!! Forbid it. Almighty God! I know not 
what course others may take; but, as for me" 
(cried he, with boi!^. his arms extended aloft, his 
brows knit, every feature marked with the resolute 
purpose of his soul, and his voice swelled to its 
^oldest note of exclamation,) "Give me LiuEnTY 

OH GIVE ME DEATH." 

He took his seat. No murmur of applause was 
heard; the efi'ect was too deep. After the trance 
of a moment, several members were seen to start 
from their seats. The cry "to arms," seemed to 
quiver on every lip, and gleam from every eye! 
liichard H. Lee, arose and supported Mr. Henry, 
but even his melody was lost amidst the agitation 
^ of that ocean, which the master spirit of the slorm 
had lifted on high. That supernatural voice still 
sounded in their ears, and shivered along their 
arteries. They heard in every pause the cry of 
liberty or death. Tliey became impatient of speech. 
Their souls were on fire for action. 

r The measure was adopted; and Patrick Ker.ry, 
Richard H. Lee, Robert C. Nicholas, Benjamin 



312 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



been brought about. The difference between bis 
terms, and those offered by our congress, might 
have been accommodated, if entered on by both 
parties with a disposition to accommodate; but 
the dignity of parliament, it seems, can brook no 
opposition to its power. Strange, that a set of men 
who have made sale of their virtue to the minister, 
should yet talk of retaining dignity!" 

Another letter from the same gentleman to John 
TJandolph, the former attorney general, dated Au 
gust 25tb, 1775, contains the annexed passage: 

"I am sorry the situation of our country should 
render it not eligible to you to remain longer in it. 
1 hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain will 
ere long put an end to the unnatural contest. There 
may be people to whose tempers and dispositions 
contention may be pleasing, and who may therefore 
wish a continuance of confusion; but to me, it is of 
all states but one, the most horrid. My first wish 
is a restoration of our just rights; my second a re- 
turn of the happy period when, consistently with 
duty, I may withdraw myself totally froHi the pub- 
lic eye, and pass the rest of my days in domes- 
tic ease and tranquility, banishing every desire of 
afterwards even hearing what passes in the world. 
Perhaps, ardour for the latter adds considerably 
to the warmth of the former wish. Looking with 
fondness towards a reconciliation with Great Bri- 
tain,! cannot help hoping you may be able to con- 
tribute towards e.vpediting this good work. I 
thinfcit must be evident to yourself that the minis- 
try have been deceived by their officers on this 
side the water, who (for what purposes I cannot 
tell) have constantly represented the American op- 
position as that of a small faction, in which the 
body of the people took little part. This you can 
inform them, of your own knowledge, to be untrue. 
They have taken it into their heads, too, that we 
are cowards, and shall surrender at discretion to 
an armed force. The past and future operations 
vf the war mu^t confirm or undeceive them on 
that head. I wish they were thoroughly and mi- 
nutely acquainted with every circumstance rela- 
tive to America, as it exists in truth. I am per- 
suaded they would go far towards disposing them 
to reconciliation. Even those in parliament who 
are called friends to America, seem to know no- 
thing of our real determinations. I observe they 
pronounced in the last parliament th<it the con- 
gress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously on 
the terms they held out, but kept something in re- 
serve to give up, and in fact, that they would 



give up, every thing bul the right of taxation. 
Now, the truth is far from this, as I can aflSrmj, 
and put ray honor to the assertion. Their con- 
tinuing in this error, may, perhaps, have very ill 
consequences The congress stated the lowest 
terms they thought possible to be accepted, in 
order to convince the world they were not unrea- 
sonable. They gave up the monopoly and regu- 
lation of trade, and all acts passed prior to 1764, 
leaving to British generosity to render these, at 
some future time, as easy to America as the inte- 
rests of Great Britain could admit. I wish no false 
sense of honor, no ignorance of our real intentions, 
no vain hope that partial conoessions of right will 
be accepted, may induce the ministry to trifle 
with accoinmodation 'till it shall be put even out 
of our own power to accommodate. If, indeed. 
Great Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a 
match for the most potent nations of Europe, with 
the colonies thrown into their scale, they may go 
on securely; but if they are not assured of this, it 
would be certainly unwise, by trying the event of 
another campaign, to risk our accepting a foreign 
aid, which, perhaps, may not be unattainable but 
on a condition of everlasting avulsion from Great 
Britain, This would be thought a hard condition 
to those who wish for re-union with the parent 
country. I am sincerely one of those, and would ra- 
ther be in dependence on Great Britain, properly li- 
mited, than on any nation upon earth, or than on no 
nation; but I am one of those too, who rather than 
submit to the right of legislating for us, assumed 
by the British parliament, and which late experi- 
ence* has shewn they will so cruelly exercise, would 
lend my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean. 

*This is understood lo have alladed to a bill, 
passed by the house of lords at their preceding 
session, excepting from the benefit of any general 
pardon which might be offered, certain individuals 
by name. Mr. Montague, then agent fjr the house 
of burgesses of Virginia (which place was procur- 
ed for him by the interest of PeyLon Randolph, 
speaker of the house, .and his early and iatimate 
friend) extracted the substance of the bill, and the 
names excepted, and enclosed the extract to Pey- 
ton Randolph. Among the persons excepted were 
Hancock and one or both Adamses, as notorious 
leaders of the opposition in Massachusetts, Patrick 
Henry, as the same in Virginia, Peyton Randolph, 
as president of the general congress at Philadel- 
phia, and Thomas Jefferson, as author of a propo- 
sition to the convention of Virginia for an addr;ss 
to the king, in which was maintained that there 
was in right no link of union between England 
and the colonies but that of the same king, and 
ihat neither the parliament, nor any other func- 
tionary of that government, had any more right to 
exercise authority over the colonies, than over tiie 
electorate of Hanovei', &c. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



115 



Letters from Dr. Franklin. 

We offer to our readers extracts from some unpub- 
lished letters of Dr. Franklin, which may be con- 
sidered as properly belonging to the general 
stock of materials for the determination of his 
character; and for the natural history. We have 
added to them an extract of a letter of Silas 
T)eane, in relation to him, containing an interest- 
ing anecdote wliich we have not seen in print. 
The letter of Frank'lin to his son, on the subject 
of the stamp act, is important; as is, indeed, al- 
most every particular, however small, connected 
v.ith that measure — the immediate cause of the 
most momentous and exemplary of political re- 
lations. J^'nt. Gaz. 

Evtract of a letter from Dr. Franklin to IT. R. esq. 
of Philadelphia. 

LoNDOJf, Feb. 26, 1761, 
"You tell me you sometimes visit the anciept 
Junto. I wish you would do it oftener; I know they 
all love and respect you, and regret your absenting 
yourself so much. — People are apt to grow strange 
and not understand one another so well, when they 
meet but seldom. Since we have held that club 
till we are grown grey together, let us hold it oat 
to the end. For my own part, 1 find 1 love com- 
pany, chat, a laugh, a glass, and even a song, as 
well 'as ever; and, at the same time, relish better 
than I used to do, the grave observitlions and wise 
sentences of old men's conversation. So that I am 
sure the Junto will be still as agreeable to me as 
it ever has been: I therefore hope it will not be 
discontinued as long as we are able to crawl toge- 
tiier. 

To the same. 

LoxDox, Julg 7,1765. 
*^1 wish you would continue to meet the Junto, 
notwithstanding that some effect of our public po- 
litical misunderstandings may sometimes appear 
there. 'Tis now perhaps one of the oldest clubs, 
as I think it was formerly one of the hest, in the 
king's dominions; it wants but about two years 
of forty since it was established; we loved and 
still love one another, we are grown grey together, 
and yet it is too early to part. Let us sit till the 
evening of life is spent; the last hours were al- 
ways the most joyous; when we can stay no longer 
'tis time enough then to bid each other goodnight, 
separate, and go quietly to bed." 

To the same. 



cannot conceive how much good the cordial salu- 
tations of an old friend do to the heart of a man so 
far from home, and hearing frequently of the abuse 
ihrown on him in his absence by the enemies that 
party has raised against him. 

"In the mean time I hope I have done even those 
enemies some service in our late struggle for Ame- 
rica. It has been a hard one, and we htive been of- 
ten between hops and despair; but now the day be- 
gins to clear; the ministry are fi.Ked for us, and we 
have obtained a majority in the house of commons 
for repealing the stamp act, and giving us ease in 
every commercial grievance. God grant that no 
bad news of farther excesses in America may arrive 
to strengthen our adversaries and weaken the 
hands of our friends, before this good work is quite 
completed. 

"The partisans of the late ministry have been 
strongly crying out rebellion, and calling for force 
to be sent against America. The consequence 
might have been terrible! but milder measures 
have prevailed." 

E.rtracl nf a lett'r from Benjamin Franklin to his sjn 
fVilUam Franklin, esq. 

LoitDoji, Aim. 9, 1765. 
"Mr. Cooper, secretary of the treasury, is our old 
acquaintance, and expresses a hearty friendship fop 
us both. Enclosed I send you his billet proposing 
to make me acquainted with lord Itockingham. I 
dine with him tomorrow. 

*1 had a long audience on Wednesday with lord 
Dartmouth. He was highly recommended to me 
by lords Grantham and Besborough, as a young 
man of excellent understanding, and the most amia- 
ble dispositions. They seemed extremely intent 
on bringing ua together. I had been to pay my 
respects to his loi'dship on his appointment to pre- 
side at the board of trade; but d;iring the summer 
be has been much out of town, so that I had not, 
till now, the opportunity of conversing with him. 
! found him all they said of him. He even exceed* 
edthe expectations they had raised in me. If he 
continues in that department, I foresee much hap- 
piness from it to tlie American aftairs. He enquired 
kindly after you, and spoke of you handsomely. I 
g.ive it him as my opinion, that the general execu- 
lion of the stamp act would be impracticable, with- 
out occasioning more mischief than it was worth, 
by totally alienating the affections of the Ameri- 
cans, and thereby lessening their commerce. I 



LosDow, Feb. "27, 1766. therefore wished that advantage might be taken of 
"1 received your kind letter of Nov. .'27th; you jth" address expected over, (if expressed, as I 



314 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOxN 



hoped it would be, in humble and dutiful terms) to 
suspend the execution of the act for a term of 
years, till the colonies should be more clear of 
debt, and better able to bear it; and then drop it 
on some decent pretence, without ever bringing 
the question of ritvht to decision. 



ing the dominion, than all its forces, and be much 
cheaper. 

"A great deal more I said on our American af- 
fairs; too much to write. His lordship heard ail 
with great attention and patience. As to tlie 
address expected from the congres.s, he doubted 



"And I strongly recommended either a thorough I some difficulty would arise about receiving it, as 
anion with America, or that government here would ; it was an irregular meeting, unauthorized by any 
proceed in the old method of requisition, by whicii i American constitution. I said, 1 hoped government 
I was ccnfident more would be obtained in the here would not be too nice on that bead; that an 
way of voluntary grant, than could probably be got j address of the whole there seemed necessary, their 
by compulsory taxes laid by parliament. I stated i separate petitions last year being rejected. And 
that particular colonies might at times be back i to refuse hearing complaints and redressing griev- 
ward, but at other times, when in better temper, | ances, from punctilios about form, had always an 
they would make up for that backwardness, so that j ill effect, and gave great handle to those turbulent, 
on the whole it would be nearly equal: That to ! factious spirits who are ever ready to blow the 



send arraies and fleets to enforce the act, would 
not, in rhy opinion, answer any good end: That the 
inhabitants would probably lake every method to 
encoi:rage the soldiers to desert, to which the high 
price of labor would contribute, and the chance of 



coals of dissention. He thanked me politely for 
the visit ^nd desired to see me often. 

•'It is true that inconveniences may arise to go- 
vernment here by a repeal of the act, as it will be 
deemed a tacit giving up the sovereignty of ptirlia- 



being never apprehended in so extensive a country, I ^^^^^^ ^^ j y ^^ j „j j„,j ^,,e inconveniences of persist- 
where the want of hands, as well as the desire of : j^g n^ch greater, as I have said above. The pre- 
wasting the strength of an army come to oppress, | g^nt ministry are truly perplexed how to act on 
would incline every one to conceal deserters, so the occasion: as, if they relax, tlieir predecessors 



that the officers would probably soon be left alone: 
Th.i.t fleets, indeed, might easily obstruct their 
trade, but withal must ruin great part of the trade 
of Britain; as the properties of American and Bri- 



will reproach thern v/itb giving up the honor, 
dignity, and power of their nadOn. And yet even 
they, I am told, think they have carried things tdo 
far; s- that if it were indeed true tliai I had planned 



tish or London merchants were mixed in the same u^ie ^ct (as you say it is reported with you) I be- 
vessels, and no remittances could be received here; j Ugve we should soon heai; some of them exculpat- 
besides the danger, by mutual violences, excesses jing themsdves by saying I bad misled them. I 
and severities, of creating a deep rooted aversion |need not tell you, that 1 had not the least concern 



between the two countries, and laying the founda- 
tion of a future total separation. 

"I added, that, notwithstanding t?ie present dis- 
contents, there still remained so much respect in 
America for this country, that wisdom would do 
more towards reducing things to order, thnn all 
our forces, and that, if the address expected from 
the congress of the colonies should be unhappily 
such as could not be made the foundation, three 
or four wise and good men, personages of some 
rank and dignity, should be sent over to America, 
with a royal commission to enquire into grievances, 
hear complaints, learn the true state of aflTairs, 
giving expectations of redress where they found 
the people really aggrieved, and endeavoring to 
convince and reclaim them by reason, where they 
found them in the wrong: That such an instance 
of the considerateness, moderation, and justice 
of this country towards its remote subjects would 



in it. It was all cut and dried, and every resolve 
framed at the treasury ready for the house, before 
I arrived in England, or knew any thing of the mat-, 
ter; so that if they had given me a pension on that 
account, (as is said by some,) it would have been 
very dishonest in me to accept it. I wish an enquiry 
was made of the Dutch parsons how they came 
by the letter you mention, which is undoubetdly a 
forgery, as not only there were no such facts, but 
there is no such person as the qaeen's chaplain. I 
think there is no doubt, but that, though the stamp 
act should be repealed, some mulct or punishment 
will be inflicted on the colonies, that have suff'ered 
the houses of officers, &c. to be pulled down; 
especially if their respective assemblies do not 
immediately make reparation." 

Extract of a letter from Silas Deane, at Paris, re- 
specting Dr. Fraiikltn. 
"Gratitude, as well as justice, to that truly great 
contribute more towards securing and perpetual-i man, to whose friendship, and counsel, I owe much. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



1.5 



oblige me to say on this occasion, that I only | establishment of lasting' peace and union with tlie 
believe, but know that the reports of his enemies, I colonies: but, if the deep rooted prejudices of Ame- 
to say no more, are directly the reverse of the irica, and the necessity of preventing her trade from 
character which Dr. Franklin has ever sustained, passing into foreign channels, must beep us still 
and which he now most eminently supports. It ja divided people, I shali, from every private as well 
gives me pleasure to reflect on the honors and Us public motive, most heartily lament that this 
respect universally paid him by all orders of peo- lis not the moment wherein those great objects of 
pie in France, and never did I enjoy greater satis- i my ambition are to be attained; and that I am to 
faction, than in being the spectator of the public ; be longer deprived of an opportunity to assure you 
honors paid him. [personally of the regard with which I am," &,c. 

Dii. FiiASKiiir answered: 



"A celebrated cause being to be heard before 
the parliament of Paris, and the house and street 
leading to it crowded with people, on the appear- 
ance of Dr. Fxanklin, way was made for him in the 
most respectful manner, and he passed through the 
crowd to the seat reserved for him, amid the 
acclamations of the people — an iionor seldom paid 
to their first princes of the blood. 



"I received safe the letters your lordship so 
kindly forwarded to me, and beg you to accept 
my thanks. 



"The official despatches, to which you refer me, 
contain nothing more than whit we had seen ia 
the act of parliament; viz. "Offers of pardon upon 
submission;" which I am sorry to find, as it must 
p-ive your lordship pain to be sent so far gn bo 
"When he attended the operas and plays similar Lj^gg ^ business, 
honors were rj^id him, and 1 confess I felt a joy 

and pride which was pure and honest, though not | "Directing pardons to be offered to ttie colo. 
disinterested, for I considered it an honor to be "i^s. who are the very parties injured, expresses 



known to be an American and his acquaintance. I 
am unable to express the grief and indignation I 
feel at finding such a character represented as the 
%vorst that human depravity is capable of exhibit- 
ing', and that such a representation should be made 

even bv Americans." 

• 

DR. FRANKLIN AND LORD HOWE, 

[Lord Howe was one of the commissioners sent out, 
in 1775, to prevent the revolution. On his ar- 
rival he addressed the following noic to Dr. 
Franklin — the reply of the latter is truly a mas- 
ter-piece. Is has been frequently published, but 
it seemed as if we could not dispense with its 
insertion in this volume.] 

Lo7-d Have to Dr. Frp.nklin. 
"I cannot, my worthy friend, permit the letters 
and parcels, wliich I have sent, to be landed, with- 
out adding a word upon the subject of the in- 
jurious extremities, in which our unhappy disputes 
have engaged us. 

•You will learn the nature of my mission from 
the official despatclies, which I have recommend- 
ed to be forwarded by the same conveyance. — 
Retaining all the earnestness, I ever expressed, to 
see our differences accommodated, I shall con- 
ceive. If I meet with the disposition in the colonies, 
which I was once taught to expect, the most flatter- 
ing hopes of proving servicable in the objects of ipeace, lie here meant a peace, to be entered into 
vhe king's paternal solicitude, by promoting the! by distinct states, now at war, and his majesty 



indeed that opinion of our ignorance, baseness and 
insensibility, wliich your uninformed and prond na- 
tion has long been pleased to entertain of us; but 
it can have no other effect than that of increasing 
our resentments. It is impossible we should think 
of submission to a governmeni that has, with the 
most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burned our 
defenceless towns in the midst of winter; excited 
the savages to massacre our peaceful farmers, and 
our slaves to murder their masters; and is even 
now bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our 
settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries 
have extinguished every spark of affection for that 
parent country, that we once held so dear, but 
were it possible for us to forget and forgive them, 
it is not possible for you, I mean the British nation, 
to forgive the people you have so heavily injured. 
You can never confide again in those, as fellow sub- 
jects, and permit them to enjoy equal freedom, to 
whom you know you have given such just causes of 
lasting- enmity; and this must impel you, were we 
again under your government, to endeavor to break 
our spirit by the severest tyranny, and obstructing 
by every means in your power, our growing sU-englh 
and prosperity. 

"Your lordship mentions "the king's paternal 
solicitude for promoting the establishment of last- 
ing peace and union with the colonies." If, by 



3^6 



PRINCIPLES AiND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



lias given your lordship powers to. treat with us 
of sucli a peace, I may venture to say, though witli- 
out authority, that I think a treaty for that pur- 
pose not quite impracticable, before we enter into 
foreign alliances; but I am persuaded you have no 
such powers. — Your nation thought, by punishing 
those American governors, who have fomented the 
discord; rebuilding our burnt towns, and repairing, 
as far as possible, the mischiefs done us, she might 
recover a great share of our regard, and the greatest 
share of our growing commerce, with all the ad- 
vantages of that additional strength to be derived 
from a friendship with us; yet, I know too well her 
abounding pride and deficient wisdom, to believe 
she will ever take such salutary measures. Her 



described in your letter, is "the necessity of pre- 
venting the American trade fvom passing into 
foreign channels." To me it seems that neither 
the obtaining or retaining any trade, how valuable 
soever, is an object for which men may justly spill 
each other's blood; that the true and sure m«^ans 
of extending and securing- commerce are the good- 
ness and cheapness of commodities: and that the 
profits of no trade can ever be equal to the ex- 
pense of compelling it, and holding it by fleets 
and armies. I consider this war against us, there- 
fore, as both unjust and unwise; and I am per- 
suaded that cool and dispassionate posterity will 
condemn to infamy those who advised it: and that 
even success will not save from some degree dl 



fondness for conquest, as a warlike nation; her lust dishonor those who have voluntarily engaged to 

of dominion, as an ambitious one; and her thirst for 

a gainful monopoly, as a commercial one, none of 

them legitimate causes of war, will join to hide 

from her eyes every view of her true interest, and 

continually goad her on, in these ruinous distant 

expeditions, so destructive both of lives and of 

treasure, that they must prove as pernicious to her 

in the end, as the crusades formerly were to most 

ot the nations of Europe. 



conduct it, 

"I know your great motive in coming hither 
was the hope of being instrumental in a reconci!ia« 
tion; and, I believe, when you find that to be im- 
possible, on any terms given you to propose, you 
will then relinquish so odious a command, and 
return to a more honorable private station. 



"I have not the vanity, my lord, to think of 
intimidating by thus predicting the eftects of this 
war: for I know that it will, in England, have the 
fate of all my former predictions, not to be believed 
till the event shall verify it. 

•'Long did I endeavor, with unfeigned and im- 
wearied zeal, to preserve from breaking that fine 
and noble porcelain vase, the Hrilish empire: for, 
I knew that, being once broken, the separate parts 
could not retain even their share of the strength 
3n,d value that existed in the whole, and that a 
perfect re-union of those parts could scarce ever 
be hoped for. Your lordship may possibly remem- 
ber the tears of joy that wetted my cheek, when, 
at your good sister's, in London, you once gave 
me exiiect^tions, that a reconciliation might take 
place. I had the misfortune to find these expecta- 
tions disappointed, and to be treated as the cause 
of the mischief I was laboring to prevent. My 
consolation, under that groundless and malevolent 
treatment, was that I retained the friendship of 
many wise and good mei\ in that country, and 
among the rest, some share in the regard of lord 
Howe. 

"The well founded esteem, and permit me to 
say, affection, which I shall always have for your 
lordship, make it painful to me to see you engaged 
In conducting a war, the great ground of which, as 



With the greatest and most sincere respect, I 
have the honor to be," 8tc. 

DR. FRANKLIN. 

rnOM THE SOUTHEHK PATHIOT. 

Introduction of Dr. Franklin into the French academy^ 
The people of France have, on various occasions, 
evinced that they partook of our political senti- 
ments and feelings. When the death of Washington 
was announced, Bonaparte and the national repre- 
sentatives wore mourning. On the death of Frank-^ 
lin, the national assembly put on the emblems of 
grief, and appointed one of their members, Abbe 
Fauchett, to pronounce his eulogy; the place in 
which he spoke was hung with black, and decorat- 
ed with the most expensive devices. In the 
course of the oraticp the orator burst forth in this 
apostrophe. "Thou bright luminary of freedom, 
why should I call thee great? Grandeur is too often 
the scourge of the human kind, whose felicity thy 
goodness was ever exerted to pramote. Thou 
hast been the benefactor of the universe; be thy 
name ever revered. May it be the comfort of the 
wretched, the joy of the free. What man is more 
entitled to our gratitude.' Jt was not sufficient to 
control the lightning of Heaven, and to avert the 
fury of the growling tempest; thou hast rendered 
unto mankind a service still greater; thou extin- 
guishest the thunder of earthly despots, which was 
ready to be hurled upon t^neir trembling subjects. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Sir 



Wbat pleasure must it have been to thee on earth, 
to perceive others profiling by thy precepts and 
thy example. With what greater rapture m\is\ 
thou now contemplate thy own diffusion of light; 
it will illumine the world, and man, perceiving hi* 
natural dignity, will raise his soul to Heaven air; 
ibow to no empire but that which is founded o 
yirtue and reason. I have but one wish to utter: it 
is a wish dear to my heart; a wish always cherished 
in thy virtuous and benevolent bosom— surely it 
will derive some favor from the throne of God, 
when uttered in the 7Hime of Franklin: It is that; 
in becoming free, men may become also wiser 
aud better — there is no other means of deserving 
liberty." 

Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to Dr. William Smith, 
expresses himself, "I can testify that there appear 
ed to me more veneration and respect attached to 
the character of Dr. Franklin in France, than to 
that of any other person in the same country, 
foreign or native. I had an opportunity of know- 
ing particularly how far these sentiments were felt 
by the foreign ambassadors and ministers at the 
court of Versailles. The fable of his capture by 
the Algerines, propagated by the English newspa- 
pers, excited no uneasiness, as it was seen at once 
to be a dish cooked up to please certain readers; but 
nothing could exceed the anxiety of his diplomatic 
brethren, on a subsequent report of his death, which 
although premature bore some marks of authenticity. 
\ found the ministers of France equally impressed 
with his talents and integrity. The Count de 
Vergennes, particularly, gave me repeated and un- 
ec[ulvo«al demonstrations of his entire confidence 
in him." 

"When he left Passy, it seemed as if the village 
had lost its Patriarch. On taking leave of the 
court, which he did by letter, the king ordered 
him to be handsomely complimented, and furnished 
him with a litter and mules of his own, the only 
kind of conveyance the state of his health could 
bear. The succession to Dr. Franklin at the court 
of France, was an excellent school of humility to 
me. On being presented to any one, as the minister 
of America, the common place question was 'Is it 
you, sir, who replace Dr. Franklin?' I generally 
answered, "no one can replace him, sir; I am only 
-ftis successor." 

But his introduction into the academy, was as 
high a testimoni.U of esteem as one great people 
,,could ofTer another. As he entered D'Alembert 
saluted him with the celebrated line, 

Eripuit cxlo/ulmen, sceptrumqiie ty--amvisi 



Condorcet thus describes this grateful and memor- 
ible ceremony; — At this same time Paris boasted, 
ilso, the presence of the celebrated Franklin, who, 
in another heml'iphere, bad been the apostle of 
philosopliy and toleration. Like Voltaire, he hart 
often employed the weapon of humour which cor- 
rects the absurdities of men, and had displayed 
their perversness as a folly more fatal but also 
worthy of pity. He had joined to the science of 
metaphysics the genius of practical philosophy; as 
Voltaire, that of poetry. Franklin had delivered 
the vast continent of America from the yoke of 
Europe, and I was eager to see a man whose reputa- 
tion had long been spread over both worlds. — 
Voltaire, although he had lost the habit of speak- 
ing English, endeavored to support the conversa- 
tion in that language, and afterwards resuming the 
French, he said, •! could not resist the desire of 
speaking the language of Mr. Franklin, for a mo- 
ment.' The American philosopher presented his 
grandson to Voltaire, with a request that he would 
give him his benediction. 'God and liberty,' said 
Voltaire, 'it is the only benediction which can be 
given to the grandson of Franklin.' 

"They went together to a public assembly of 
the Academy of Sciences, and the public at the 
same time beheld with emotion these two iseo, 
born in different quarters of the globe, venerable 
by their years, their glory, the employment of 
their life, and both enjoying the influence which 
they had exercised over the age in which they 
lived. They embraced each other amidst public 
acclamations, and it was said to be Solon who 
embraced Sophocles, But the French Sophocles 
had trampled on error and advanced the reign of 
reason; and the Solon, of Philadelphia, having 
placed the constitution of his country on the 
immoveable foundation of the rights of man, had 
no fear of seeing his uncertain laws, even during 
his own life, open the way to tyranny, and prepare 
fetters for his country." 



Case of AsgilL 

The Allowing narrative and letters we have copied 
from the correspondence of baron Grimm. The 
baron was led to notice it, from its being made the 
ground work of a French tragedy called ^l/'x/ir, 
by Sauviifni', represented at Paris in January, 
1789.— Bost. Dai. Adv. 

You can well remember the general interest 

which sir Asgill inspired, a young officer 

in the English guards, who was made prisoner and 
condemned to death by the A^aericans in reprisil 



il8 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



for the death of captain Huddy, who was hanged 
by order of capt. Lippincott. The public prints 
all over Europe resounded with the unhappy ca- 



hut on human nature. The object on which I im» 
plore your assistance is too heart rending to be 
dwelt upon; most probably the public report of it 



tastrophe, which for eight months impended over j has already reached you; this relieves me from the 
the life of this young officer. The extreme grief burden of so mournful a duty. My son, my only 
of his mother, the sort of delirium which clouded son, dear to me as he is brave, amiable as he is be- 



the mind of his sister, at hearing the dreadful fate 
which menaced the life of her brother, interested 
every feeling mind in the fate of that unfortunate 
family. The general curiosity in regard to the 
events of the war, yielded, if I may say so, to the 
interest which young Asgill inspired, and the first 
question asked of all vessels that arrived from any 
port in Norlh America, was always an enquiry into 
the fate of that young man. It is known that As- 
gill was thrice conducted to the foot of the gibbet, 
and that thrice gen. Washington, who could not 
bring himself to commit this crime of policy with- 
out a great str iggle, suspended his punishment: 
his humanity and justice made him hope that the 
English general would deliver over to him the 
author of the crime which Asgill was condemn- 
ed to expiate. Clinton, either ill advised, 'or in- 
sensible to the fate of the young Asgill, persisted 
in refusing to deliver up the barbarous Lippincott. 
In vain tiie king of England, at whose feet this 



loved, only nineteen years of age, a prisoner of war, 
in consequence of the capitulation of York Town, 
is at present confined in America as an object of 
reprisal. Shall the innocent suffer the fate of the 
guilty? Figure to yourself, sir, the situation of a 
family in these circumstances. Surrounded, as I am, 
with objects of distress, bowed down by fear and 
grief, words are wanting to express what I feel, and 
to paint such a scene of misery; my husband, given 
over by his physicians some hours before tl)e arri- 
val of this news, not in a situation to be informed 
of it; my daughter, attacked by a fever accompa- 
nied by delirium, speaking of her brother in tones 
of distress, and without an interval of reason un- 
less it be to listen to some circumstance which 
may console her heart. Let your sensibility, sir, 
paint to you my profound, my inexpressible misery, 
and plead in my favor; a word from you, like a 
voice from lieaven, would liberate us from desola- 
tion, from the last degree of misfortune. I know 



•unfortunate family fell down, had given orders to , ''ow far gen. Washington reveres your character, 
surrender up to the Americans the author of a Tell him only that you wish my son restored to li- 
crime which dishonored the English nation; George perty, and he will restore him to his desponding 
III. was not obeyed. In vain ti.e states of Holland | f'^^'yi ^e will restore him to happiness. The vir- 
entreated the United States of America the par-l^ue and courage of my son will justify this act of 
don of the unhappy Asgill. The gibbet, erected ; clemency. His honor, sir, led him to America; he 
in front of his prison, did not cease to offer to hisJ^as born to abundance, to independence, and to 
eyes those dreadful preparatives more awful than jthe happiest prospects. Permit me once more to 
death itself In these circumstances, and almost ' '"t^^eat the interference of your high influence in 



reduced to despair, the mother of Uie unfortunate 
victim bethought herself that the minister of a 
king armed against her own nation might succeed 
in obtaining that which was refused to her- king. 
Aladame Asgill wrote to the count de Vergennes 
a letter, the eloquence of which, independent of 
of oratorical forms, is that of all people and all lan- 
guages, because it derives its power from the first 
and noblest sentiment of our nature. 

The two memorials which are subjoined merit 
being preserved as historical monuments. 



favor of innocence, and in the cause of justice 
and humanity. Despatch, sir, a letter from France 
to general Washington, and favor me with a copy 
of it that it may be transmitted from hence. I feel 
the whole weight of the liberty taken in present- 
ing this request. But I feel confident, whether 
granted or not, that you will pity the distress by 
which it is suggested; your humanity will drop a 
tear upon my fault and blot it out forever. 

"May that heaven which I implore, grant that 
you may never need the consolation which you 

Letter from lady Jlsgill t. the compte de Vergenne,.'.^'^''^ i^>» y«"^ P°^^" ^" '^"^'^^ °" 

I "TUEUESA ASGILL." 

"Sm— If the politeness of the French court will 
permit a stranger to address it, it cannot be doubt- j It was to this letter that young Asgill owed his 
etl-but that she who unites in herself, all the more'Hfe and liberty. His mother was informed almost 
delicate sensations with which an individual can I at the same instant, that the minister of the king 
be penetrated, will be received favorably by a no- of France had written to general W.'ishinglon to 
bleman, who reflects honor not only on his nation, procure the pardon of her son, and that his re- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. 



319 



quest had been granted. If any tUing can con- 
vey an idea of the mournful sentiments to which 
this parent was a prey during eight months, it is 
that sentiment which her gratitude inspires in the 
letter addressed to the count de Vergennes, on 
hearing she owed the restoration of her sOn to his 
interference; the greatest talents never produced 
any thing more noble or equally affecting. 

Second letter of lady As^ll to compte de Vergennes. 



AN HONEST JURY. 



^^■'' 



The refusal of certain gentlemen, returned to 
serve as grand jurors for Boston, or Suffolk coun- 
ty, in 1774, being frequently alluded to, the fol- 
lowing, which shews the reasons why they would 
not be impannelled, becomes highly interesting: 

Count;/ of Suffolk, Boston, ^w^-. 30, 1774. 
We, who are returned by the several towns in 
this county, to serve as grand jurors at the su- 
perior court for this present term, being actuated 



"Exhausted by long suffering, overpowered by ^^^^ z^^\on^ regard for peace and good order, and 
the excess of unexpected happiness, confined to my i gi^pg^.^ ^^^-^^^ ^^ promote justice, righteousness 
bed by weakness and langour, bent to the earth! ^^^ ^^^^ government, as being essential to the 
by what I have undergone, my sensibility alone happiness of the community, would now most glad- 



could supply me with strength sufficient to address 
yoti. 



ly proceed to the discharge of the important duty 

required in that department, could wepersuade our- 

„ , , . . ^u- r ui „<r „. „f selves that, by doing thus, it would add to our own 

"Condescend, Sir, to accept this feeble effort 01 » ■' » 

, ., ., f . ^p ..„ reputation, or promote the welfare of our country. 

my gratitude. It has been laid at the feet of the *' ., , , • j .u ^ 

, . , , , .. ... .J But when we consider the dangerous inroads that 

Almighty; and believe me, it has been presented j °. ... 

with thesame sincerity toyou, sir, and to your illus- i 

trious sovereign; by their august and -salutary in- 



tervention, as by your own, a son is restored to me, 
to whom my life was attached. I have the sweet 
assurance, that my vows for my protectors are 
heard by heaven, to whom they are ardently offer- 
ed. Yes, sir, they will produce their effect before 
the dreadful and last tribunal, where I indulge the 
hope that we shall both appear together; you to re- 
ceive the recompense of your virtues; myself, that 
of my sufferings. I will raise my voice before 
that imposing tribunal. I will call for those regis- 
ters, in which your humanity will be found record- 



have been made upon our civil constitution, the 
violent attempts now making to alter and annul 
the most essential parts of our charter, granted by 
the most solemn faith of kings, and repeatedly re- 
cognized by British kings and parliaments; while 
we seethe open and avowed design of establishing 
the most complete system of despotism in this 
province, and thereby reducing the freeborn inha- 
bitants thereof to the most abject state of slavery 
and bondage; we feel ourselves necessarily con- 
strained to decline being impannelled, for reasons 
that we are ready to offer to the court, if permit- 
ed, which are as follows: 



ed. I will pray that blessings aoay be showered 1st. Because Peter Oliver, esq. who sits as chief 
on your head, upon him who, availing himself of ijudge of this court, has beeji charged with high 
the noblest privilege received from God, a privi- crimes and misdemeanors, by the late honorable 



lege no other than divine, has changed misery into 
happiness, has withdrawn i-ie sword from the in- 
nocent head, and restored the worthiest of sons 
to the most tender and unfortunate of mothers. 

•'Condescend, sir, to accept the just tribute of 
gratitude due to your virtuous sentiments. Pre- 
serve this tribute, and may it ga down to your 
posterity as a testimony of your sublime and exem- 
plary beneficence to a stranger, whose nation was 
At war with our own, but whose tender affections 
had not been destroyed by war. May this tribute 
bear testimony to my gratitude long after the hand 
that expresses it, with the heart, which at this 
moment only vibrates with the vivacity of grateful 
sentiments, shall be reduced to dust; it sliall bear 



house of representatives, the grand inquest of this 
province; of which charge he has never been le- 
gally acquitted, but has been declared by that 
house, unqualified to act as judge of this court. 

2d. Because, by a late act of the British parlia- 
ment, foralterin^^ the constitution of this province, 
the continuance of the present judges of this court, 
as well as the appointment of others, from the 1st 
of July last, is made to depend solely on the king's 
pleasure, vastly different from the tenure of the 
British judges; and as we apprehend they now 
hold their places, only in consequence of that act, 
all the judicial proceedings of the court will be 
taken as concessions to the validity of the same, to 
which we dare not assent. 

out to offer you all the respect and all the grati- 3 J. Because three of the judges, being the major 

tude with which it is penetrated. part of the court, namely, the said Peter Oliver, 

"Theuksa AsGiT.i.." J esq. Foster Hutchinson, esq, and Wrliiam Brown, 



m 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION* 



esq. by taking the oath of counsellors under au- 
thority of the aforementioned act, are (as we are 
informed) sv/orn to carry into execution all the 
late grievous acts of the British parliament, among 
the last of which, is one, made ostensively for the 
impartial administration of justice in this province, 
but, as we fear, really for the impunity of such 
persons as shall, under pretext of executing those 
acts, murder any of the inhabitants thereof, which 
acts appear to us to be utterly repugnant to every 
idea of justice and common humanity, and are 
justly complained of, throughout America, as high- 
ly injurious and oppressive to the good people of 
this province, and manifestly destructive of their 
natural as well as constitutional rights. 

4th. Because we believe, in our consciences, that 
our acting in concert with a court so constituted, 
and under such circumstances, would be so far be- 
traying the just and sacred rights of our native 
land, which were not the gift of kings, but were 
purchased solely with the toil, the blood, and "trea- 
sure, of our worthy and revered ancestors, and 
which we look upon ourselves under the most sa- 
cred obligations to maintain, and to transmit the 
same, whole and entire to our posterity. 

Therefore, we, the subscribers, unanimously de- 
cline serving as grand jurors at this court. 

William Thompson Peter Boyer 



Joseph Willet 
Paul Revere 
Robert Williams 
James Ivers 
Joseph Pool 
Lemuel KoUock 
Nicholas Cooke, jr. 
W^illiam Bullard 
Moses Richardson 
Abraham Wheeler 



Thomas Crafts, jr. 
Joseph Hall 
Henry Plimpton, 
Jonathan Day 
Nathaniel Beecher 
Ebenezer Hancock 
Joseph Jones 
Thomas Pratt 
Abijah Upham 
Samuel Hobart. 



"The msTOUT of Jouir Bcii.' i CHiLDnr-N." 
•[We find the following in the "Maryland Gazette," 
of August, 1776, into which it was copied from 
the "London Chronicle." Those who have read 
the history of the "Foresters," will easily take 
up the idea, that the design of one of those ar- 
ticles may have been copied from the other. We 
have followed the copy, as it was printed at the 
time. It will amuse those who know enough of 
history to understand it, and perhaps, provoke 
some to read that they may understand.] 



and of his motiier, and his sister, and ives, and 
his servants, now v/ritethe history of his children, 
and how they were got, and how they were edu- 
cated, and what befel them. Courteous reader, if 
thou hast any curiosity to know these things, read 
the foUov/ing chapters and learn. 

Chap. L Of seven natural children, which John 
Bull had in his younger days by Doll Secretary, 
his mother's maid; namely, three boys, John, jun. 
or Master Jacky, Yorky, and Jerry, four girls, Pe- 
nelope, Mary, Virgey, and Caroline. How the old 
lady would suffer no bastards in her family; and 
how the poor infants were turned adrift on the fish 
ponds as soon born; how they landed on the west- 
ern shore, and were there nursed by a wild bear, all 
under the green wood tree. 

Chap. n. How John disowned them, and left 
them to get over the children's disorders the best 
way they could, without paying a farthing for 
nurses, or apothecary's bills; and how, as soon as 
they had cut their eye teeth, and were able to walk 
alone, John claimed them for his own. 

Chap. HL How master Jacky turned fisherman 
and ship-carpenter; Yorky and Jerry drove a great 
trade; Miss Penny dealt in flour, called the Maid 
of the Mill, and never curtesyed to any body: How 
Mary and Virgey set up a snuff-shop, and Caroline 
turned dry-salter, and sold indigoj hov they all 
flourished exceedingly, and laid out every penny 
they earned in their father's warehouse. 

Chap. IV. Of two children more, which John 
had afterwards in lawful wedlock, viz. a boy which 
he called Georgey, after his great patron, and a 
girl, which he called Peg, after his sister Marga- 
ret; how he crammed them with sugar-plumbs, and 
how they remained sickly, ricketty brats at thi$ 
day. 

Chap. V. How young Master Baboon, old Louis* 
only son, fell in love with Miss Virgey; and how 
became behind with intent to ravish her; how she 
squealed and alarmed her dad. 

Chap. VI. How John called for his stick and his 
barge, and crossed the pond to save his daughter's 
virtue; how young Louis gave him a confounded 
rap on his fingers, and drove him back, and then 
at his daughter again. 



Chap. VII. How her brother Jack came to her 

assistance, and threw young Louis on his back; 

how old Louis Baboon flew to help his son, and 

carried lord Strutt along with him; how John Bull 

I, sir Humphry Polesworth, who formerly gave returned and mustered all his children at liis back^ 



the world a true and faithful account of John Bull, I arid to it they went. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S2i 



they cry, and then pinch Ihem for crying; and how 
George answered and said nothing. 

Chap. XV. How John, by means of his new ser- 
vants, became beloved of his children, and respect- 
ed by his neighbors; how he obliged Louis Baboon 
to beat down the wall of Ecclesdown castle, be- 
cause it overlooked his pond, and harbored sea- 
gulls to gobble up his fish; how he made hinn also 
pay up his note of hand; and how lord Strutt — 

But, Mr. Printer, I have given you enough to 
judge of the general plan of this history. Pray 
let me have your opinion as to the publication. 
My notion at present is, to send it abroad in six- 
penny numbers, and engage the country carriers 
to take it down; it may pass for political an hun- 
dred miles from town. 

[The following, said to be from "a late London pa- 
per," is also copied from the "Maryland Gazett«" 
of the date aforesaid. It was written to ridicule 
the idea that manufactures could be carried ou 
in America] 

All the articles of news lately published, that 
seem improbable, are not mere inventions. Some 
of them I can assure you, on the faith of a traveller, 
are serious truths. And here give me leave to in- 
stance the Various numberless accounts the news 
writers have given us (with so much honest zeal 
John's children, because he said they put nothing 1 fo"" ^^^ welfare of poor old England!) of the estab- 
into the box at Christmas; and when they came to ''^hing manufactures in the colonies to the preju- 



Chap. Vlir. How they had a long tustle; how 
John's children saved their old dad from abreken 
head, and helped to seize young Louis and tie him; 
how the old folks agreed to leave young Louis in 
custody, and drink friends themselves; and how 
-fohn made his children pay a share of the reckon- 
ing without giving them any of the drink. 

Chap. IX. How John in his cups bragged of his 
exploits, and said he had done all himself, and 
his children notliing; how he made choice of fair 
George, the gentle shepherd, for his house stew- 
ard, because he could tell, without the book, thai 
two and three made five, and had the multiplication 
table by heart. 

Chap. X. The whole stewardship of fair George; 
how he neglected to protest Louis Baboon's note 
of hand on the day of payment, released lord Strutt 
from a mortgage on his manor of Eastland; how he 
took an aversion to cider, and would allow none to 
be drank in his family; how he rummaged every 
man's chest for pen, ink, and paper, and obliged 
those he catched writing to stand a-top of the ta- 
ble, with a waoden neckcloth under their chin, 
whileUe counted sixty times sixty; and how this is 
called the gentle sliepberd's benefit of clergy unto 
this day. 

Chap. XI. How Pair George took an antipathy to 



pay their shop accounts, they brought in their mo- 
ney at the back door; how he advised John to brand 
them on the far buttock, as they do stray cattle, 
that he might know them to be his oun. 

Chap. XII. How John's children rode restifT, and 
swore they would not have the broad R. slampt on 
tjieir b-ck s-des; how John, in heating the irons, 

burnt his own fingers most d !y; how all his 

neighbors laughed, and fair George could not find 
him a plaster. 

Chap. XIII. How John, in a passion, kicked fair 
George down stairs, and rung up other servants; 
how they advised b'lm to consult his wife; and how 
Mrs. Bull bid him let bis children alone; that, tho' 
born in sin, they were his own flesh and blood, and 
needed no stamp to shew it; How John took her 
advice, and let the irons cool again; and how some 
suspected if John's fingers had not smarted, be 
would not have complied so soon. 

Chap. XIV. A dialogue on education, between 
fair George and lame Will; how Will proved it to 



dice of those of this kingdom. It is objected by 
superficial readers, who yet pretend to some know- 
ledge of those countries, that such establishments 
are not only improbable but impossible; for that 
their sheep have but little wool, not in tlie whole 
sufficient for apair of stockings a year to each in- 
habitant; and that, from the universal dearness of 
labor among them, the working of iron and other 
materials, except in some few coarse instances, is 
impracticable to any advantage. Dear sir, do not 
let us sufl'er ourselves to be amused with such 
groundless- objections. The very TAILS of the 
American sheep are so laden with wool, that each 
has a cart or waggon, on four little wheels, to sup- 
port and keep it from trailing on the ground. 
Would they caulk their ships? Would they fill 
tlieir beds? Would they even litter their horses 
witli wool, if it was not both plenty and cheap.' 
And what signifies dearness of labor, where an En- 
glish stiiUing passes for five and twenty? Their 
e:>gaging three hundred silk throwsters here ia 
one week for New York was treated as a fable, 
because, fjrsooth, they have no silh there to throw. 



be both cruel and impoHiic to pinoh chilJren till'Those who Qude this objection, peibaps, did aot 
41. 



3£^2 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



know, that, al ihe same time the agents from the 
king of Spain were at Quebec contracting for 1000 
pieces of cannon, to be made there for the fortifi- 
cations of Mexico, with 25,000 axes for their in- 
dustrious logwood cutters, and at New York en- 
gaging an annual supply of warm floor carpets for 
Iheir West lutji* houses — otiier agents from the em- 
peror of China were at Boston.in New England, treat- 
ing about the exciiange of raw silk for wool, to be 
carried on in Chi)iese jonks thro' the straits of 
Wagellan. And yet all this is as certainly true as 
the account, said to be from Quebec, in the papers 
of last week, that the inhabitants of Canada are 
making preparations for a cod and whale fishery 
tbissin-nmer in the upper lakes. Ignorant people 
may ohject that the upper lakes are fresh, and that 
cod and whale are salt water fish: -But let them 
know, sir, that cpd, like other fish, when attacked 
by their enemies, fly into any water they think they 
canbesafest in; that whales, when they have a mind 
to eat cod, pursue them wherever they fl)-; and 
that the grand leap of the whale in that chace up 
the falls of Niagara is esteemed by all who have 
seen it, as one of the finest spectacles in nature! — 
Really, sir, the world is grown too incredulous: 
I'endulum-like, it is ever swinging from one ex 
treme to another, formerly, every ihlng printctJ 
was believed, because it was in print: Now things 
seem to be disbelieved, for just the very same rea- 
son. Wise men wonder at the present growth of 
infideli'y! They shoidd have considered, when 
they taught people to doubt tlie authority of news- 
papers, and the truth of predictions in almanacks-, 
that vhe next step might be a disbelief in the well- 
vouched accounts of ghosts and witches, and doubts 
even of the truth of the A n creed. 

Your humble servant, 

A Traveller. 



by congress, who will doubtless give ull the en. 
couragement to all that the good of the -xvhole will 
admit of. Some talk of.resuming our first charter, 
others of absolute independency. Our eye is to 
the congress — may wisdom direct your every step, 
You will see that our governor has told us. 



Correspondence of Mr. Adams. 

The ecitor was favored by president Adams with 
a large bundle of letters; written to him by dis- 
tinguished persons, in the years 1774, 1775, and 
1776, and some other papers. Such have been 
selected as were thought necessary to shew the 
feelings of those days, and exhibit the character 
of some of the actors in them. 

From J. Palmer, esq. datedat Boston, Sept. 14, 1774, 
to John Jldums, e^q. at Philadelphia. [Extracts.] 
"The spirit of liberty is amazingly increased, so 
that there is scarce a tory and hardly a neutral to 
be found in the country. This province seems ripe 
for a more popular government, if not restrained 



tljat the refusing submission to the late acts of par. 
liament is general throHghow the province; and that 
he should lay the same before his majesty: and since 
that I have received satisfaction that our friends to 
government are convinced they can't carry these 
acts into effect; and are willing, if possible, to keep 
matters in a state of suspense until ihey hear from 
home. At the same lime they continue to entrench 
and fortify the neck, professedly, and I believe reaU 
ly and only, for self-defence." 

From Benjamin Kent, esq. to the same, dated Boaton^ 
Sept. 23, 1774. [Extracts.] 
'•Our enemies, for their own further security, as 
as well as to bring the town into the most complete 
dependence on the navy and army, spare no labor or 
pains; they suffer no owner of powder to take a 
single grain out of the town's magazine, and there 
is none to be bouglit in the town. Two or three 
days ago, after the men of war had spiked up our 
cannon at the battery, they robbed us of six good 
pieces of large cannon, as we were carrying them 
in a gondola through the mill pond to Water-town, 
They take and keep the guns and cutlasses out of 
carls and waggons going over the Neck; and no 
doubt, if they thought they could disarm the town 
they would do it instantly. [He then mentions 
that their friends in Connecticut urged them to act 
before general Gage should receive the additional 
regiments which he expected— but that the peo- 
pie of Boston "would not undertake any thing ma- 
terial before they heard from the grand council of 
America, which we hope will remain forever."] 
He then expresses a wish that the c(i.igress would 
consider their case, and says "we are not suspi- 
cious that it can possibly be disagreeable to the 
grand congress that we should do every thing in 
our power towards our defence; but to lie still so 
long as in any measure to disable us to secure our- 
selves by and bye, when we can now prevent it, 
would be very unv/ise, and it may be fatal to the 
town." "It is necessary for us, as far as we can, to 
prepare for the worst that can happen; that we 
may not be unhappily surprised when the worst 
shall come. Louk into Europe and see how ty- 
ranny flourishes; and if the tyrants will but join 
their forces, in a little time not one free state will 
be left on the other side of the Atlantic— which 
GOD forbid! 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. 



!33 



In cnnchisioM lie sajs— "Ido most heartily hope 
and desire, the body of representatives, of all the 
colonies, may have eternity, for the glory of GOD, 
and the happiness of the American world. This is 
the pi- yer of the faith of your and their most cor- 
dial b-ciher and friend." 

From John Trumbull, esq. to the same, dated Boston, 
Ajis- 20, ir74. [Extracts.] 
"In the county of Worcester, the people, at a ge- 
neral meeting-, have resolved that no court shall be 
held there, according to the n^w regulation of ju- 
ries, and that judge Oliver shall not take his seat. 
Upon a report that a regiment vould be sent to 
protect the court, they declared that they were 
ready to meet it. It is to be hoped, however, that 
no violent measures will be taken, till tlie sense of 
the whole continent is known; as the people have 
groat dependence upon tlie determinations of con- 
gress, and expect them to cliailc out the line for 
their conduct. As to the soldiers here, tliey are 
no .-nore feared than if they were the troops of Lil- 
liput. Indeed, they are much more disposed to 
flight than combat, and have more inclination to 
desert to us than to figlit us — above two hundred 
having already left them. To put a stop to these 
frequent desertions, theofiicersare obliged to treat 
them with great severity — death or 1000 lashes, is 
the only choice offered te those who are retaken. 
There Is a humorous story told about town of one 
of the deserters, though I cannot say it is abso- 
lutely to be depended upon as fact: a soldier, whose 
name was Patrick, deserted sometime ago and set- 
tled in a country town at some distance, and there 
undertook to instruct a company of about (ilfy men 
in military exercises. A serjeant and eight men 
were sent to apprehend deserters, got intelligence 
of him, and agreed with a countryman, for a couple 
of guineas, to conduct them to him. Patrick, it 
seems, was at that time exercising his company; 
Jiowever, being called by the serjeant and his men, 
he immediately came up to them. The serjeant 
demanded what he did there, told him he was his 
prisoner, and ordered him to return and join his 
regiment. Sir, aaid Patrick, I beg your pardon, 
butl don't think it possible for me to obey you at 
present. Tlie serjrant repeated his orders in a 
very peremptory stile, Patrick still assured him 
uf the great improbability of his bting able to com- 
ply with the command; but told him, as it was not 
absolutely certain, he would see what could be 
done about it. You must know, said he, that we 
determine everything here by a vote — and turning 
to his company, which had by this time came up, 



—gentlemen, says he, if it be your mind that 
should leave tlie town and return to my regiment, 
please to manifest it. Not a single hand appeared - 
in favor of the motion. He then desired that those 
who were contrary-minded sho\ild manifest it, 
which passed ne.m. con. The serjeant and his men, 
finding themselves in so small a minority, and see- 
ing it in vain to oppose the general voice of the 
meeting, were about to return again in p'^ace, when 
one or two of his men were desirous to havs it put 
to vote whether they should not stay also. Patrick, 
as modera .or, immediately put the question, which 
it was not difficult to carry in such an assembly, 
and the serjeant, knowing it vain to resist, return- 
ed with six men to liis regiment. 

Richard Crnnch, e-.q. to Ji!r. Adin-ntt, dated Boston; 
Oct. 15, 177'1. [Extract.] 

•'I liear that a letter fiom one P -?, a clergy- 
man in Connecticut, has been interce-,)l£d, and that 
an attested copy of it is now before cur congress. 
The contents of it are vary extraordinary — he in- 
forms tlie person to whom it is addressed, that he 
has received ad'.'ice that several regiments more 
from England, and a number of men of war, are 
expected, and that when tliey arrive, hanging ivorh 
ivill begin, — and that those only will be safe whose 
lintels and door posts shall be sprinkled. Our minis, 
ters in this province put up their ardent petitions 
in public for the direction and blessing of heaven 
on your congress." 

Dr. Samuel Cooper to Mr. Adams, dated 16lh Oct, 
1774. 
"Having just been informed that Mr. Tudor is 
going to Philadelphia, I take this opportunity to 
tharik you for the obliging favor of your letter of 
29th September. The struggle, as you justly ob- 
serve, between fleets and armies and commercial 
regulations, must be very unequal: We hope, how- 
ever, the congress will carry this mode of defence as 
far as it will go, and endeavor to render it as early 
effectual as it can be, since ihe operation of it must 
necessarily be slow — were we at ease we would 
wait— but being first seized and griped by the mer- 
ciless hand of power, we are "tortured even to 
madness," and yetj perhaps, no people would give 
a greater example of patience and firmness, could 
the people be sure of the approbation and counte- 
nance of the continent; in consolidating them selves 
in the best manner they are able, they should have, 
they say, fresh spirits to sustain the conflict. The 
report of an uncommon large quantity of British 
goods sent to New York and Philadelphia, nalu- 
rally carries our thoughts to a non-consumption — 



524 



PRI\CIP].ES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION". 



Nothing could more thoroughly embarrass these 
selBsh importers, and none ever deserved more 
such a punishment. 

Our provincial congress is assembled; they ad- 
journed from Concord to Cambridge. Among 
them and through the province the spirit is ar- 
dent. And I think the inhabitants of this town 
sre distracted to remain in it with such formidable 
fortifications at its entrance. Desides the regi 
iTVents expected from the .southward and Canada, 
we have several companies from Newfi>undland, of 
which we had no apprehension until they arrived. 
The tories depend that the administration will 
push the'r point with all the force that they can 
spare, and this I think v/e ought to expQCt and take 
into our account. 



stituiion or form of government enticted for us by 
the British parliament. It is evil against right — 
utterly intolerable to every man who has any idea 
or feeling of right or liberty. 

It is easy to demonstrate that the regulation act 
will soon annihilate every thing of value in the 
charter, introduce perfect despotism, and render 
the house of representatives a mere form and mi- 
nisterial engine. 

It isTzowor never, that we must assert our liber- 
ty. Twenty years will make the number of tories on 
this continent equal to the number of wliigs. They 
who shall be born will not have any idea of a free 
government. 



CO'Several of the volumes of the Weekly Re- 
GisTEn are enriched by the correspondence of Mr. 
Adams. His letters to the editor, enclosing his 
communications .to Mr. IVirt, (the elegant author 
of the "Sketches" of the famous Patrick; Jlenyy, of 
Virginia) inserted in the 14th vol. page 257, et seq. mediately 
are highly interesting. Mr. Wirt had claimed for 
iMr. Henry the declaration "we must fibht," which 
Mr. Adams says was derived from a letter which 
lie himself had shewn to Mr. Henry, written by 
major Haivley, of Northampton, Mass. in 1774. The 
following, as connected with this subject, cannot 
fail of exciting tha most pleasant feelings in those 
who delight to trace the first dawnings of our glo- 
rious revolution. EnrTOR. 



It will necessarily be a question, whether the 
new government of this province shall be sufTiJred 
to take place at all, — or whether it shall be imme- 
diately withstood and resisted? 



A most important question this — I humbly con- 
ceive it not best forcibly or wholly to resist it, im- 



Extract of a letter from president Adams to If. .Mies, 
dated Quincy, Feb. 5, 1819. 
"Dear sir,— I enclose you the "broken hints to 
be communicated to the committee of congress 
for the Massachusetts," by major Joseph Hawley, 
of Northampton. 

This is the original paper that I read to Patrick 
Jlenry in the fall of the year 1774, which produced 
liis rapturous burst of approbation, and solemn as- 
severation "I AM OF THAT MAn's MIND."* 

1 pray you to send it back to me. I would not ex- 
change this original for the show book of Harvard 
college, and printed it shall be at my own expense 
inahandbill." 

Broken hints to be communicated to the committee of 
congress fur the ^Massachusetts. 

"We must fight, if we can't otherwise rid our- 
selves of British taxation, all revenues, and the con- 

*See Weekly Register, vol. XIV, page 2J8. 



There is not heat enough yet for battle. Con- 
stant, and a sort of negative resistance of govern- 
ment, will increase the heat and blow the fire. 
There is not military skill enough. That is im- 
proving, and must be encouraged and improved, 
but will daily increase. 

Fight we must finally, unless Britain retreats. 

But it is of infinite consequence that victory be 
the end and issue of hostilities. If we get to fight- 
ing before necessary dispositions are made for it, 
we shall be conquered, and air will be lost for- 
ever. 

A certain clear plan, for a constant, adequate and 
lasting supply of arms and military stores, must be 
devised and fully contemplated. This is the main 
thing. This, I think, ought to be a capital branch 
of the business of congress— to wit: to devise and 
settle such a plan; at least, clearly to investigate 
how such supplies can be extensively had in case 
of need. While this is effecting — to wit: while 
the continent is providing themselves with arms 
and military stores, and establishing a method for 
a sure and unfailing and constant supply, I con- 
ceive we had best to negociate with Britain. If 
she will cede our rights and restore our liberties, 
all is well — every good man will rejoice: if she 
will not agree to relinquish and abolish all Ameri- 
can revenues, under every pretence and name, and 
all pretensions to order and regulate our internal 
Ipolicy and constitution— then, if we have got »ny 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



525 



constant and sufficient supply of military stores, 
it will be time to take to arms. I can't quit tliis 
head-it ought to be immediately and most se- 
riously attended to It can't be any other than road 
ness to commence hostilities before we have es- 
tablished resources on a sure plan for certain and 
effactual military supplies. Men, in that case, will 
not be wanting. 

But what considerate man will ever consent to 
take arms and go to war, where he has no reasona- 
ble assurance but that all must be given over and 
he fall a prey to the enemy, for want of military 
stores and ammunition, in a few weeks? 

Either an effectual non-consumption agreement 
or resistance of the new government, will bring on 
hostilities very soon. 

1. As to a non-consumption agreement— it ap- 
pears to me that it ought to be taken for certain 
truth, that no plan of importation or consumption 
of tea, British goods in general, or enumerated ar- 
ticles, which is to rest and depend on the virtue of 
all the individuals, will succeed; but must cer- 
tainly prove abortive. 

The ministry may justly call such a plan futile- 
futile it will turn out. A plan of that sort may 
safely rest and be founded on the virtue of the 
majority: but then the majority, by the plan, must 
be directed to control the minority, which implies 
force. The plan, therefore, must direct and pre- 
scribe how that force shall be exercised. 



Those, again, who exercise that force, under the 
direction and by order of the majority, must by 
that majority be defended and indemnified. 

Dispositions must therefore necessarily be made 
to resist or overcome that force which will be 
brought against you— which will directly produce 
war and bloodshed. 

From thence it follows, that any other non-con- 
sumption or nonimportation plan, which is not 
perfectly futile and ridiculous, ionplies hostilities 
end war. 

2. As to the resistance of the new government, 
that also implies war: for, in order ti- resist and 
prevent the efiect of the new government, it is in- 
dispensably necessary that the charter government, 
or some other, must be maintained— constitutional- 
ly exercised and supported. 

The people will have some government or other 
—they will be drawn in by a seeming mild and just 



and executive justice must go on in some form or 
other, and we may depend on it they will; — there- 
fore the new government wifl take effect until the 
old is restored. 

The old cannot be restored until the council 
take on them the administration, call assemblies, 
constitute courts, make sheriffs, &c. The coun- 
cil will not attempt this without good assurance of 
protection. This protection can't be given with- 
out hostilities. 

Our salvation depends upon an established per- 
severing union of the colonies. 

The tools of administration are using every de- 
vice and effort to destroy that union, and they will 
certainly continue so to do — 

Thereupon, all possible devices and endeavors 
must be used to establish, improve, brighten and 
maintain such union. 

Every grievance of any one colony must be held 
and considered by the whole as a grievance to tl»e 
whole, and must operate on the whole as a griev- 
ance to the whole. This will be a difficult matter 
to effect: but it must be done. 

Qaere, therefore — whether is it not absolutely 
necessary that some plan be settled for a continua- 
tion of congresses?— But here we must be aware 
that congresses will soon be declared and enacted 
by parliament to be high treason. 

Is the India company to be compensated or not? 

If to be compensated — each colony to pay the 
particular damage she lias done, or is an average 
to be made on the continent? 



The destruction of the tea was not unjust — there- 
fore to what good purpose is the tea to be paid for, 
unless we are assured that, by so doing, our rights 
will be restored and peace obtained? 

What future measures is the continent to pre- 
serve with regard to imported dutied tea, whether 
it comes as East India property or otherwise, under 
the pretence and lie that the tea is imported from 
Holland, and the goods imported before a certain 
given day? Dutied tea will be imported and con- 
sumed — goods continue to be imported — your non- 
importation agreement eluded, rendered contemp- 
tible and ridiculous -unless all teas used, and 

all goods, are taken into some public custody which 
will be inviolably faithful." 

[The foregoing is a literal copy of the venera- 
ble paper before me, except its frequent abbrevia- 
tions of the and that, with the addition only of a 



administration, which will last awhile; legislation I few commas, he. to make it read.] 



326 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



BATTLE OF LEXINGTON. 

Billericut Mass. 16ih June, 1819. 
Sin — From having lately seen some notice in 
the papers, of your wish to obt.nin the names of 
those who destroyed the tea in Boston harbor, in 
December, 1773,* I was led to believe that the 
names of those patriotic citizens, who fell in the 
def 'nc ■ of heir just privileges, on the nineteenth of 
^pril, 17T5, might be also acceptable and as wor- 
thy of being perpetuated. As they were the first 
who fell in the revolutionary contest— as they fell 
not in the act of desolating an unoffending coun- 
try and in multiplying the miseries of their fellow 
men to gain laurels— but in resisting the ravages 
of an invading enemy, they are entitled to grateful 
recollection, to honorable distinction. I have, there- 
fore, encl'jsed you a list of the names of those who 
were killed on that memorable day. It has been 
principally collected from a narrative of the ex- 
cursion and ravages of the king's troops, under the 
command of general Gage on the 19th April, 1775, 
to which I have added a few notes, which are de- 
rived from other authentic sources. 

With sentiments of respect, your most obedient 
servant, JOHN FARMER. 

To H. mies. 

A list of the provincials neho -were killedin the action 
of the 19th April, 1775, and the towns to ivhich they 
respectively belonged. 

Acton. Capt. Isaac Uavis, Abner Hosman, James 
Hayv/ard. 

Bedford. Capt. Jonathan Wilson. 

Jieverly. Mr. Kynnim. 

Brookline. Isaac Gardner,f esq. 

Cambridge. William Mercy, Moses Richardson, 
John Hicks, Jason Russell, J&bez Wyman and Jason 
Winship. 

Charlestoxm. James Miller,t Edward B.irber.lj 

Danvers. Henry Jacobs, -Samuel Cook, Ebene- 
zer GoldthwHit, George Southwick, Benjamin Da- 
land, jun. Jotham Webb, and Perly Putnam. 



*See the letter of president Ad4ms to H. Niles, 
May 10, 1819— Weekly Rkgisteu vol. XV, p. 226. 

•j-Ile had vohiii\eered his services, and was killed 
on the reiurn of the troops to Uosion. He was 
born at Brookline, 9th May, 1726, and graduated 
at Harvard colle^^e in 1747. "In Lis domestic, 
social, civil and religious capacity he was equally 
belovel and respected. The melancholy circum- 
stance of his death excited great public sensibility 
as well as private lamentation and regret." 

Rev. Mr. Pierce's Hist. Brookline. 

+James Miller was 65 years of age. 

' II Aged 16, son of capt, William Barber of Charles- 
town. . 



Dedham. Elias Haven. 

Lexington. Jon.is Parker, Robert Monroe, Jedi- 
diah Monroe, John Raymond, Samuel Hadley, Jq- 
nartian Harrington, jun. Isaac Muzzy, Caleb Har- 
rington, Nathaniel Wyman, and John Brown* 

Lynn. Abednego Ramsdell, Daniel Townsend, 
William Flynt, and Thomas Hadley. 

Medford. Henry Putnam and William Polley. 

A^eedham. Lieut. John Bacon, Sergeant Elisha 
Mills, Amos Mills, Nathaniel Chamberlain, Jona- 
than Parker. 

Salem. Benjamin Pierce. 
Sudbury. Josiah Haynes,j Asahel Reed. 
J'Vatertotun. Joseph Cooledge. 
IVobnrn. Asa Parker and Daniel Thompson. 
All who were killed belonged to Massachusetts. 
The Americans had 49 killed 

34 wounded 
4 missing 

87 Total. 
The British loss, in killed, wounded and missing 
was 273. 

With regard to the Indians who destroyed the 
three cargoes of tea in the harbor of Boston, I have 
met with a slight notice that confirms the remark 
of president Adams, that "they were no ordinary 
Mohawks." It is in the Historical Sketch of 
Charlestown, by the hon. Joseph Bartlett, M. D. 
in which he says, that E. N. (giving only the ini- 
tials)^ respectable inhabitant of that town, had 
repeatedly informed him that he was among the 
Indians who destroyed the tea. J. F. 

The "Mohawk Indiahs." 

Hanover, J\''. H. June 22, 181?. 
Mr. JViles— 

Sin — Seeing a notice or a letter addressed to 
president Adams from you, I take the liberty of 
giving you the information, in part, you wish. 

My father, Anthony Morse, afterwards a lieu- 
tenant during the revolutionary war, but since de- 
ceased, and Mr. Joseph Roby, now of this town, 
w/ere the most active in destroying the tea in Bos- 
ton harbor. Mr. Roby thinks there is but one or 
two now surviving besides himself. 

I am, sir, yours with esteem, 

LEWIS R. M. MORSE. 



*A monument is erected in Lexington to the 
memory of the eight first, who fell on the morning 
ofthel9'.h. 

f Mr. Haynes was an officer of the church. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



322 



MR. ADAMS TO GOVERNOR BULLOCK. 

PHrTiADEtPHiA, July 1, 1776. 
Dear sin— Two days ago I received your favor 
of May 1st. — I was greatly disappointed, sir, in 
the information you gave me, that you should be 
prevented from revisiting Philadelphia. I had 
flattered myself with hopes of your joining us 
Soon, and not only affording us the additional 
strength of your abilities and fortitude, but enjoy- 
ing the satisfaction of seeing a temper and conduct 
here, somewhat more agreeable to your wishes, 
than those which prevailed when you were here 
before. BvJt I have since been informed, that your 
countrymen have done themselves the justice to 
place you at the head of their affairs, a station in 
which you may perhaps render rRore essential 
service to them, and to America, than you could 
here. 

There seems to have been a great change in the 
sentiments of tlie colonies since you left us, and 
1 hope that a few months will bring us all to the 
same way of thinking. 

This morning is assigned for the greatest debate 
of all— A declaration, that these colonies are free 
and independent states, has been reported by a 
committee, appointed some weeks ago for that pur- 
pose, and this day, or to-morrow, is to determine 
its fate. — May Heaven prosper the new born re- 
public, and make it more glorious than any former 
republics have been! 

The small-pox has ruined the American army in 
Canada, and of consequence the American cause. 
A series of disasters has happened there, partly 
owing I fear to the indecision at Philadelphia, and 
partly to the mistakes or misconduct of our officers 
in that dep.-irtment. But the small-pox, which in- 
fected every man we sent there, completed our 
ruin, and compelled us to evacuate that important 
province. — We must, however, regain it some time 
or other. 

My countrymen have been more sitccessfu! at 
sea, in driving away all the men of war completely 
out of Boston harbor, and in making prizes of a 
great number of transports and other vessels. 

We are in daily expectation of an armament be- 
fore New-York, where, if it comes, the conflict 
must be bloody. The object is great which we 
have in view, and we must expect a great expense 
of blood to obtain it. But we should always re- 
member, that a free constitution of civil govern- 
ment cannot be purchased attOQ dear a rate, as 



there is nothing, on this side the new Jerusalem, 
of equal importance to mankind. 

It is a cruel reflection, that a little more wisdom, 
a little more activity, or a little more integrity, 
would have preserved us Canada, and enabled us 
to support this trying conflict, at a less expense 
of meu and money. But irretrievable miscarriages 
ought to be lamented no further, than to enable 
and stimulate us to do better in future. 

Your colleagues, Hall and Gynn, are here in 
good health and spirits, and as firm asyoa yourself 
could wish them. Present my compliments to Mr, 
Houston. Tell him, the colonies will have repub- 
lics for their governments, let us lawyers, and your* 
divine, say what we will. 

1 have the honor to be, with great esteem and 

respect, sir, your sincere friend and most humble 

servant, 

JOHN ADAMS. 

His excellevcy 

Archibald Bullock, esq. of Georgia. 

MR. ADAMS TO MR. CHASE. 

Philadei-phia, July 1, 1776. 

Dear sir — Your favor by the post this morning 
gave me much pleasure, but the generous and 
unanimous vote of your convention gave me mucli 
more. It was brought into congress this morning, 
just as we were entering on the great debate- 
That debate took up most of the day, but it was 
an idle mispense of time, for nothing was said, but 
what had been repeated and hackneyed, in that 
room, before, an hundred times, for six months 
past. 

In the committee of the whole, the question was 
carried in the affirmative, and reported to the 
house. — .\ colony desired it to be postponed until 
to-morrow, vvlien it will pass by a great majority, 
perhaps with almost unanimity; yet I cannot promise 
this, because one or two gentlemen may possibly 
be found, who will vote point blank against the 
known and declared sense of their constituents. 
j Maryland, however, I have the pleasure to inform 
you, behaved well.— Paca, generously and nobly. 

AIhs, Canada! we have found misfortune and dis- 
grace ill that quarter— Evacuated at last — trans- 
ports arrived at Sandy-Hook, from whence we may 
expect an attack in a short time, upon New- York 
or New-Jersey — and our army not so strong as we 
could wish. The militia of Nev;-Iersey and Neiv 
Eiiglund, not so ready as they ought to be. 



*Zubly. 



328 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



The Romans made it a fixed rule never to send 
or receive ambassadors, to treat of peace with 
their enemies, while their affairs were in an adverse 
or disastrous situation. There was a jjenerosity 
and magnanimity in this, becoming freemen. It 
Howed from thut temper and those principles which 
alone can preserve the freedom of a people. It 
is a pleasure to find our Americans of the same 



addressed, he was pleased to send me a copy of 
it, and of another written to her on the same third 
of July. It is probable that, after the loss of sucli 
a companion, a review of their epistolary corres- 
pondence brought to his recollection the enquiries 
I had made, and the subsequent conversation, 
though years had elapsed. These letters I pre- 
sent to the public, but not without permission; 



temper. It is a good sympto;T5, foreboding a good believing that they will be read with muct. iiiterert 



end. 

If you Imagine that I expect this declaration 
wjll ward off calamities from this country, you 
are mistaken. A bloody conflict we are destined 
to endure.— This has beeo my opinion from the 
beginning. You will certainly remember my decid- 
ed opinion was, at the first congress, when we found 
that we could not agree upon an immediate non- 
exportation, that the contest could not be settled 
without bloodshed, and that if hostilities should 
once commence, they would terminate in an incura 
ble animosity between the two countries. Every 
political event since the 19th of April, 1775, has 
confirmed me in this opinion. 

If you Imagine that I flatter myself with happi 
ness and halcyon days, after a separation from 
Great Britain, you are mistaken again. I don't ex- 
pect that our new governments will be so quiet as 
I could wi»h, nor that happy harmony, confidence, 
and affection, between the colonies, that every 
good American ought to study, labor, and pray 
for, fora long time. But freedom is a counterbalance 
for poverty, discord, and war, and more. It is your 
hard lot and mine to be called into life, at such a 
time; — yet even these times have their pleasures 

I am your friend and servant, 



JOHN ADAMS. 



Mr. Chase. 



FUOM A LiTE BOSTOSf PAPKTl. 

Two letters from pi'esident Adams, written, one in the 
morning, the other in the evening, of the 'Sd J^ibj, 
1776. 

Mr. Editor— Some years ago, having seen in 
your paper a brilliant paragraph from a letter of 
the hon. John Adams to a friend— not, however, 
for tlie first time, it having appeared before on 
many a fourth of July— I was curious to learn from 
its venerable author who was that friend, and also 
such anecdotes concerning the subject of the let 
ter, as he might be willing to communicate. He 
gratified my curiosity, with his accustomed energy, 
on a transaction in which he bad taken so dis 
tinguished a part. After the death of Mrs. Adams, 
the accoiDplisbed friend to whom the letter wus 



on the forty-third anniversary of the grand event 
which they announced. 

THOMAS DAWES. 
Boston, July 3, 1819. 

Philadelphia, July Zt 1776. 
Your favor of June 17, dated at Plymouth, was 
handed me yesterday by the post. I was mucli 
pleased to find that you had taken a journey to 
Plymouth to see your friends, in the long absence 
of one whom you may wish to see. The excursioa 
will be an amusement, and will serve your health. 
How happy would it have made me to have takea 
lliis journey with youl 

I was informed, a day or two before the receipt 
of your letter, that you was gone to Plymouth, by 
Miss. P. who was obliging enough to inform me, in 
your absence, of the particulars of the expedition 
to the Lower Harbor, against the men of war. — 
Her narration is executed with a precision and 
perspicuity which would have become the pea of 
an accomplished historian, 

I am very glad you had so good an opportunity 
of seeing one of our little American men of war. 
Many ideas, new to you, must have presented, 
themselves in such a scene; and you will in future 
better understand the relations of a sea engage* 
ment. 

I rejoice extremely in Dr. Bulfinch's petition for 
leave to open an Hospital. But I hope the busi- 
ness will be done upon a larger scale. I hope that 
one Hospital will be licensed in every county, if not 
in every town. I am happy to find you resolved to 
be with the children in the first class. Mr. W. and 
Mrs. Q. are cleverly through innoculation in this 
city. ' 

I have one favor to ask, and that is, that In your 
future letters you would acknowledge the receipt 
of all those you may receive from me, and mention 
iheir dates; by this means I shall know if any of 
nine miscarry. 

Tlie information you give me of our friend's re- 
i'asing his appointment, has given me much pain, 
grief, and an:^iety. I believe I shall be obliged to 



JPRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



5 £9 



follow his example. I have not fortune enough to 
support my family, and, what is of more importance, 
to support the dignity of that exalted statioa.* It 
is too high and lifted up for me, who delight in 
nothing so much as retreat, solitude, silence, and 
obscurity. In private life, no one lias a right to 



of affliction produces refinement in slates as well 
as individuals. And the new governments we are 
assuming in every part, will require a purificatiort 
from our vices, and an augmentation of our virtues, 
or they will be no blessings. The people will have 
unbounded power; and the people are extremely 



censure me for following my own inclinations in j addicted to corruption and venality, as well as 



retirement, in simplicity, and frugality; but in pub- 
lic life every man has a right to remark as he pleases; 
at least he thinks so. 

Yesterday the greatest question was decided 
which ever was debated in America; and a greater, 
perhaps, never was or will be decided among men. 
A resolution was passed, without one dissenting 
colony: 



the great. I am not without apprehensions from 
this quarter; but I must submit all aiy hopes and 
fears to an overruling Providence, in which, un- 
fashionable as it may be, I firmly believe. , 

JOHN ADAMS, 
Mbs. Adams. 



PuiLiBEtPHIA, July 3, 1776. 

Had a declaration of independence been made 

seven months ago, it would have been attended 

with many gre^t and glorious effects. We might, 
ought to be, free and independent stales; and, as I, ~ ... , , ^ j n- -t. r • 

_ " ' "^ ^ ' I before this hour, have formed alliances with foreign 



"That these United Colonies are, and of right 



free and independent states, they have, and of 
right ought to have, full power to make war, con. 
elude peace, establish commerce, and to do all 
other acts and things which other states may right- 
fully do." 

You will see, in a few da}'s, a declaration, setting 
forth the causes which have impelled us to this 
revolution, and the reasons which will justify it 
in the sight of God and man. Apian of confedera- 
.tion will be taken up in a few days. 

When I look back to the year 1761, and recol- 
lect the argument concerning writs of assistance, 
in the superior court, which I have hilher'o con- 
sidered as the commencement of the controversy 
between Great Britain and America, .ind lun 
through the whole period from that time to this, 
and recollect the series of political evsnts, tlic 
chain of causes and effects, I am surprised at the 
suddenness as well as greatness of this revolution. 

Uritain has been filled with folly, and Amerios 
with wisdom; at least this is my judgment— time 
must determine. It is the will of Heaven that 
the two countries should be sundered forever. It 
may be the will of Heaven that America shall suf- 
fer calamities still more wasting, and distresses 
still more dreadful. If this is to be the case, it 
will h.<ive this good effect at least, it will inspire 
us with many virtues which we have not, and cor- 
rect many errors, follies, and vices, which threaten 
to disturb, dishonor, and destroy us. The furnace 



*Office of chief justice of the superior court of 
Massachusetts, to which Mr. Adams had been 
appointed, but which he declined, preferring his 
seat in the old congress, to which he had been 
."I' -elected. T. D. 



states. We should have mastered Quebec, and 
been in possession of Canada. 

You will, perhaps, wonder how sUch a declara- 
tion would have influenced our affairs in Canada; 
but, if 1 could write with freedom, I could easily 
convince you that it would, and explain to you the 
manner how. Many gentlemen in high stations, 
and of great influence, have been duped, by the 
ministerial bubble of commissioners, to treat; and, 
in real, sincere expectation of this event, wliich 
they so fondly wished, they have been slow and 
Languid in promoting measures for the reduction 
of that province. Others there are in the colonies, 
who really wished that our enterprlze in Canada 
would be defeated; that the colonies migiit be 
brought into danger and distress between two 
lii-es, and be thus induced to submit, OUters really 
wished to defeat the expedition to Canada, lest 
the conquest of it should elevate the minds of tlie 
people too much to hearken to those terms of re- 
conciiialion which they believed would be offered 
us. These jarring views, wishes, and designs, oc- 
casioned an opposition to many salutary measures 
which were proposed for the support of that es- 
[)edit!on, and caused bbstrucfions, embarrassments, 
and studied delays, which have finally lost us the 
province. 

All these causes, however, in conjunction, would 
not have disappointed us, if it had not been for a 
misfonune whicli could nothavebeen foreseen, and 
perhaps could not have been prevented — I mean 
the prevalence of the small pox among our troops. 
This fatal pestilence completed our destruction. It 
is a frown of Providence upon us, which we ought 
,to lay to heart. 



330 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE UEVOLLTiON, 



But, on the other band, the delay of this declara-[ An extract of one of them has been published in 



tion to this time has many great advantages at- 
tending it. The hopes of reconciliation, which 
were fondly entertained by multitudes of honest 



tlie newspapers. Once on a time, upon tny stony 
field hill, you interrogated me concerning that 
extract, in so particular a manner, that I thought 



and well meaning, though shortsighted and mis- you felt a tincture of pyrrhonism concerning its 
taken people, have been gradually, and at last j autlienticity. If you have still any doubts, I v/ill 
totally, extinguished. Time has been given fori show you the original letters, in my hand writing, 
the whole people maturely to consider the great | whenever you will do me the honor of a visit to 
question of independence, and to ripen their judg-j Quincy. In those days, my principal correspondent 
ment, dissipatv their fears, and allure their hopes, j was my wife, who was then surrounded by many 
by discussing it in newspapers and pamphlets — of the principal politicians of the age, such as 
by debating it in assemblies, conventions, com-' general James Warren, of Plymouth, and bis lady; 
mittees of safety and inspection — in town and} Dr. Cotton Tufts, of Weymouth; my brother Rich' 
county meetings, as well as in private conversa- ardCranch, of Draintree, and gen. Joseph Palmer, of 
tions; so that the whole people, in every colony, Germantown, and many others, who wereconstantly 
Lave now adopted it as their own act. This will enquiring of her the news^from congress. What- 
cement the union, and avoid those heats, and per- ever related merely to public affairs, she read to 



taps convulsions, which might have been occasion- 
ed by such a declaration six months ago. 

But the day is past. The second day of July, 
1776, will be a memorable epocha in the history 
of America. 1 am apt to believe that it will be 
celebrated by succeeding generations, as the great 
Anniversary FesUval. It ought to be conimemorat- 
ed, as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of 



them, or suffered them to read. 

I am, sir, with perfect esteem and sincere affec- 
tion, your friend and humble servant, 

JOilX ADAMS. 
Judge Dawes. 

COL. LEDYARD-NEW LONDON, Sec. 

LETTER TO THE EDITOR. 

Jl?r. JViles. — The following scrap of history is 



devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solem- 1 recorded on a head stone at the grave of colonel 
nized with pomp, shews, games, sports, guns, bells, i LKnyARD, half a mile S. E. of Fort Griswold, ov 
ton-fires and ilUiminations, from one end of the Grolon, Con. as a public monument of the charac- 
continent to the other, from this time forward for- tev of the cause, the actors and the act. Col. Led- 
^^'^r. [yard was run through riiih his oion siuord, by a 

British captain to whom hs hud surrendered it, and 
most of the [garrison -were murdered after they had 
grounded their arms. Those who survived saved 
themselves by embracing the British soldiers in 
such a manner that they could not bayonet them. 
The wounded were put into a waggon and pre- 
cipitated down the steep hill which elevates the 
fort above the river. 

SACHEl) TO TUE MEMOHT 

or 
WILLIAM LEDYARD, esq. 
"Colonel rommandaut of the garrisoned posts of 
" Xew London and Groton, ivho, after a gallaat de- 
" fence, xvas, -with a large part of the brave garrison, 
" inhumanly massacred by British troops in fort Gris- 
" wold, September 6th, 1781, iEtat, suze 43. By a 
"judicious and faithful discharge of the various 
" duties of his station, he rendered most essential 
"services to his country, and stood confessed 



You will think me transported with enthusiasm; I 
but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and 
blood, and treasure, that it will cost us to main- 
tain this declaration, and support and defend these 
states. Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the 
rays of light and glory; I can see that the end is 
more than worth all the means, and that posterity 
will triumph, although you and I may rue, which 
I hope we shall not. 

JOHX ADAMS. 

Mrs. Adams. 

The following letter was not intended for pub- 
lication, but we cannot resist a desire we feel — for 
reasons which will be obvious to the reader — to 
record the document in our files; and apologize to 
our fellow-citizens for the liberty we have taken. 

QuiRCY, February 16, 1819, 
Respected and beloved judge Dawes: 



Inclosed are copies of two letters written by " the unshaken patriot, and intrepid hero. He lived 
me to my wife, one in the morning, the other in " the pattern of magnanimity, courtesy and humani- 



the evening of the 3d July, 1776, the day after 
the vote of independence was passed ia confess. 



" ty: He fell the victim ungenerous of rage and 
" cruelty!" 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TflE KEVOLUTION. 



531 



"Tfiere is a -uhite stone i]iscn'bed—SACni.n to the | that on the Groton side being commanded by lieut. 
MEMORT of ccptaiii JNO. WILLIAMS, who fell | col. Eyre, and that on the New London side by the 
gloriously figliting for the liberty of his country g'eneral, who met no great trouble. Fort Trumbull 
in fort Griswold, September, 6th 1781, in the 43J.|and the redoubt, which were intended to cover 
year of his age." the harbor and town, not being tenable, were 

! evacuated as he approached, and the few men in 

i them crossed the river to fort Griswold, on Groton- 

llill. Arnold proceeded to the town without being 



*'0;i another stove is theinsa'ihdon — sactiep to the j 

sfPMonT of lieut. EB?:NEZER AYEUV, who fell j 

gloriously fighting in defence effort Griswold and 

. ■ r 1 o ^ 1 .■ 1 -iToi • .1 ,„, lotherwise opposed tlian by the scattered fire of 
American freedom, Septamber til, h, 1781, in the 42(1 1 . 



small parties that had hastily collected. Orders 
were sent by the general to Eyre for attacking 
fort Griswold, that so the possession of it might 
prevent the escape of the American shipping. The 
militia, to the amount of 157, collected for its 
defence, but so hastily as not to be fully furnished 



year of his age." 

"one hettabado is wonsi; than ten Times." 
To complete the history of this horrible tr<»nsac 
tion, and furliier to disseminate a knowledge of 
the infamy of .irnohl and give rp the butciier- 
ing traitor to the execration of posterity— we j with fire arms and other weapon.s. As the assailants 
extract the following account of the massucre I approached, a firing commenced, and the flfg-staff 
from Gordon's history, New-York edit. vol. III. I was soon shot down, from whence the neighbor- 
page 249.* I''^"?" spectators inferred, that tlie place had sur- 

rendered, till the continuance of the firing con- 
vinced thpm to the contrary. The garrison defend- 
ed themselves with the greatest resolution and 
bravery; Eyre was wounded near t!ie works, aid 
major Montgomery was killed immediately after, 
so that the command devolved on major Broom- 
field. The Brilisli at one time staggered; but 
the fort being out of repair, could not be maintain- 
ed by a handful of men against so superior a num- 
*ln specking of Arnold, \\. may be useful to ob- 1 ber as that which assaulted it. After an action of 

serve that Wasuinrto.v offered to exchange ^Jjirfi-e I • ^ ..n • . ^i, , ^- x- xi • 

f „ i,~ .u- u Li r.i- . 1 1- 1 XT 1 about 40 minutes, the resolution of the royal 

lor him, which sir Henry Clmton declined. Never ' ■' 

were tiie sympathies of the American people so j droops carried t!ie place by the point of the 
much misled as in the case of the unfortunate j bayonet. The Americans had not more than Aa// 
Andre. lie was ene^red in a most vile business — , ,.„,,/• , . , y 

<K.» ™.,„„,,o» +u„* _ u« • -^r^A <•„„., K ki= « dozen kiUea before the enemy entered the fort, 

the meanest that can be imagined tor an honorable •' ^ j '* 

inai, the perfection of an act of corruption and trea- 1 when a severe execution took place, though resistance 
son, and justly merited his f<ite; if he V.A \^a.'\\ -eased. The British officer enquired, on his enter- 
ten thousand lives, they were all iustly forfeited . , ^ , ,,,,,,,, 
by the laws of honor as well as to those of war, | '"S ^''^ ^°''^' "^^"^ commanded? colonel Ledyard 
and every principle of self preservation. Had he answered — "I did, sir, but you do now;" and pre- 
not been put to death, the great Wasiiinctos, Ln^ed him his sword. The colonel was imme- 
Jumseir, would at least have merited a dismissal ... , , ,,.,,..„, 
from the command of (he revolutionary armv. Hut h^^^tely run through and killed. The slam were 



"The return of gen. Arnold to New-York from 
Virginia, did not fix him in a state of inactivity. 
He was sent on an enterprize against Nev/ Lon- 
don, with a sufficient land and marine force. — The 
embarkation having passed over from Long Island 
shore in the niglit, the troops were landed in two 
fletachmen'.s on each side of the harbor, at ten 
o'clock in the morning of the Gth of September; 



it is well known that tiie private feelings of the 
illustrious father ax his country were greatly 
excitf d in favor 'j( that unlucky young man — I sity 
unlucky, bec^ti.se if he had surreeileil he would 
have been praised and rewarded for his gallantry, 
dexterity, itc. He f<iiled — and instead of being a 
hero bee /ne a culprit, in the esiiination of every 
refiectii.g' m^n. No personal accomplishmpnts or 



73; the wounded between 30 and 40, and about 
40 were carried off prisoners. Soon after reducing 
the fort, the soldiers loaded a waggon with the 
wounded, as said, by order of their officers, and 
set the waggon oft' from the top of the hill, which 
IS long and very steep; the waggon went a con- 



pnva i; character can palliate a public act ot siderable distance with great force, till it was 

sliatr.e— they rathfr ajrcrravale the iflence; and an i, ■ ^ .. v. „\^ *, «« i.- i -; 

„ , • ^ ,. c ^ii .-.1 .1 . .suddenly stopt by an apple tree, tahich gave the 

ag*f!iy in an act or villan ny rniuU-s the agent to j i j rr o 

tl^ villain's fare. Yet he was treated with all !./«''"' and hlecditig men so terrible a shock that pari 

jiossible couriesy and kindness, and had all t\ie\ of them died instantli/. About fifteen vessels, with 

intercourse wl,h liis friends wi.ich the nature of his 



conrli'ion admitted of. How different the conduct 
of the Briush to captain j\'uthiin Hale — an Amen- 
ca!i, whose character, in any and eveiy light, was 
comparable wiih thai of ,\nclre, a sketch of whose 
case may be found in the WKtiity IlmiSTEU, vol. 
11. page 129.] EDiToa, 



effects of the inhabitants, retreated up the river, 
notwithstanding the reduction of the fort, and 
four others remained in ihe harbor unhurt; a num- 
ber were burnt by the fire's communicating fiora 
llhe stores whan in flumes. Sixty dwelling houses 



332 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



and 84 stores were burned, incUiding those on | of civil society and constitutional protection, to 
both sides of the harbor and in New London. The wit, liberties and UJ'n. 
burning of the town ivas intentional and not accidental. 



Your petitioners most humbly represent to your 
majesty, that, to destroy or assume their chartered 
rights, without a full and fair hearing-, with legal 
proof of forfeiture, and the abrogating of thsir most 
valuable laws, which had duly received the solemn 
confirmation of your majesty's royal predecessors, 
and were thence deemed unchangeable, without 
the consent of the people, is such a proceeding as 
renders the enjoyment of every privilege they 
possess totally uncertain and precarious. That an 
exemption of the soldiery from being tried -in the 
Massachusetts-Bay, for murder or other felony, com- 
mitted upon your majesty's subjects there, is such 
an encouragement to licentiousness and incentive 
to outrage, as must subject your majesty's liege 
people to continued danger. 



The loss that the Americans sustained in this 
deatruction was very great; for there were large 
quantities of naval stores, of European goods, of 
E ist and West India commodities, and of provi 
sions in the several stores. The British had two 
commissioned officers and 46 privates killed; eight 
officers (some of whom are since dead) with 135 
non commissioned and privates wounded." 

Petition of the native Jlmericaris residing in London 
to his Britannic majesty, in I774i. 

IROM THK BOSTOSI PATIllOT. 

Messrs. EniTons: — Having recently been em- 
ployed in searcliing for old records, I met with a 
manuscript copy of the following petition of a 
number of native Americans, who were then in 
London, to his Britannic majesty, in the year 1774. Your petitioners and their countrymen have been 
If you think it sufficiently interesting to publish, j ever most zealously attaclied to your majesty's per- 
you are at liberty to do it. Among the number | son and family. It is therefore with ine.xpressible 
of signers is the late Jinhttr Lee, of Virginia, a affliction that they see an attempt, in these pro- 
gentleman whose life and character seem to be | feedings against them, to change the principle of 
but little known at the present day, although he obedience to government, from the love of the sub- 
was one of the firmest patriots of the revolution, |ject towards their sovereign, founded on the opi 
and bis services, though not conspicuous, yet were njon of his wisdom, justice and benevolence, into 



eminently beneficial to the cause he had espoused. 

It will be remembered, that the bills there 
alluded to are the last of the series of those acts 



the dread of absolute power and laws of extreme 
rigor, unsupportable to a free people. 

Should the bills above-mcuioned receive your 



of the British parliament which produced a crisis, I royal sanction, your majesty's faithful subjects will 



and were the immediate cause of the war of the 
revolution: 

To the king's most excellent majesty. 
The petition of several natives of America, most 
humbly sheweth: 

That your petitioners, being your majesty's most 
faithful subjects, are obliged to implore your graci- 
ous interposition, to protect them in the enjoyment 
of those privileges which are the right of all your 
people. 

Yourmajesty's petitioners have already seen, with 
unspeakable grief, their earnest prayers rejected, 
and heavy penalties inflicted, even on the innocent 
aino ig their countrymen, te the subversion of every 
principle of justice, without their being heard. By 
this alarming procedure all property was rendered 
insecure; and they now see in two bills (for altering 
the government of the Massachusetts^Bay, and 
the innpHrt.ial adn/uiistration of justice there) the 



be overwhelmed with grief and despair. 

It is therefore our most earnest prayer that your 
majesty will be graciously pleased to suspend your 
royal assent to the said bills. 

And your petitioners, 8cc. 



Stephen Sayre, 
William Lee, 
Arthur Lee, 
Edmund Jenings, 
Joshua Johnson, 
Daniel Bowley, 
Benjamin Franklin, 
Thomas Buston, 
Edward Bancroft, 
Thomas Bronrjfield, 
John Boylston, 
Jolm Ellis, 
John Williams^ 
John AUeyne, 



Intended subvefsion of tlie two other grand objects * Ralph Irard 



Winiam H. Gibbs, 
Willi'tm Blake, 
Isaac iVWite, 
Henry Lavrence, 
Thomas Pinctne);, 
John T. Grimp^ie, 
Jacob Reade, 
Philip Neyle, 
Edward Fenwicke, 
Edward Fenwicke, jr. 
John Peroneauf, 
William Middleton, 
William Middleton, jr 
Ralph Irard, jr. 
William Heyward. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



SS3 



British in Philadelphia. | 

A much vula-d trie, id placed ia the hands of the 
editor a large volume of papers, containing the 
correspaiTdence of brig. gen. Lacet, of Pennsyl- 
vania, who coinjnanded the militia stationed on 
the east side of the Sclmylkill, to watch the mo- 
tions of the enemy and prevent his obtaining 
suppJies, during the period at which he occupied 
Philadelphia. 
This volume contains a great deal of curious mat- 
ter—though not inuch of it seems to come within 
the prospectus of this work. Such ar icles fol- 
lov as may ssrve to shew the spirit and necessi- 
ties of (he times. 

Gen. IVashvi^ton to gcii. Xacet/ — dated at Valley 
Forge, Jan. 23, 1778. [Extract.] "I am well in- 
formed that m-^ny persons, under pretence of fur- 
nishitig ine inhabitants of Germanto wn, and near 
the enemy's lifies, afford immense supplies to the 
Phiiad^lphiu ina.-keis — a conduct highly prejudi- 
cial to us and contrary to every order. It is there- 
fore become proper to make an example of some 
guilty one, that the rest may expect a like fate, 
should they persist. This I am determined to put 
in execution; andrequest you, when a suitable ob- 
ject falls into your hands, that you will send hira 
here with the witnesses; or let me know his najre 
— when you shall have power to try, and if prpved 
guilty, to execute. This you will be plea'>ed to 
make known to the people, that they riv^y again 
have warning." 
From the same, dated Feb. 8. 1778. [C'ctract.] "The 
communication between the city and country, in 
spite of every thing hitherto dy.e, still continuing, 
and threate:iing the most perr.icious consequences, 
I am induced to beg you will exert every possible 
expedient to put a stop to it. In order to this, to 
excite the zeal of the militia under your command, 
and make them more active in their duty, I would 
have you let every thing taken from persons going 
into and coming out of the city, redound to the 
benefit of the parties who take them. At the same 
time, it will be necessary to use great precaution 
to prevent an abuse of this privilege; since it may 
otherwise be made a pretext for plundering the in- 
nocent inhabitants. One method to prevent this 
will be, to let no forfeiture take placfc but under 
the eye and with the concurrence of some com- 
missioned officer. 

Any horses captured in this manner, fit for the 
public service, either as light or draught horse?, 
must be sent to camp to the quarter master gene- 
ral, who will be directed to pay the value of them 
to the captor!^" 



Gen. Lacey to the council of Pennsylvania — dated 
Warwick, Bucks, Feb. 15, 1778. [Extracts.] "My 
force is reduced almost to a cypher. Only sixty 
remain fit for duly in camp. With this number, 
you must of course suppose that we are in no wise 
capable of guarding so extensive a country as this, 
nor even safe in our camp." [Gen. Lacey's force 
continually fluctuated — sometimes it amounted to 
several hundred; at other times it was wholly in- 
efficient, and hardly exceeded fifty in all. Atone 
moment he had several times more men than arms; 
at another, many times more arms than men. The 
militia were called out for short tours, and his com- 
mand was a most perplexing one. The officers and 
men hardly knew each other before they separated.] 



On the 21«< of Feb. 1778, gen. Washington ordert 
the destruction or removal of certain quantities of hay ^ 
in places accessible to the enemy. 

Gen. JVushington to gen. Lacey, dated at Valley 
Forge, March 2, 1778. [Extracts.] "I don't well 
know what to do with the great numbers of 
peop!e taken going to Philadelphia. I have pu- 
niei.'ied several severely, fined others heavily, and 
fome are sentenced to be imprisoned during the 
war." He then expresses a wish that the state 
will take charge of them, punish them as criminals, 
or hold them to exchange "for those inhabitants 
lately taken from their families." But in a post- 
script adds, "If either or any of the persons now 
in your custody are such that you think are pro- 
per to make examples of, and you have sufficient 
evidence to convict them, send them over to me, 
with the witnesses, and I will have them imme- 
diately tried by a court martial." 

Gen. Lacey to the council, dated camp, near White 
Marsh, March 11, 1778. [Extract.] "As soon as 
I approach within eight or ten miles of the ene- 
my's lines, the inhabitants, having their horses con- 
cealed in b3'e places, mount them, and taking tbeir 
way through the fields and private paths, repair 
directly to the city, with the intelligence that the 
rebels are in the neighborhood. Not one word of 
intelligence can we procure from them, — not even 
the direction of the roads. 

There are large sums of counterfeit mon ey cir- 
culating in the lower part of i5ucks and I'liiiudel- 
phia counties, which are brought out of the city 
by the market people." 

A letter from gen. Wayne to gen. Lacey, by grder 
of gen. Washington, notifies gen. L. that he is di- 
rected 'Ho collect and drive ia all the cattle, horses 



334 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



and waggons, in the counties of Bucks and Pnila- 
delphia, likely to fall into the hands of the enemy, 
— especially the property of tories." 

Gen. Lnceij*s orders to his scouting parties, March 
9, 1778. [Extract] **If your parties should meet 
with any people going to market, or any persons 
whatever going to the city, and they endeavor to 
make their escape, you will order your men to fire 
upon the villains. You will leave such on the roads 
— their bodies and their marketing lying together. 
This I wish you to execute on the first offend*;rs 
you meet, that they may be a warning to others." 

Gen. Washington to gen. Lacey, dated at Valley 
Forge, 20th March, 1778— "Sunday next being the 
time on which the quakers hold one of their ge- 
neral meetings, a number of vhat society will 
probably be attempting to go ini.6 Philadelphia. 
This is an intercourse that we shouhlby all means 
endeavor to interrupt, as the plans settled at these 
meetings are of the most pernicious tendency*. I 
would therefore have you dispose of your parties 
in such a manner as will most probably fall in vith 
lliese people, and if they should, and any of tlittn 
should be mounted upon horses fit for draft or the 
service of light dragoons, I desire they may be 
taken from them, and sent over to the quarter-mas- 
ter general. Any suc!i are not to be considered 
as the property of the parties who may seize them, 
as in other cases. Communicate the above orders 
to any of the officers who may command scouting 
parties on y.3ur side of the Schuylkill. 



*I was in much doubt whether I ought to pub- 
lish or suppress this letter — but, on reflection, 
have thought it best to insert it. It must be ad- 
mitted, that a great maj ori ty of the quakers in Penn- 
■ylvania, were "well inclined" to the British, and 
some of them went great lengths out of the rules 
of their profession to aid and comfort the enem_\ 
of their country; others, by adhering to those rules 
and refusing to take any part in the contest, even 
by the payment of taxes, were impropei-ly suspect- 
ed of disaffection, when in fact they were only neu- 
tral, refusing to have any tiling to do with the war; 
a few, liowever, laid aside their testimony against 
fighting, and contended gallantly for freedom. 
Persons of this religious persuasion in some other 
states, were sincerely attached to the cause of inde- 
pendence, and did all that consistently they could 
do to assist the whigs. A stoppage of the inter- 
course with Pniladelphia, at the tim3, was indubi- 
tably necessary and proper; but gen. Washington 
was misinformed, I appretiend, wiien he spoke of 
the "plans" settled at i!ie meetings of tlie quakers 
— whatever they might have done as individual, 
their "meetings" must have passed wivhout tht 
adoption of any plans of a political nature — for sucli 
things are not sufiered to be mentioned in them. 

Ed iron. 



[Gen. Lacey, in reply, says he had ordered out his 
horse to stop the quakers, with orders, "if they re- 
fused to stop when hailed, to fire into them, and 
leave their bodies lying in tine road."] 

[So great was the intercourse with Philadelphia, 
and so numerous the sufferings of the whigs in con- 
sequence of intelligence carried to the enemy, that 
an idea was entertained of removing all the people 
within fifteen miles of that city; but Washington 
said "the measure was rather desirable than practi- 
cable," and preferred a rigid conduct towards "no- 
torious characters," who, he again directed, should 
be tried by courts martial. But in a letter of the 
mh April, in consequence of a resolve of congress, 
he says "it will be needless to apprehend any more, 
[f found going to Philadelphia with provisions, yon 
may take that and their horses from them." 

Gen, Green to gen. Lacey, dated Valley Forge, 
Iprii 21, 1778. The wife of maj. T. complains; 
that some of your people have taken from iier hus- 
band, one of their horses, which they are in want 
of to enable them to move up to Reading. I wish 
you to inquire into the matter, and if there is no 
capital offence, to order the beast to be delivered to 
die owner again. The war is a sufficient calamity 
uTwJer every possible restraint, but where people are 
lnfitk?nced by avarice and private prejudice, they 
increa&e the distresses of the inhabitants beyond 
conception. Those evils can only be restrained by 
the generaVi?, whose duty it is to protect the dis- 
tressed inhaKtants, as well as govern and regulate 
the affairs of th<i army. I hope you will pay par- 
tictilar attention it. this affair, as the age and dis- 
tress of the compbiiVmts appear to claim it." 

[In reply, gen. Lacey states that he finds the 
horse was taken by a person who "calls himself a 
volunteer, and has made a practice of riding with 
my parties." He was called upon to answer for his 
conduct, and fresh instructions given not to molest 
the inhabitants "unless found favoring the enemy."] 

Gen, Lncey surprised. In a letter to gen. Wash- 
ington, dated camp near Neshaminy bridge, York 
road, May 2, 1778, gen. Lacey gives an account of 
his being surprised by a superior force of the ene- 
my, near the Crooked Billet, at day break on the 
preceding day, by the neglect of a lieut. whose 
duty it was to keep a look-out, which he neglected 
to do and was cashiered for it. Though the at- 
tack was wholly unexpected and very vigorous, La- 
cey made out to get his people embodied, and re- 
treated lighting for upwards of two miles, when he 
reached a wood and extricated himself. He lost 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S35 



»hiriy kiUed, and seventeen wounded. A number 
of the enemy were killed. We notice this affair 
lo give the following extract from gen. Lacey'a 
letter. 

•'Some [of his men] were butchered irt the most 
savage and cruel manner — even when living, some 
were thrown into buck-wheat straw, and the straw 
set on fire. The clothes were burnt on others; 
and scarcely one left without a dozen wounds, with 
bayonets and cutlasses." 

[These things are repeated, with additional par- 
ticulars, in a letter to gen. Armstrong.] 

Gen. Lacey was relieved by gen. Potter about the 
middle of May, 1778, but resumed his old sta- 
tion in the autumn of 1780, to collect troops, 
wag'gons, horses, &c. by order of the council of 
Pennsylvania. The f.jllowing letter from presi- 
dent Rsed may serve to shew the state of things, 
as to the subjects to which it relates — 

To H. IF , esq. Sucks county.~-Sin — Having 

expressed myself so fully to you and Mr. T. upon 
the necessity of procuring a number of horses, I 
am not a little surprised that you should have dia^- 
charged those that had been taken under the di- 
rection of gen. Lacey; and 1 cannot help consider- 
ing it as adding to ray embarrassments at a time 
when you gave me reason to expect assistance. 



cure yourself by your exertions, you have little to 
expect from their lenity or gratitude. I shouui 
not have {said this much if I did not feel nyself 
much hurt and the public service injured, by giv- 
ing way to a little clamor, after the most odious 
and difficult part of the business was done. 
I am, sir, your obedient, htimble servant, 

JOS. REED. 
Philadelphia, Auf^. 11, 1780. 
// JV. esq. Bucks covnty. 

d^'Gen. Lacy and his corps was discharged by 
an order of the executive of Pennsylvania, on the 
12th October, 1781, with the thanks of the council. 



It is much to be wished that gentlemen in pub 
?ic office, who, from motives of compassion, or a 
fear of offending, cannot take part in these neces- 
sary measures, would on such occasions avoid any 
interference; and leave persons of more decision 
to proceed. The legislature having vested the 
power of declaring martial law in us, I apprehend 
you had not authority to counteract the orders 
given; which were to send such horses as were 
taken immediately down to this place, for the ac- 
commodation of the militia, about to march, agreea- 
bly to gen. Washington's order. It will be a great 
disappointment if they do not come down, and will 
throw us all in confusion. As Mr. T. and yourself, 
by my accounts, discharged all the horses, after 
taken, I must esteem you accountable for them. It 
is no season for such lax and indecisive measures, 
and you will probably ere long, if the enemy are 
not driven from the country, experience that tho 
temporizing measures appear at first view easy and 



Letters from gen. Washington. 

[Collected from among the papers of Cjesar Rodjtet, 
of Delaware, a member of the "stamp-act con- 
gress" and of the revolutionary congress, whose 
name is signed to the declaration of indepen- 
dence. He was repeatedly chosen governor of 
the state, and performed several tours of duty 
as a brigadier general, during the revolution] 

Camp, focb miles fhom potts' ohote, 

September 24<A, 1777. 

Deah sin — I last night read your favor of the 
21st, and am much obliged to you for the book. 
This, and the one taken in the .iction at Chads- 
Ford, complete general Howe's orders from April 
to the lOtli inst. I am sorry for the captivity of 
Mr. Berry, whom you mention to be a young man 
of merit, but no proposition for his exchange can 
be made at this time, nor can he be exchanged 
( but in due course, which is the only rule by which 
equal justice can take place. The conduct of the 
militia is much to be regretted. In many instances, 
they are not to be roused, and in others they come 
into the field with all possible indifference, and, 
to all appearance, entirely unimpressed with thft 
importance of the cause in which we are engaged. 
j Hence preceeds a total inattention to order and 
j to discipline, and too often a disgraceful deparUiie 
i from the army at tlie instant their aid is most 
I wanted. I am inclined to think, the complaints 
I and objections offered to the militia laws are but too 
: well founded. The interest of the community has 
I not been well consulted in their formation, and, 
, i generally speaking, those I have seen are unequal. 



I wish I could inform you that our affairs were in 



desirable, they are ruinous in the end. You have ja happier train than they no.v are. After various 
already done enough, and have properly enough, j manai-vres and extending his army Ingh up the 
to make you an object of the vengeance of the ene- j Schuylkill, as if he meant to turn otir right Hank, 
nay and their tory adherents; .^nd if yon do not se- 'gen. Howe made a sudden countermarch on Men- 



336 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



day night, and in the course of it and yesterday 
morning, crossed the river, which is fordable in 
almost every part, several miles below us; he will 
possess himself of Philadelphia in all probability — 
but I think, he will not be able to hold it. No exer- 
tions shall be wanting on my part to dispossess 
him. 

I am, in haste, dear sir, your most obedient ser 
vant. 



Brig. gen. Rodney. 



GEO. WASHINGTON. 



While I am on the subject of clothing, I would 
also beg leave to add, that the condilion of the 
officers in this respect, appears to me to require 
the attention of their states. It is really in many 
instances painfully distressing. The want of neces- 
saries and the means of procuring them, at the 
present exorbitant prices, have compelled a great 
many officers of good reputation and merit to 
resign their commissions; — and, if they are not 
relieved, it must be the case with many others, as 
they will have no alternative. 

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect 
and esteem, your excellency's most obedient ser- 
vant, GEO. WASHINGTON. 

His excellency Ctesat' Rodney, esq. 

[CIHCtfLAR.] 
HEAD aCARTERS, WEST POrST, 

August 26, 1779. 
Sir— I have the honor to enclose your excellency 
a list of sundry officers belonging to your state who 
have been in captivity and are reported by the 
commissary of prisoners, as violators of parole. A 
conduct of this kind, so ignominious to the indivi- 
duals themselves, so dishonorable to their coun- 
try, and to the service in which they have been 
hend, that unless the respective states interfere engaged, and so injurious to those gentlemen 
with their exertions, our supplies of this essential who were associated With them in rnisfoitune. 



[circular.] 
West point, August 26, 1779. 
Sir — In a letter which I had the honor of ad- 
dressing your excellency on the 22d May, I took 
the liberty of mentioning the inconveniences which 
had prevailed for want of system in the clothing 
department, and the necessity there was for an 
early appointment of state or sub-clothiers, agreea- 
bly to the ordinance established by congress, by 
their act of the 23d March, with which I presumed 
your excellency had been made acquainted. I am 
now under the necessity of troubling you with a 
further address on the subject of clothing itself. 
From the best information I have been able to ob- 
tain, both from returns and particular enquiries, 
I fear that there is but too much reason to appre- 



article will be very deficient, and that the troops 
may again experience on this account a part of 
those distresses which were so severely and in- 
jurously felt in past stages of the war, and which 
a regard to the interests of the states, as well as 
to the duties of humanity, should prevent if it be 
practicable. I do not know exactly how mat- 
ters will turn out with woolen clothing. I should 
hope tolerably well; but if the attention of tlie 
state should ever go to this, there will be little 
probability of our having an over-supply. But the 
articles to which I would take the liberty to solicit 
your excellency's more particular attention, are — 
blankets — shirts — shoes and hats — more especially 
the two first, as our prospects of them are by no 
means pleasing, and such indeed as decides that 
the supply from the continental clothiers and 
agents will fall far short, or at least stand upon 
too critical and precarious a fooling. The im- 
portance and advantages of good supplies of cloth- 
ing are evident — and they have been most remark- 
ably and happily demonstrated in the health of 
the troops, since they have been pretty comforta- 
bly provided for in this instance— a circumstance 
of all others the most interesting. 



but preserved their honor — demands that every 
measure should be taken to deprive them of the 
benefit of their delinquency and to compel their 
return. We have pledged ourselves to the enemy 
to do every thing in our power for this purpose, 
and in consequence I directed Mr. Beatty, com- 
missary of prisoners, to issue the summons which 
you will probably have seen in the public papers. 
But as it is likely to have a very partial operation, 
I find it necessary in aid of it to request the inter- 
position of the executive powers of the different 
states to enforce a compliance. Most of these 
persons never having been and none of them now 
being in continental service, military authority 
will hardly be sufficient to oblige them to leave 
their places of residence and return to captivity, 
against their inclination: Neither will it be dif- 
ficult for them to elude a military search and 
keep themselves in concealment. I must therefore 
entreat that your excellency will be pleased to 
take such measures as shall appear to you proper 
and effectual to produce their immediate return. 
This will be rendering an essential service to our 
officers in general, in captivity, will tend much to 
remove the difficulties which now lie in the way 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. 



535 



of exchanges, and to discourage the practice of 
violating paroles in future. 

I halve the honor to be, with the greatest re- 
spect and esteem, your excellency's most obedient, 

humble servant, 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 
His excellency 

Governor Rodney. 
[Only one person of Delaware was charged in the 
schedule with having violated his parole.] 

[CIRCULAH.] 
HEAD aUABTERS, MOHRISTOWIf, 

16/A December, 1779. 
Sm— The situation of the army with respect to 
supplies, is beyond description alarming. It has 
been five or six weeks past on half allowance, and 
we have not more than three days bread, at a 
third allowance, on hand, nor any where within 
reach. When this is exhausted, we must depend 
on the precarious gleanings of the neighboring 
country. Our magazines are absolutely empty every 
where, and our commissaries entirely destitute of 
money or credit to replenish them. We have never 
Experienced a like extremity at any period of the 
war. We have often felt temporary want from an 
accidenttil delay in forwarding supplies, but we 
always had something in our magazines and the 
means of procuring more. Neither one nor the 
other is at present the case. 

This representation is the result of a minute 
examination of our resources. Unless some ex- 
traordinary and immediate exertions be made 
by the states from which we draw our supplies, 
there is every appearance tliat the army will 
infallibly disband in a fortnight. I think it my 
duty to lay this candid view of our situation be- 
fore your excellency, and to entreat the vigorous 
interposition of the state to rescue us from the 
danger of an event, which, if it did not prove the 
total ruin of our affairs, would at least give them a 
shock they would not easily recover, and plunge 
us into a train of new and still more perplexing 
embarrassments than any we have hitherto felt. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your 
excellency's most obedient servant, 

G. WASHINGTON. 
His excellency 

Governor Rodney. 

Extract of a letter from gen. Washington, to congress, 
dated head ^uarterSf Springfield, 2Qth June, 1780. 
"The honorable the committee will have inform- 
ed congress, from time to time, of the raeasares 
4^. 



which have been judged essential to be adopted 
for co-operating with the armament expect*' - from 
France and of their requisitions to the states in con- 
sequence. Wliat the result of these has been I can- 
not determine, to my great anxiety, as no answers 
on the subjects of them have been yet received. 
The period is come when we have every reason to 
expect the fleet will arrive — and yet, for want of 
this point of primary consequence, it is impossi- 
ble for me to form or fix on a system of coopera- 
tion. I have no basis to act upon — and, of courscj, 
were this generous succour of our ally now to 
arrive, I should find myself in the most awkward, 
embarrassing and painful situation. The general 
and the admiral, from the relation in which V 
stand, as soon as they approach our coast, will re- 
quire of me a plan of the measures to be pursued; 
and these ought of right to be and prepared, but 
circumstanced as I am, I cannot give them con- 
jectures. From these considerations, I have sug- 
gested to the committee, by a letter I had the honor 
of addressing them yesterday, the indispensable 
necessity of their writing again to the states, 
urging them to give immediate and precise jr- 
formation of the measures they have taken and of 
the result. The interest of the states, the honorand 
reputation of our councils, the justice and gratitude 
due our allies, a regard to myself— all require that 
I should, without delay, be enabled to ascertain and 
inform them what we can or cannot undertake. 
There is a point which ought now to be determin- 
ed, on which the success of all are future operations 
may depend, which, for want of knowing our pros- 
pects, I am altogether at a loss what to do in. For 
fear of involving the fleet and army of our allies 
in circumstances which, if not seconded by us^ 
would expose them to material inconvenience and 
hazard, I shall be compelled to suspend it, and the 
delay may be fatal to our hopes. 

Besides the embarrassments I have mentionsd 
above, and upon former occasions, there is another 
of a very painful and humiliating nature. We 
have no shirts, from thi? best enquiry I can make^ 
to distribute to the troops when the whole are in 
great >vant; and when a great part of them are 
absolutely destitute of any at all. Their situa- 
tion too with respect to summer overalls, 1 fear 
is not likely to be much better. There are a great 
many on hand, it is said, at Springfield, but so in- 
different in their quality as to be scarcely wort-h 
the expense of transportation and delivery. For 
the troops to be without clothing at any time, is 
highly injurious to the service and distressing to 
lour feelings: but the want will be more peculiarly 



SS8 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



moitifyirig when they come to act with those of 
our allies. If it is possible, I have no doubt im- 
mediate measures will be taken to relieve their 
distress. It is also most sincerely to be wished, 
that there could be some supplies of clothing fur 
nisbed for the officers. There are a great many 
whose condition is I'eally miserable still, and in 
some instances it is the case with almost whole 
state lines. It would be well for their own sakes 
and for the public good, if they could be furnish- 
ed. When our friends come to co-operate with us, 
they will not be able to go on the common routine 
of duty — and if they should, they must be held, 
from their appearance, in low estimation. 

[CIRCTJLAB.] 

Head Quarters, Jtear the Liberty Pole, 
Bergen county, 27th August, 1780. 
Sin— The honorable the committee of co opera- 
tion having returned to congress, I am under the 
disagreeable necessity of informing your excellen- 
cy that the army is again reduced to an extremity 
of distress for want of provision. The greater 
part of it has been without meat from the 2 1st to 
the 26th. To endeavor to obtain some relief, I 
moved down to this place, with a view of stripping 
the lower parts of the country of the remainder 
of its cattle, which, after a most rigorous exaction, 
is found to afford between two and three days' sup 
ply only, and those consisting of milch cows, and 
calves of one or two years old. When this scanty 
pittance is consunaed, I know nat what will be our 
next resource, as the commissary can give me no 
certain information of more than 120 head of cattle 
expected from Pennsylvania and about 150 from 
Massachusetts — I mean in time to supply our im- 
mediate wants. 

Military coercion is no longer of any avail, as 
nothing further can possibly be collected from the 
country in which we are obliged to take a position, 
without depriving the inhabitants of the last mor- 
sel. This mode of subsisting, supposing the de- 
sired end could be answered by it, besides being 
in the highest degree distressing to individuals, is 
attended with ruin to the morals and discipline of 
the army. During the few days which we have 
been obliged to send out small parties to procure 
provisions for themselves, the most enormous ex- 
cesses have been committed. 

It has been no inconsiderable support of our 
cause, to have had it in our power to contrast the 
conduct of our army with that of the enemy, and 
to convinc3 the inhabitants that, whilg tUeif rights 



were wantonly violated by the British troops, 
by ours they v/^ere re^ipected. This distinction 
must, unhappily, now cease, and we must assume 
the odious character of the plunderers instead of 
the protectors of the people; the direct conse- 
quence of which must be, to alienate their minds 
from the army and insensibly from the cause. 

We have not yet been absolutely without flour, 
but we have this day, but one day's supply in camp, 
and I am not certain that there is a single barrel 
between this place and Trenton. I shall be obliged 
therefore to draw down one or two hundred bar- 
rels from a small magazine, which I had endeavor- 
ed to establish at West Point, for the security of 
the garrison, in case of a sudden investiture. 

From the above state of facts, it may be foreseen 
that this army cannot possibly remain much longer 
together, unless very vigorous and immediate mea- 
sures are t.iken by the stales to coarply with the 
requisitions made upon them. The commissary 
general has neither the means nor the power of 
procuring supplies — he is only to receive them 
from the several agents. Without a speedy change 
of circumstances, this dilerrma will be Involved. 
either the army must disband, or what is, if possi- 
ble, worse, subsist upon the plunder of the people. 
I would fain flatter myself that a knowledge of 
our situation will produce the desired relief: not 
a relief of a fevr days, as has generally heretofore 
been the case, but a supply equal to the establish- 
ment of magazines for the winter. If these are 
not formed before the roads are broken up by the 
weather, we shall certainly experience the same 
difficulties and distresses tlie ensuing winter whicli 
we did the last. Although the troops have, upon 
every occasion hitherto, borne their wants with 
unparalleled patience, it will be dangerous to trust 
too often to a repetition of the causes of discontent, 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your 
excellency's most obedient, 

G. WASHINGTON. 

State of Delaioare. 

• 

FROM TUE PAPERS OF C.USAR ASD THOMAS RODSEV. 

The editor's friend, Caesar A. BaJney, of Delaware^ 
well known as a member of congress from that 
state, attorney general of the United Sutes, &&. 
favored him with an opportunity of examining a 
great mass of papers lefi by his uncle, general Cae- 
sar and his father, capt. Thomas Rodney, men 
celebrated for their devotion to the cause of H- 
berty. Out of this extensive collection, the fol- 
lowing articles have been gleaned, in the belief 
that each of them may go to establish some 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



SS9 



point interesting to thosf who seek to ascertain 
the "principles and acts of the revolution." 

Editor] 

the stamp act congress, 
Extract of a letter from Ccesar Rodmtj, to his bro' 
ther Thomas, dated JVerw York, Oct. 20, 1765. 
When I wrote to you last, I expected that con- 
gress would have ended in eight or ten days from 
that time; but, contrary to expectation, we have 
not yet finished. You and many others are sur- 
prised, perhaps, to think we should sit so long, 
when the business of our meeting seemed only t* 
be the petitioning the king, and remonstrating to 
both houses of parliament: but when you consider 
that we are petivioning and addressing that august 
body, the great legislature of the empire, for redress 
of grievances, — that, in order to point out those 
g^rievances, it was likewise necessary to set forth the 
liberty we have and ought to enjoy (as freeborn En- 
glishmen)accordingto the British constitution. This 
we are about to do by way of declaration, in the na- 
ture of resolves, as a foundation to the petition and 
address; and was one of the most difficult tasks I ever 
yet saw undertaken, as we had carefully to avoid any 
infringement of the prerogative of the crown and 
the power of parliament — and yet in duty bound 
fully to assert the rights and privileges of the colo- 
nies. However, after arguing and debating two 
weeks, on liberty, privileges, prerogative, &c. in 
an assembly of great abilities, we happily finished 
them, and now have the petition and addresses be- 
fore us, and expect to finish in three or four days. 

Philadelphia, Saturday, Sept. 17th, 1774. 
Sir— By express, which arrived here yesterday 
from the committee of the town of Boston, to the 
continental congress, we are informed the county of 
Suffolk, of which the town of Boston is the capital, 
had entered into certain resolutions, a copy of 
which was enclosed us, generally to the purport 
of not suffering the commander in chief to exe- 
cute the act of parliament changing their govern • 
ment, by persuading, protecting and compelling 
officers under the new regulation to resign, and by 
a refusal in jurymen to serve, &c. That they have 
ordered all those able to bear arms to keep in 
readiness to defend their inherent rights, even 
with loss of blood and treasure; that they are de - 
termined not to injure the general or any of the 
king's troops, unless compelled thereto by an at- 
tack made bj the troops on them. They complain 
of the general seizing of the powder at Cambridge, 
which they say was private property; and also that 
he is now fortifying the only pass that leads from 



the town of Boston into the country, from whence 
the inhabitants of the town arc daily supplied: this 
pass is a narrow neck of land about 1 20 yards wide, 
at which he has placed a number of troops and 2S 
cannon; that the country people passing and repas- 
sing this place are sufTere.i to be insulted by the 
soldiery — and that the inhabitants feared, (from 
those movements of the general), he had designs 
of apprehending and sending to England those pcr« 
sons who have stood foremost in the great cause of li- 
berty — that in consequence of his conduct, and those 
their suspicions, the inhabitants of Suffolk sent (by 
a committee appointed for that purpose) an ad- 
dress to the general, enquiring the cause of his 
stopping up and fortifying the pass, seizing and 
securing the magazines, 8tc. and their disapproba- 
tion of his conduct — and that they had no intention 
to assault either him or his soldiers; — but that, if 
he continued to block up the pass, and therf^y 
prevent them of the only means of supplyini the 
town with necessaries, they should look up»n it as 
a commencement of hostilities: Upon t^e whole, 
they sent an express to the general congress here 
for their instructions as to their future conduct. 
The congress met on that business this day, and 
have resolved thereon — which you will see in the 
"Packet" of Monday, being ordered immediately 
to be printed, as well that the general as the peo- 
pie might know what they thought of the matter. 

I am yours, &.c. CiESAR RODNEY.. 

Capt. Thomas Rodney. 

Philadelphia, Monday, Sept. 19, 1774 
Sir— Some time ago, I do not doubt but you 
were all much alarmed, on a report that the king's 
ships were firing on the town of Boston. When 
that news came to this city, the bells were mnfHed, 
and kept ringing all that day: however, in a few 
days after that news was contradicted here, and 
hope by this time it is §o with you. By some 
late very authentic accounts from Boston govern- 
ment, to the gentlemen of that place now at the 
congress, we are informed that there was about 
three days between this report's passing throughr 
the Massachusetts and Connecticut governments, 
and its being contradicted: that when the cspres- 
ses went to contradict this false report, they found, 
in those two governments, in differen. parties, up- 
wards of fifty thousand men, well armed, actually 
on their march to Boston, for the relief of the inha- 
bitants; and that every fai-mer who had a carl or 
waggon, (and notableto bear arms), was with them, 
loaded with provisions, ammunition, &c. all bead- 
ed by experienced officers, who had served in the 
late American war: and tl^at vast numbers more 



340 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



were preparing to march. Upon the news being 
contradicted, they returned peaceably to their se- 
veral places of abode— but not till they had sent 
some of their officers, from the different parties, to 
Boston, to know the real situation of affairs there, 
and to direct them what principal officers in the 
different pa»ts of the country they should hereaf- 
ter send expresses to, in case they should stand in 
need of their assistance. It is supposed by some 
of the friends of liberty, at Boston, that the alarm 
was set on foot by some of the friends to the minis 
teri'al plan, in order to try whether there was that 
true valor in the people. If this was the case, I 
suppose you will think with me, that, by this time, 
they can have no doubts revnaining. Indeed, I 
think it is proved by the general's own conduct; 

%, ever since that, he has been fortifying himself, 

W'ich I imagine is more for his own security than 

to av^ack the inhabitants. 
I amyours, &c. C.HSAB RODXEY. 

Mr. Tfian^B Rodnfl/t Dover. 

[extkact.] 

Fhiladelphia, Sept. 24, 1774. 
Sib — Mr. R. I'enn is a great friend of liberty, and 
has treated the gentlemen delegates with the greaf- 
cst respect. More or less of them dine with him 
every day— and his brother wishes his station would 
admit of his acting the same part: all these mat- 
ters are for your own private speculation, and not 
for public view. By this you may see that some 
people with you are mistaken in their politics, and 
you may also take for granted every body here is 
not well pleased with the coalition of the two bro- 
thers. 
I am, as usual, your friend and humble servant, 
C.liSAR RODNEY. 
JUr. Thomas Rodney. 

Philadelphia, Monday, Oct. 9, 1775. 
Sir — On Friday, about eleven o'clock at night. 
Dr. K. of this city was seized by order of the com- 
mittee of observation, for having wrote letters to 
Kngland, injurious and destructive to us in the 
American contest, and wicked with respect to this 
city, and is now confined in jail, together with one 
B. who came here with governor Skeen, Mr. C. an 
apothecary, who was in partnership with S. and 
one JSlr. S. all of whom were aiding the doctor in 
iiis plan. You must know K. has been a considera- 
ble time since marked out as a thorough-paced to- 
ry; for which, together with his having insulted the 
|)eople, he was (since I came to town last) carted 
through the streets. But the offence for which he 



nesday last, a ship sailed out of this port for Lon- 
don, in which Mr. C. was going passenger. A few 
days before she sailed, young Dewees, son of the 
sheriff, went to pay Ur. K. some money, and com- 
ing suddenly into his room, found him and C. toge- 
ther, with a bundle of papers before them, which 
they hustled up in seeming confusion. This, wilh 
K's. tory character, gave Dewees suspicion, and he 
accordingly informed a few of the committee, who 
kept the matter secret, let the ship sail and the 
passengers go down to Chester by land, to go ot\ 
board. On Thursday evening, wiiich was the day 
the passengers went, a small parly was sent down 
to Chester; they stayed there that night incog, and 
saw the passengers go on board next morning. 
They then immediately pushed on board, seized 
and examined Mr. C. who, in a little time, told 
them that there were several letters from Dr. 
K. and Mr, B. and one from Mr. S. that he had 
the charge of them, and was concerned with them 
in the plan they had concerted, but that the let- 
ters were then in the custody of a woman down in 
the cabin, and that she had them concealed in a 
pocket sewed to the inside of her s— ft tail, where 
in fact they soon after found them, and came back 
to town, (leaving C. as they had promised, upon his 
making a discovery of the whole matter, on oath, 
before Mr. Graham, at Chester), and then seized 
the authors. The letters were to lord Dartmouth 
aud other ministers of state, but under cover to 
Messrs. M'Cawley. The substance and design was 
pressing their sending to Philadelphia five thou- 
sand regulars, on which condition they would en^ 
gage five thousand more here to join them, provid- 
ed the royal standard should be also sent in, and 
K. appointed to bear it; for that great numbers of 
those who now wear cockades and uniform were 
hearty in the ministerial cause — that the rest were 
a pack of cowards — for that he (K.) had madeabove 
five thousand of them run, by snapping a single 
pistol at them, &c. They had with them, for the 
use of the ministry, one of J. F's plans of Delaware 
bay and river, whereon they had described the place 
where the chevaux-de-frises were fixed. Besides 
thesp and many more villainous contrivances, they 
were taking home the out-lines for a print, to be 
struck off in London, shewing K's late exhibition 
in the cart, going through the streets ef Philadel- 
phia with the mob, some of whom he undertakes 
particularly to describe, to wit: Bradford, &c. Sec, 
many of whom were actually not there, and how he 
every now and then.by snappinghis pistol,made them 
run, &c. His abuse of the congress, committees, &c. 



js now confine , ia thus circmnsianced; On Wed- (iu his letters), id intolerabls— such as rebels, fee 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



HI 



After the committee of safety had examined them 
and the contents of the letters, they sent a pilot 
boat down the river to overtake the ship, to bring 
up C. and to search the box of letters, and to bring 
all of them that they supposed to be from or to 
suspicious persons. This boat returned Sunday 
afternoon, brought C. and put him in jail, and also 
brought a number of letters belonging to and wrote 
by other persons. The comniitee of safety has 
been sitting on these affairs all this day, but I have 
been so closely confined to congress to-day, that 1 
don't yet know what they have done, or what others 
are accused. 

Yours, &c. CESAR RODXEY. 

Mr. Thomas Rodney. 

Dover, August 30, 1776. 
Sir — 1 received your letters by last post, and 
the one preceding and one mentioned in that. I 
am pleased with your resolution mentioned in your 



tion are complete 1, I shall be content — nor shall 
desire to have any band in politics, unless at any 
time liberty be encroached upon. Nothing but the 
great cause of liberty, which we have been em- 
barked in, could have induced me, (who have an in- 
creasing family and so little for them), to have 
spent so much of my time and money in public ser. 
vices. THOMAS RODNEY. 

Hon. Cdesar Rodney, in congress. 

Extract of a letter from col. John Haslett* to genC' 
ral Cesar Rodney, dated camp near Mount Wash' 
ington, 5th Oct. 1776. 

Sir— I know you have already sacrificed a large 
share of private property to the evil and unthank- 
ful; in this you resemble the Suprene Manager, 
who makes his sun to shine on the evil and the good, 
and, bad as times are, you have a few friends still 
of the latter character. And, my dear sir, who can 

better afford it? Providence has blessed you with 

last, as I should be sorry to hear that the unsteady ! f.„.,,„^. ^ , . , ^.,, , , . ^ 

' ' "^ a fortune to your prudence mexhaustible, by which 

passions which govern the people, should at anvL,„,, „„„ „„„ui=j * ^■ i. i j ^ 

•^ ** f r « . you are enabled to live where you please, and to 

time give the least shock te that virtue which hath .„„_..„ c„^. - , ,. . „ 

o j feeep the hrst company where you do live, and all 

so long and necessarily supported American liber- i».. .„;,i, r=.., i u i -. ,, .i 

" J fi this with few drawbacks upon it. How then, can 

ty. Though the people in a popular government! ,^„ . „ „.,.,„. r -.. .^ li 

•^ ^ *^ ^ f f b you lay out a part of it to more noble purposes, 

often put away good men for bad ones, and though Lv,„„ • „ • ^ i- t , 

r ' o > o than in serving your country^ guarding her rights 

such a change could not be more dangerous at any 1„ J „--i jr •" ^i_ ^l^ 

^ ^ -^ ! and privileges, and forcing wretches to be happy 

time than the present, yet I look on the presenti „„-^. ,,„.^ ...,,, , ... -n ^ 

*^ ^ ^ \ against their will? In this you will act as an agent 

change with us as an example which favors liberty. If .t,„ o , • r- i j 

^ ^ ■'of the Sovereign Goodness, and co-operate with 

If the people will not continually support those] ,,„„^^ . .. u j i .i. u 

*^ ^ / ir Heaven to save a wretched race; and though you 

men, who have served them faithfully at all hazards, „ * „/r .. *u • t ^ ^-l 

* ^ \tnsiy not efTect the righteous purpose, the testi- 

it cannot be supposed that they will long support 



mony of an approving concience, the applause of 
conscious virtue, and the approbation of all good 
beings, will more than balance the sacrifice. A 
thousand things might be urged to the same pur- 
pose. But a word to the wise. 

Allen's To-i'n, in Jersey, 12 miles from Princeton:, 
20 do. from Brunsivick, Dec. 30th 1776. 
Sin— I wrote you a long letter on the 24th, which 
I had no opportunity of sending, and left it in my 
trunk at Mr. Case's, two miles from Bristol; it con- 
tains the news to that time, which I cannot repeat 
here. On the 25th inst. in the evening, we received 
orders to be at Shamony ferry as soon as possible. 
We were there according to orders in two hours, 
and met the rifle-men, who were the first from 
Bristol; we were ordered from thence to Dunk's 
ferry, on the Delaware, and the whole army of 

believe the people will not let you execute "this i ^''°"* 2°^° ""'" followed, as soon as the artillery 

design-they will soon be tired of those who theylS"' "P" ^^^'^ ^^'^^ companies of Philadelphia in- 

have now set up — and will begin to call again upon 

those men whose virtue bath been proved to the 

Utmost. When the great matters which you men-l 



those men who, in opposition to the public weal, 
have pursued their own private interest only. These 
men by a violent exertion of the influence of the 
magistracy, and descending to assert the most base, 
low add infamous falsehoods, have succeeded for 
once, because the people were blinded that they 
could not see their true interest. But be assured, 
they that set them up will pull them down again. 

After devoting ten years to the service of your 
country and public business, to the great prejudice 
of your own private interest, you certainly deserve 
to enjoy the sweets of retirement, which is the 
happiest life in this state; and you will have this re- 
flection, that after the time you mention, that yon 
have accomplished the establishment of American 
liberty; and that you could not do any thing that 
would add to the honor already acquired: but I 



fantry and mine were formed into a body, under 
the command of captain Henry, (myself second in 

•Killed at Princeton. 



S4S 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



command), which were embarked immediately to 
cover the landing of the other troops. We landed 
with greai difficulty through the ice, and formed 
on the ferry shore, about 200 yards from the rirer. 
It was as severe a night as ever I saw, and after 
two battalions v^ere landed, the storm increased so 
much, and the river was so full of ice, that it was 
imppssible to get the artillery over; for we had to 
walk 100 yards on the ice to get on shore. Gen 
Cadwallader therefore ordered the whole to retreat 
again, and we had to stand at least six hours under 
arms — first, to cover the landing and till all the 
rest had retreated again --and, by this time, the 
storm of wind, hail, rain and snow, with the ice, 
v/as so bad, that some of the infantry could not 
get back till next day. This design was to have 
surprised the enemy at Black Horse and Mount 
Holley, at the same time that Washington sur- 
prised them at Trenton; and had we succeeded 
in getting over, we should have finished all our 
troubles. Washington took 910 prisoners, with 6 
pieces of fine artillery, and all their baggage in 
Trenton. The next night I received orders to be 
in Bristol before day: we were there accordingly, 
and about 9 o'clock began to embark one mil 
above Bristol, and about 3 o'clock in the afternoon 
got all our troops and artillery over, consisting of 
about 3000 men, and began our march to Burling- 
ton— the infantry, flanked by the rifle-men, making 
the advanced guard. We got there about 9 o'clock 
and took possession of the town, but found the 
enemy had made precipitate retreat the day be 
fore, bad as the weather was, in a great panic. The 
whole infantry and rifle-nien were then ordered to 
set out that night and make a forced march to 
Bordentown, (which was about 11 miles), which 
they did, and took possession of the town about 
9 o'clock, with a large quantity of the enemy's 
stores, which they had not time to carry off. We 
stayed there till the army came up; and the gene 
ral finding the enemy were but a few miles ahead, 
ordered the infantry to proceed to a town called 
Croswick's, four miles from Bordentown, and they 
were followed by one of the Philadelphia and one 
of the New England battalions. We got there 
about 8 o'clock, and at about 10, (afler we were 
all in quarters), wete informed that the enemy's 
baggage was about 16 miles from us, under a guard 
of 300 men. Some of the militia colonels applied 
to the infantry to make a forced march that night 
and overhaul them. If'e had then been en duti/four 
uiffhts and days, making forced marches, luithout six 
hours sleep in the whole time/ whereupon the infantry 
ofTicers of all the compaoies unanimously declared 



j it was madness to attempt, for that it would knock 
up all our brave men, not one of whom had yet 
gave out, but every one will suppose were much 
fatigued. They then sent off a party who were 
fresh, but they knocked up before they got up with 
them, and came back and met us at this town 
next morning. They surrounded a house where 
there was six tories- -took three of them--"One got 
off— and one who run and would not stop, was shot 
dead. They gave him warning first by calling, 
and at last shot two bullets over his head, but he 
still persisted, and the next two shot; one bullet 
went through his arm and one through his heart. 
The enemy have fled before us in the greatest 
panic that ever was known; we heard this moment 
that they have fled from Princeton, and that they 
were hard pressed by Washington. Never were 
men in higher spirits than our whole army is; none 
are sick, and all are determined to extirpate them 
from the Jersey, but I believe the enemy's fears 
will do it before we get up with them. The 
Hessians, from the general to the common soldier, / 
curse and imprecate the war, and swear they were 
ent here to be slaughtered; that they never will 
leave New- York again, till they sail for Europe. 
Jersey will be the most whiggish colony on the 
continent: the very Quakers declare for taking up 
arms. You cannot imagine the distress of this 
country. They have stripped every body almost 
without distinction — even of all their clothes, and 
have beat and abused men, women and children, 
in the most cruel manner ever heard of. We have 
taken a number of prisoners, in our route, Hessians 
and British, to the amount of about 20. It seems 
likely, through the blessing of Providence, that 
we shall retake Jersey again without the loss of a 
man, except one gen. VVashington lost at Trenton. 
The enemy seem to be bending their way to Amboy 
with all speed, but I hope we shall come up with 
the Princeton baggage yet, and also get a share 
of their large stores at Brunswick. 1 hope, if I 
live, to see the conquest of Jersey, and set ofF 
home again in two weeks. Some of my men have 
complained a little, but not to say sick; they are 
all now well here. 

THOMAS llODNEY. 
Bri£: gen. desar Rodney, esq. 

Dover, July 20ih, 1779. 
DEAnsiR— You willreadily grant that it is evident 
from the low credits of our money, that the state 
of our finances is bad enough yet I think congress 
is too much alarmed on this head, and is thereby 
arged into measures that still tend to depress the 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S43 



credit of 111'- JAoney. 'Tis well enough that they i member his interest annually, and his principal ac 
should alarm the people, that every exertion may be 
made by tliem to support congress in their mea 



cording to the terms of lending. 

This is the mode the friends of the cause are en= 
deavoring to promote here, that all persons what* 
ever may have an opportunity of subscribing. 

AVhen I see large societies formed in your city 
to promote their own particular sentiment about 
to be cool, uniform and firm, in what they do on j the constitution of government, I cannot think they 
this head. Taxation, if not impeded by other would be backward in a measure of this sort, which 
means, will restore the money much sooner per- possibly may be the means of saving the very exist- 
haps than congress apprehend; for, by this means, ence of that government, 
without destroying one bill, one half the money. 



sures for raising the value of the money — but if 
congress be too much alarmed themselves, they 
will not be so likely to direct these exertions in 
the best manner to answer effectually the purpose 
intended. Congress, in my humble opinion, ought 



at least, will be taken out of circulation, and the 
people will seon be amazed to see the money dis- 
appear, without heaving that any of it is destroyed. 
This position will appear evident to you when you 
consider, that, from the moment the present tax is 
collected, (if the plan is pursued), there will al- 
ways be at least sixty millions of dollars locked up 
in the treasuries — and as fast as any part of this 
sum is dealt out to supply the exigencies of the 
war, it ought to be supplied by the taxes coming 
in. I think there can be no doubt but a sum, equal j a moment 
to what I have mentioned, will always remain in the 
treasury; that is, between the hands of the first col- 
lectors and those that pay it out to the people 
again: and while It is there, it will be out of sight 
and out of circulation. 



The mode that I would advise in your city would 
be this: Let each class of people, according to 
their calling, associate together — and let the mer- 
chants, who we may suppose the monied men, be- 
gin—their example will soon be followed by the 
rest. 



But if taxation has been too long neglected, and 
is now too slow to supply your present demand, it 
is better to borrov/, than emit any more money — 



This would convince both our friends and ene- 
mies, as well abroad as at home, that the people 
are determined to support the public credit, and 
the only hope that Britain now has would vanish ia 



Once this example is set, he that is able, and 
does not follow it, will give the strongest proof of 
his disaffection, and ought to be regarded accord- 
ingly. 



There are few evils but what have benefits pro^ 
pnrtionate attendant on them. War cannot be car- 
ried on witiiout supplies, and the high prices given 

.foi" them for twelve months past, has encouraged 
but not upon unusual interest; — a higher interest ..„ u . j .i i- , , 

; ' ^ the merchant and the farmer m such a decree, that 

than usual, holds out that tiie people are not ready . i , , . , , o > 

J .„. ^ . , ,. ,. , , -^ j we see industry, enterpnze and plenty abouud eve- 

and willing to support the public credit, and that . *u .. • 

. . , \.,^ , . , . . Iry where— so that, in my private view, (notwith- 

the security is doubtful. An accumulating inte- i ♦ j- »i ^ » ^ 

•' ^ standing the state of our nnances), our circum- 

rest, to be in proportion to the mcrease of the 



quantity of money, holds out that you intend to 
emit more — that is, that you will make the monster 
yet more terrible, that has frightened every body 
almost out of their wits already. 

Borrowing is a measure I never would advise, If 
the necessity of our circumstances did not drive us 
into it, by being past the opportunity of better 
means; but as we are now circumstanced, borrow- 
ing may have an extraordinary good effect, if the 
measure is wisely conducted—that is, If the friends 
to America would form themselves into bodies, or 
small societies, and every man subscribe according 
to his abilities to lend the public at usual interest, 
and each society to appoint one or more of their 
members to take a certificate for the gross sum 



stances are the most flourishlag that they have been 
since the war began. 

THOMAS RODXEY. 

Ccesar Rodney, esq. 

Philadelphia, Juk 22d, 1779. 
DE-in sin— I have received your favor of the 
17th, for which and the enclosure I am much oblig- 
ed, as I shall always be for a communication of 
your sentiments on public affairs. 

I so much agreed with you concerning the ex- 
pediency of acceding to the confederation, though, 
as you justly observe, in several particulars excep- 
tlonable, that I used what little influence I had to 
fbrward its ratification by our state; advising, at 
the same time, a strong declaration upon the parts 



they all subscribe, in trust torec^ve and pay each ^obj^cted to, address©! to congress, and-pointedly 



6U 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



expressing our expectation of a revision and alter- 
ation thereof at a more convenient season. 

Your reflections on our loan, and on some other 
proceedings, 1 fear, are too well founded.— Our dif- 
ficulties are prodigious. We see the wisdom of 
your proposal to stop the presses— we perceive 
taxation to be of as much importance as you men- 
tion — we are desirous of borrowing on the lowest 
terms— but, while we have so many thousands to 
supply with necessaries, and while the demands up 
on us for the articles we must purchase are daily 
and hourly rising upon us, with such a boundless 
stretch— to what purpose are loans and taxes? 

I have esteemed it my duty since I have been in 
congress, to keep my eyes constantly fixed on the 
preventing further emissions — and several steps 
have been taken towards that point, that are 
known but by very few to lead towards it: some 
others are now under consideration — and 1 am im- 
patiently waiting for the moment, when a prospect 
of carrying on affairs without further emissions, 
and a likelihood of succeeding in the attempt, will 
permit me to move for stopping the presses. 

Mrs. Dickinson and Sally, with myself, desire to 

be very affectionately remembered to your family. 

I am, sir, your siacerely affectionate and very 

humble servant, 

JOHN DICKINSON. 

To Thomas Rodney, esq. D^ver. 

Philadelphia, Jime\4:, 1781. 
Sm — You will find by the contents of this, that 
it is a confidential letter, conveying you very im- 
portant and pleasing intelligence. 

Congress has I'eceived a letter from the king of 
France, and are also otherwise officially informed 
by his minister here, that the empress of Russia 
threw out an invitation for the belligerent powers 
to apply for her mediation, at which the court of 
L.ondon eagerly caught, and mentioned the empe- 
ror of Germany as another mediator — and a con- 
gress was proposed to be opened at Vienna, for the 
purpose of settling a general peace. The answer 
of the court of France was, that they could send 
no plenipotentiaries to said congress, till they had 
consulted their allies; but, as the mediators are 
such respectable powers, and may be so fully relicJ 
on for justice, the king presses the United States 
to submit to the mediation — and that the first pre- 
liminary he will insist on, previous to any other ne- 
gociation, shall be, the independence of the United 
States, in full— and upon obtaining this, request 
that the states may be as moderate in all other 



demands as possible, that the mediating powers^ 
may thereby receive favorable impressions of our 
equity and justice. The same mediating applica- 
tion was made to the court of Spain, and their an- 
swer was, that they could not do any thing but in 
conjunction with their all)', the king of France— so 
♦hat the congress of mediation is likely to be de- 
layed till our despatches reach France However, 
ihe king says that, if he is so pressed that he can- 
not decently delay sending a plenipotentiary till 
that time, he shall insist on the preliminary before 
mentioned, and tlien only proceed in the negocia- 
tion so as to have it in such forwardness as will 
not injure America against their plenipotentiaries 
and instructions arrived. The king of France thinks 
that very equitable terms of peace may be obtain, 
ed through this mediation, but urges us strongly 
to exert ourselves this campaign— as the wresting 
the southern states out of the hands of the British, 
will contribute greatly to lessen their demands and 
make them more readily incline to equitable terms 
of peace; and that our exertions ought to be quick 
and vigorous, lest a truce should take place: and 
to ensure the success of this mediation we ought 
to make the most ample and vigorous preparations 
for carrying on the war. Britain made an attempt, 
through a Mr. Cumberland, to negociate a separate 
treaty with Spain; but this has failed, though Mr. 
Cumberland is still at Madrid. Spain would not 
treat but in conjunction with France, and France 
cannot treat but in conjunction with America. 
Thus are we linked together, so that the indepen- 
dence of America nov»r stands on prosperous ground, 
and no further doubt need to remain about it: for 
this much is certain — all the powers of Europe, 
(Britain excepted), wish us to be independent. 
Thus far in confidence, with this addition, that 
congress have appointed Dr. Franklin, J. Adams, 
J. Jay, H. Laurens and governor Jefferson, their 
plenipotentiaries for settling the peace. They first 
agreed to appoint but one, and Adams was ap- 
pointed before I came up; they then agreed to add 
two more, then Jay was appointed — then Jefferson 
had five votes, Franklin four, and Laurens one. 
The states voted the same way three times. Then 
I proposed to the members of Virginia and Penn- 
sylvania tliat we should appoint them both, which 
being generally agreed to, this day was appointed 
for the purpose, and then Laurens was included — 
so the appointment now consists of five. New 
Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, 
■vere for Franklin, South Carolina for Laurens, and 
Massachusetts, Connecticut, Jersey, Virginia and 
North Carolina for Jefferson, Rhode Island anS 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S45 



New York unrepresented; Georgia absent. Mr 1 ing whipped. Their desertions, I believe, have 
M'Kean wanted to alter in favor of Jefferson and been rare, and their sickness but little. Whea 



leave Franklin out, which, upon Georgia's coming 
ia, would have carried him; but I would not give 
up Franklin, and by the manner of proposing to 
appoint them both, got him appointed — though 
this was exceedingly against the grain of several 
members. He will now be put at the head of the 
commission. His abilities, character and influence 
are what will be of most use to us in Europe. 
I am, your most obedient, 

THOMAS RODNEY. 
His excellency 

Ccesar Rodney^ esq. Dover. 

American ai*d Fiiewch soLniEHS. 

Williamsburg, l&th Dec. 1781. 

Deau sir — After the departure of gen. Wash- 
ington, the French quartered themselves upon the 
people, of this and some otlier towns, a la mode 
militaire, and gave no small offence; but they are 
now dancing them into good humor again by a ball 
every week. I iiad myself a petit guerre with a 
French officer, by which I was turned out of my 
quarters, and, consequently, came off but second 
best. Being summoned before count Rochavcbeau 
to answer for my rebellious conduct, I received a 
long lecture on the subject of politeness to friend:^ 
and allies, with intimations of bis power to punish 
obstinacy. Although I was put into quarters equally 
good With those I was compelled to leave, I must 
confess, I did not perfectly understand the French 
politeness^ in the mode of exciiange. The old count, 
I believe, has either forgotten or forgiven me, as a 
day or two ago he gave me an invitation to dine 
with him. 



will our army bear the comparison? 

JAMES TILTON. 

Thomas Rodney, esq. 



It must be mortifying to our poor devils to ob 
serve the comfortable and happy life of French 
soldiers. They appear on parade every day like 
fine gentlemen, as neat as their officers, and hardh 
to be distinguished from them. They are paid 
once a week, and, by their happy countenance, ap- 
pear to want nothing. A centlnel is not allowed 
to stand upon duty without a warm watch-coat in 
addition to his other clothing. The officers treat 
the soldiers with attention, humanity and respect, 
and appear to employ all the means necessary to 
inspire them with sentlmen'.s of honor. Except 
some horse jockeying and plundering, at the re- 
duction of York, I have Ueard of no stealing among 
them. — Theft is said to be a crime held in univer 
sal abhorrence among them. I have not seen or 

heard of any instance, yet, of a Freneh soldier be 
44. 



British Parliament. 

Extract from the speech o/ John Wiikes, delivered 
in the house of commons, on the 6th of Feb. 1775, 
on lord North's propositions to declare, that a re- 
bellion existed in the colony of Massachusetts, ^c. 
From Botta's history, 

"I am indeed surprised, that, in a business of so 
much moment as this before the house, respect- 
ing the British colonies in America, a cause which 
comprehends almost every question relative to the 
common rights of mankind, almost every question 
of policy and legislation, it should be resolved to 
proceed with so little circumspection, or rather 
with so much precipitation and heedless impru- 
dence. With what temerity are we assured, that the 
same men who have been so often overwhelmed 
with praises for their attachment to this country, 
for their forwardness to grant it the necessary 
succours, for the valour they have signalized in 
its defence, have all at once so degenerated from 
t!eir ancient manners, as to merit the appellation 
of seditious, ungrateful, impious rebels! But if 
such a change has indeed been wrought in the 
minds of. this most loyal people, it must at least 
be admitted, tliat affections so extraordinary could 
only have been produced by some very powerful 
cause. But who is ignorant, wlio needs to be told 
of the new madness that infatuates our ministers? 
— who has not seen the tyrannical coiinsels they 
have pursued, for the last ten years.' They would 
now have us carry to the foot of the throne, a 
resolution, stamped with rashness and ii justice, 
fraught with blood, and a horrible futurity. But 
before this be allowed them, before the signal of 
civil war be given, before they are permitted to 
force Englishmen to sheath their swords in the 
bowels of their fellow subjects, I hope this house 
will consider the rights of humanity, the original 
ground and cause of the present dispute. Huve 
we justice on our side.' No: assuredly, no. He 
must be altogether a stranger to the British con- 
stitution, who does not know that contribuuons are 
voluntary gifts of the people; and singularly blind, 
not to perceive that the words "liberty and pro- 
perty," so grateful to English ears, are nothing 
better than 'mockery and insult to the Americans, 
if their property can be taken without their con- 
sent. And what motive can there exist for this 



346 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



new rigour, for these extraordinary measures?— 
Have not the Americans always demonstrated the 
utmost zeal and liberality, whenever their succours 
bave been required by the mother country? 

"In the two last wars, they gave you more than 
you asked for, and more than the"r faculties war 
ranted: they were not only liberal towards you, 
but prodigal of their substance. They foJight 
gallantly and victoriously by your side, with equal 
valor, against otir and their enemy, the common 
ep?ny of the liberties of Europe and America, the 
ambiiiotis and taitnless French, -.vhorn now we fear 
and flatter. And even now, at a moment when you 
are planning their destruction, when you are brand- 
ing them with the od'ous appellation of rebels, 
what is tlieir language, what their protestations? 
Read, in the name of Heaven, the late petition of 
the congress to the king; and you will find, 'they 
are ready and willing, as they ever have been, to 
demonstrate their loyalty, by exerting their most 
strenuous efforts in granting supplies, and raising 
forces, when consUtutionally required.' And yet 
we hear it vociferjited, by some inconsiderate 
individuals, that the Americans wish to abolish 
the navigation act; that they intend to throw off 
the supremacy of Great Britain. But would to 
God, these assertions were not rather a provoca- 
tior* than the trutii! They ask nothing, for such 
are the words of their petition, but for peace, li- 
berty, and safety. They wish not a diminution of 
the royal prerogative; they solicit not any new 
right. They are ready, on the contrary, to defend 
this prerogative, to maintain the royal authority, 
and to draw closer the bonds of their connexion 
with Great Britain. But our ministers, perhaps to 
punish others for their own faults, arc sedulously 
endeavoring, not only to relax these powerful ties, 
but to dissolve and sever them forever. Their 
address represents the province of Massachusetts 
as in a state of actual rebellion. The other pro- 
vinces are held out to our indignation, as aiding 
and abetting. Many arguments have been em- 
ployed, by some learned gentlemen among us, to 
comprehend them all in the same offence, and to 
involve them in the same proscription. 

"Whether their present state is that of rebellion, 
or of a fit and just resistance to unlawful acts of 
power, to our attempts to rob them of their pro- 
perty and liberties, as they imagine, I shall not 
declare. But I well know what will follow, nor, 
however strange and harsh it may appear to some, 
shall I hesitate to announce it, that I may not be 
accused hereafter, of having failed in duty to my 



country, on so grave an occasion, and at the ap" 
proach of such direful calamities. Know, then, a 
succes.sful resistance is a revolution, not a rebellion. 
Rebellion, indeed, appears on the back of a flying 
enemy, but revolution flames on the breastplate 
of the victorious warrior. Who can tell, whe- 
ther, in consequence of this day's violent and mad 
address to his majesty, the scabbard may not be 
thrown away by them as well as by us: and whe- 
ther, in a few years, the independent Americans 
may not celebrate the glorious era of the revolu- 
tion of 1775, as we do that of 1663? The generous 
efforts of our forefathers for freedom. Heaven 
crowned with success, or their noble blood had 
dyed our scaffolds, like that of Scottish traitors 
and rebels: and the period of our history which 
does us the most honor, would have been deemed 
a rebellion against the lawful authority of the 
prince, not a resistance authorized by all the laws 
of God and man, not the expulsion of a detested 
tyrant. 

"But suppose the Americans to combat against 
us with more unhappy auspices than we combated 
James, would not victory itself prove pernicious 
and deplorable? Would it not be fatal to British 
as well as American liberty? Those armies which 
should subjugate the colonists, would subjugate 
also their parent state. Marius, Sylla, Cxsar, 
Augustus, Tiberius, did they not oppress Roman 
liberty with the same troops that were levied to 
maintain Roman supremacy over subject provinces? 
But the impulse once given, its effects extended 
much further than its authors expected; for the 
same soldiery that destroyed the llomaa republic, 
subverted and utterly demolished the imperial 
power itself In less than fifty years after the 
death of Augustus, the armies destined to hold 
the provinces in subjection, proclaimed three em- 
perors at once; disposed of the empire according 
to their caprice, and raised to the throne of the 
Caesars the object of their momentary favor. 

"1 can no more comprehend the policy, than 
acknowledge the justice of your deliberations. — 
Where is your force, what are your armies, how 
are they to be recruited, and how supported? The 
single province of Massachusetts has, at this mo- 
ment, thirty thousand men, well trained and disci- 
plined, andean bring, in case of emergency, ninety 
thousand into the field; and, doubt not, they will 
do it, when all that is dear is at slake, when 
forced to defend their liberty and property against 
their cruel oppressors. The right honorable gen- 
tleman, with the blue riband, assures us that tett 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



347 



thousand of our troops and four Irish regiments, 
will make their brains turn in the head a little, and 
strike them aghast with terror! But where does 
the author of this exquisite scheme propose to 
send his army? Boston, perhaps, you may lay in 
ashes, or it may be made a strong garrison: but 
the province will be lost to you. You will hold 
T3oston as you hold Gibraltar, in the midst of a 
country which will not be yours: the whole Ameri- 
can continent will remain in the power of your 
enemies. The ancient story of the philosopher 
Calanus and the Indian hide, will be verified; where 
you tread, it will be kept down; but it will rise 
the more in all other parts. Where your fleets 
and armies are stationed, the possession will be 
secured while they continue; but all the rest will 
be lost. In the great scale of empire, you will 
ilecline, I fear, from the decision of this day: and 
the Americans will rise to independence, to pow- 
er, to alt the greatness of the most renowned 
states; for they build on the solid basis of general 
public liberty. 

"1 dread the effects of the present resolution; I 
shudder at our injustice and cruelty; I tremble for 
the consequences of our imprudence. You will 
urge the Americans to desperation. They will 
certainly defend their property and liberties, with 
the spirit of freemen, with the spirit our ancestors 
did, and I hope we should exert on a like occasion. 
They will sooner declare themselves independent, 
and risk every consequence of such a contest, than 
submit to the galling yoke which administration 
is preparing for them. Recollect Philip II. king 
of Spain: remember the Seven Provinces, and the 
duke of Alva. It was deliberated, in the council 
of the monarch, what measures should be adopted 
respecting the Low Countries; some were disposed 
for clemency, others advised rigour; the second 
prevailed. The duke of Alva was victorious, it is 
true, wherever he appeared: but bis cruelties 
sowed the teeth of the serpent. The beggars of 
the Briel, as they were called by the Spaniards, 
who despised them as you now despise the Ameri- 
cans, were those, hawever, who first shook the 
power of Spain to the centre. And, comparing the 
probabilities of success in the contest of that day, 
wiih the chances in that of the present, are they 
so favorable to England as they were then to Spain.' 
This none will pretend. Yau all know, however, 
the issue of that sanguinarj' conflict — how that 
powerful empire was rent asunder, and severed 
forever into many parts. Profit, then, by the ex- 
perience of the p»st^ if you would avoid » similar 



fate. But you would declare the Americans rebels; 
and to your injustice and oppression, j-ou add the 
most opprobrious language, and the most insult- 
ing scoffs. If you persist in your resolution, all 
hope of a reconciliation is extinct. The Americans 
will triumph, — the whole continent of North Ame. 
rica will be dismembered from Great Bri^cin, and 
the wide arch of the raised empire fall. But I 
hope the just vengeance of the pejple will over- 
tHke the authors of these pernicious counsels, and 
the loss of the first province of the empire be 
speedily followed by the loss of the heids of those 
ministers who first invented them." 

Thus spoke this ardent patriot. His discourse 
was a prophecy; and hence, pevhsps, a ne* prolia- 
bility might be argued fur the vulgar maxi»Ti, that 
the crazed read tii.e future often better than the 
sage; for, among other things. It was said also of 
Wilkes, at that time, that his intellects were some- 
what disordered. 

Csiptain Harvey answered him, in substance, as 
follows: 

"I am very far from believing myself capable of 
arguing the pres°ot question with all the eloquence 
which my vehement adversary has signalized in 
fa%or of those who openly, and in srms, resist the 
ancient power of Great Britain; as the studies 
which teach man the art of discoursing with 
elegance, are too different and too remote frona 
my profession. This shall not, however, deter 
me from declaring my sentiments with freedom, 
on so important a crisis; though my words should 
be misinterpreted by the malignity of party, and 
myself represented as the author of illegal coun- 
sels, or, in the language of faction, the defender 
of tyranny. 

"And, first of all, I cannot but deplore the misery 
of the times, and the destiny which seema to per. 
secute our beloved country. Can I see her, with- 
out anguish, reduced to this disastrous extremity, 
not only by the refractory spirit of her ungrate* 
ful children on the other side of the ocean, but 
also by some of those who inhabit this kingdqm, 
and whom honor, if not justice aitd gratitude, 
should engage in words and deeds, \o support 
and defend her.' Till we give a check to these 
incendiaries, who, with a constancy and art only 
equalled by their baseness and infamy, blow 
discord and scatter their poison in every place, in 
vain can we hope, without coming to the last 
extremities, to bring the leaders oftjiis deluded 
people to a sense of their duty. 



548 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



"To deny that the legislative power of Great 
Britain is entire, general, and sovereign, over all 
parts of its donninions, appears to me too puerile 
to merit a serious answer. What I would say is, 
that, under this cover of rights, under this color 
of privileges, under these pretexts of immunities, 
the good and loyal Americans have concealed a 
design, not new, but now openly declared, to cast 
off every species of superiority, and become altoge- 
ther an independent nation. They complained of 
the sta.Tip-act. It was repealed. Did this satisfy 
them.' On the contrary, they embittered more 
than ever our respective relations, now refusing 
to indemnify the victims of their violence, and now 
to rescind resolutions that were so many strides 
tov/ards rebellion. And yet, in these cases, there 
was no question of taxes, either internal or external. 
A duty was afterwards imposed on glass, paper, 
colours, and tea. They revolted anew; and the 
bounty of tins too indulgent mother again revoked 
the greater part of these duties, leaving only that 
upon tea, which may yield, at the utmost, sixteen 
thousand pounds sterling. Even this inconsidera- 
ble impost. Great Britain, actuated by a meekness 
and forbearance without example, would have re- 
pealed also, if the colonists had peaceably ex- 
pressed their wishes to this effect. At present, 
they bitterly complain of the regular troops sent 
amongst them to maintain the public repose. But, 
in the name of God, what is the cause of their 
presence in Boston? American disturbances. If 
the colonists had not first interrupted the general 
tranquility, if they had respected property, pub- 
lic and private; if they had not openly resisted the 
laws of parliament and the ordinances of the king, 
they would not have seen armed soldiers within 
their walls. But the truth is, they expressly excite 
the causes, in orderto be able afterwards to bemoan 
the effects. When they were menaced with real 
danger, when they were beset by enemies from 
within and from without, they not only consented 
to admit reg«lar troops into the very heart of their 
provinces, but urged us, with the most earnest 
solicitations, to send ihemi but now the danger is 
past, and the colonists, by our treasure and blood, 
are restored to their original security; now these 
troops havebecomenecessary to repress thefactious, 
to sustain the action of the lav/s, their presence is 
contrary to the constitution, a manifest violation of 
American liberty, an attempt to introduce tyranny; 
as if it were not the right and the obligation of the 
supre i.e authority, to protect the peace of the 
interior as well as that of the exterior, and to repress 
internal as effectually as external enemies. 



"As though the Americans were fearful of being 
called, at a future day, to take part in the national 
representation, they preoccupy the ground, and 
warn you, in advance, that, considering their dis- 
tance, they cannot be represented in the British 
parliament: which means, if I am not deceived, 
that they will not have a representative power in 
common with England, but intend to enjoy one 
by themselves, perfectly distinct from this of the 
parent state. But why do I waste time in these 
vain subtleties? Not content with exciting discord 
at home, with disturbing all the institutions of 
social life, they endeavor also to scatter the germes 
of division in the neighboring colonies, such as 
Nova Scotia, the Floridas, and especially Canada. 
Nor is this the end of their intrigues. Have we 
not read here, in this land of genuine felicity, the 
incendiary expressions of their address to the Eng- 
lish people, designed to allure them to the side 
of rebellion? Yes, they have wished, and with all 
their power have attempted, to introduce into the 
bosom of this happy country, outrage, tumults, 
devastation, pillage, bloodshed, and open resist- 
ance to the laws! A thousand times undone the 
English people, should they suffer themselves to 
be seduced by the flatteries of the Americans? 
The sweet peace, the inestimable liberty, they 
now enjoy, would soon be replaced by the most 
ferocious anarchy, devouring their wealth, annihilat- 
ing their strength, contaminating and destroying 
all the happiness of their existence. Already have 
the colonists trampled on all restraints; already 
have they cast off all human respect; and, amidst 
their subtle machinations, and the shades in which 
they envelop themselves, they suffer, as it were, in 
spite of themselves, their culpable designs to ap- 
pear. If they have not yet acquired the consistence, 
they at least assume the forms, of an independent 
nation. 

"Who among us has not felt emotions kindling 
deep in his breast, or transports of indignation, at 
the reading of the decrees of congress, in which, 
with a language and a tone better beseeming the 
haughty courts of Versailles or of Madrid, than the 
subjects ot a great king, they ordain imperiously 
the cessation of all coraimerce between their coun- 
try and our own? We may transport our mer- 
chandise and our commodities among all other 
nations. It is only under the inhospitable skies 
of America, only in this country, dyed with the 
blood, and bathed in the sweat, we have shed for 
the safety and prosperity of its inhabitants, that 
English industry cannot hope for protection, can- 
not find an asylum! Are we then of a spirit to 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S49 



endure that our subjects trace ar<5Mnd us the 
circle of Popilius, and proudly declare on what 
conditions they will deign to obey the ancient 
laws of the common country? But all succeeds to 
tlieir wish: they hope, from our magnanimity, thai 
war will result, and from war, independence. An.l 
v/hata people is this, whom benefits cannot oblige, 
whom clemency exasperates, whom the necessity 
of defence, created by themselves, offends! 

"If, therefore, no doubt can remain as to the pro- 
jects of these ungrateful colo.iists; if an universal 
resistance to the civil government, and to the laws 
of the country; if the interruption of a free and 
reciprocal commerce between one part and ano- 



"This is what I think of our present situation; 
t^hese are the sentiments of a man neither partial, 
\ov vehement, but free from all prepossessions, 
and ready to combat and shed the last drop of his 
blood, to put down the excesses of license, to 
extirpate the germes of cruel anarchy, to defend 
the rights and the privileges of this most innocent 
people, whether he finds their enemies in the savage 
deserts of America, or in the cultivated plains of 
England. 

"And if there are Catalines among us, who plot 
in darkness pernicious schemes against the state, 
let them be unveiled and dragged to light, that 
they may be offered a sacrifice, as victims to the 



ther of the realm; if resisting every act of the Bri- justvengeance of this courteous country; that their 



tish legislature, and absolutely, in word and deed, 
denying tlie sovereignty of this country; if laying a 
strong hand on the revenues of America; if seizing 
his majesty's forts, artillery, and ammunition; if 
exciting and stimulating, by every means, the 
whole subjects of America to take arms, and to 
resist the consliiutional authority of Great Bri 
tain, are acts of treason, then are the Americans 
in a state of the most flagrant rebellion. Where- 
fore, then, should we delay to take resolute mea- 
sures? If no other alternative is left us, if it is 
necessary to use the power which we enjoy, un- 
der Heaven, for the protection of the whole em- 
pire, let us show the Americans, that, as our 
ancestors deluged this country with their blood, 
to leave us a free constitution, we, like men, in 
defiance of faction at home and rebellion abroad, 
»re determined, in glorious emulation of their 
(example, to transmit it, perfect and unimpaired, to 
our posterity. I hear it said by these propagators 
of sinister auguries, that we shall be vanquished 
in this contest. But all human enterprizes are 
never without a something of uncertainty. Are 
high-minded men for this to stand listless, aod 
indolently abandon to the caprices of fortune the 
conduct of their affairs? If this dastardly doctrine 
prevailed, if none would ever act without assur- 
ance of the event, assuredly no generous enter 
prize would ever be attempted; chance, and blind 
destiny, would govern the world. I trust, how 
ever, in the present crisis, we may cherish better 
hopes: for, even omitting the bravery of our soldiers 
and the ability of our generals, loyal subjects are 
not so rare in America as some believe, or affect 
to believe. And, besides, will the Americans long 
support the privation of all the things necessary to 
life, which our numerous navy will prevent from 
reaching their shores? 



names may be stamped with infamy to the latest 
posterity, and their nrieinory held in execration, by 
11 men of worth, in every future age!" 



Eulogium ou Warren. 

From Botta's history of the American war, — pub- 
lished, he says, "in the Philadelphia papers," 
but we know not when, or where, or by whom, it 
was delivered, which we should have been glad 
to have ascertained. 

"What spectacle more noble," than this, of a 
hero who has given his life for the safety of coun- 
try! Approach, cruel ministers, and contemplate 
the fruits of your sanguinary edicts. What repara- 
tion can you offer to his children for the loss of 
such a father, to the king for that of so good a 
subject, to the country for that of so devoted a 
citizen? Send hither your satellites; come, feast 
your vindictive rage: the most implacable enemy 
to tyrants is no more. We conjure you respect 
these his honored remains. Have compassion on 
the fate of a mother overwhelmed with despair 
and with age. Of him, nothing is left that you 
can still fear. Flis eloquence is mute; his arms 
are fallen from his hand: then lay down yours: 
what more have you to perpetrate, b.irbarians that 
you are? But, while the n.ime of American liberty 
shall live, that of Warren will fire our breas.s, and 
animate our arms, against the pest of stundiffg 
armies. 

"Approach, senators of America! Come, and 
deliberate here, upon the interests of the united 
colonies. Listen to the voice of this illustrious 
citizen: he intreats, he exhorts, he implores you 
not to disturb his present felicity with the doubt, 
that he, perhaps, has sacrificed his life for a people 
of slaves. 



•550 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



•'Come hither, ye soldiers, ye champions of Ame- 
jican liberty, and contemplate a spectacle which 
should inflame your generous hearts with even a 
new motive to glory. Remember, his shade still 
hovers, unexpialed, among us. Ten thousand 
ministerial soldiers would not suffice to com- 
pensate his death. Let ancient ties be no restraint: 
foes of liberty are no longer the brethren of free- 
men. Give edge to your arms, and lay thetn not 
down, till tyranny be expelled from the British 
empire, or America, at leasl, become the real seat 
of liberty and happiness. 

"Approach ye also, American fathers and Ameri- 
can mothers; come hither, and contemplate the 
first fruits of tyranny: behold your friend, the 
defender of your liberty, the honor, the hope of 
your country: see this illustrious hero, pierced 
with wounds, and bathed in his ov/n blood. But 
let not your grief, let not your tears be steril. Go, 
hasten to your homes, and there teach your chil- 
dren to detest the deeds of tyranny; lay before them 
the horrid scene you have beheld: let their hair 
stand on end; let their eyes sparkle with fire; let 
resentment kindle every feature; let their lips vent 
threats and indignation: then — then — put arms into 
their hands, send them to battle, and let your last 
injunction be, to return victorious, or to die, like 
Warren, in the arms of liberty and of glory! 

*'And ye generations of the future, you will often 
look back to this memorable epoch. You will 
transfer the names of traitors and of rebels from 
the faithful people of America, to those who have 
jnerited tliem. Your eyes will penetrate all the 
iniquity of this scheme of despotism, reeently 
plotted by the British government. You will see 
good kings misled by perfidious ministers, and 
virtuous ministers by perfidious kings. You will 
perceive that if at first the sovereigns of Great 
Britain shed tears in commanding their subjects 
to accept atrocious Kws, they soon gave them- 
selves up to joy in the midst of murder, expect- 
ing to see a whole continent drenched in the blood 
of freemen. O, save the human race from the last 
outrages, and render a noble justice to the Ameri- 
can colonies. Recall to life the ancient Roman and 
British eloquence; and be not niggardly of merited 
praises towards those who have bequeathed you 
liberty. It costs us floods of gold and of blood; it 
costi' us, alas! the life of AVarren," 



Commander in chief — Washington. 

It seemed right that we should collect the follow- 
ing articles, and present them together, as con- 



taining, in themselves, the best portrait of the 
father of his country, drawn by himself, that 
we had the power to offer — though in detached 
parts, they must needs he familiar to the Am? 
rican people. 

The articles are — 

1. Washington's acceptance of the command of 
the armies of the United States, June 16, 1775. 

2. his letter to the president of congress Sept. 
24,1776. 

3 His generjil orders to the army, April 18, 1783. 

4. His circular to the governors of the several 
states— June 18, 178.1. 

5. On resigning his commission to congress, as- 
sembled at Annapolis, 1783. 

6. His speech to the first congress, under the 
constitution, April 30, 1789. 

To which we might have added his farewell ad- 
dress on retiring from the presidency, but that 
is in the hands of every body; and it does not 
properly come within the scope of t\ie contents 
of this volume. EnixoB. 

Speech of gen. Washington to congress on accepting 
hu commission, Jtine 15th, 1775. 
Mr. President— Though I am truly sensible of 
the high honor done me, in this appointment, yet I 
feel f>Teat distress, from a consciousness that my 
abilities and military experience may not be equal 
to the extensive and important trust: However, as 
the congress desire it, I will enter upon the mo- 
mentous duty, and exert every power I possess in 
their service, and for support of the glorious cause. 
I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for 
this distinguished testimony of their approbation, 

"But, lest some unlucky event should happeUj 
unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be re- 
membered, by every gentleman in the room, that 
I, this day, declare with the utmost sincerity, I 
do not think myself equal to the command I am 
honored with. 

"As to pay, sir, I beg leave to assure the con- 
gress, that, as no pecuniary consideration could 
have tempted me to accept this arduous employ- 
ment, at the expense of my domestic ease and hap^ 
piness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. 
I will keep an exact account of my expenses. Those, 
I doubt not, they will discharge, and that is all I 
desire." 

To John Hancock, esq. president of congress. 

Colonel Morrises on the Height* of Herlem, > 
Sept. 24t/i, 1776. 5 

Sir— From the hours allotted to sleep, I will 

borrow a few moments to convey my thoughts, on 



PRfNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S^l 



sundry important matters, to congress. I shall 
offer them with the sincerity which ought to cha- 
racterize the man of candour, and with the free- 
dom which may be used in giving useful informa- 
tion, without incurring the imputation of presump- 
' tion. 

We are now, as it were, upon the eve of another 
dissolution of our army. The remembrance of the 
difficulties which happened upon the occasion last 
y«ar, the consequences which might have followed 
the change, if proper advantages had been taken 
by the enemy, added to a knowledge of the pre- 
sent temper and situation of the troops, reflect but 
a very gloomy prospect upon the appearance of 
things now, and satisfy me beyond the pessibility 
of doubt, that, unless some speedy and effectual 
sneasures are adopted by congress, our cause will 
be lost. 

It is in vain to expect, that any, or more than 
a trifling part of this army will again engage in 
the service on the encouragement offered by con- 
gress. When men find that their townsmen and 
companions are receiving twenty, thirtj', and more, 
dollars for a few months' service (which is truly 
the case) it cannot be expected, without using 
compulsion; and to force them into the service, 
would answer no valuable purpose. When men 
are irritated, and the passions inflamed, they fly 
hastily and cheeflully to arms: but after the first 
emotions are over, a soldier reasoned with upon 
the goodness of the cause he is engaged in, and 
the inestimable rights he is contending for, hears 
you with paiience, and acknowledges the truth of 
your observation, but adds, that it is of no more 
importance to hiju than others. The officer makes 
you the same reply, with this further remark, that 
his pay wiil no^ support him, and be cannot ruin 
himself and family to serve his country, when every 
member of the community is equally interested and 
benefited by his labors. 

It becomes evidently clear then, that, as this 
contest is not likely to be the wgrk of a day; as 
the war must be carried on systematically; and to 
do it you must have good officers; there are, in my 
judgment, no other possible means to obtain them, 
but by establishing your army upon a permanent 
footing, and giving your officers good pay. This 
will induce gentlemen, and men of character, to 
engage: and, till the bulk of your offjccis are com- 
posed of such persons as are actuated by princi- 
ples of honor and a spirit of entcrprize, you have 
Lttle to expect from them. They ought to have 



such allowances as will enable them to live like, 
and support the characters of, gentlemen. Besides, 
something is due to the man who puts his life iiu 
your bands, hazards his health, and fbraakes the 
sweets of domestic enjoyment- Why a captain in 
the continental service should receive no more 
than five shillings currency per day, for perform- 
ing the same duties that an officer of the same 
rank in the British service receives ten shillings 
sterling for, I never could conceive, especially 
when the latter is provided with every necessary 
he requires, upon the best terms, and the former 
can scarcely procure them at any rate. There Is 
nothing that gives a man consequence, and renders 
him fit for command, like a support that renders 
him independent of every body but the state he 
serves. 

With respect to the men, nothing but a good 
bounty can obtain them upon a permanent esta;b- 
lishment; and for no shorter time than the con- 
tinuance of the war, ought they to be engaged, as 
facts incontestibly prove that the difficulty and 
cost of enlistments increase with time. When the 
army v/as first at Cambridge, I am persuaded the 
men might have been got, without a bounty, for 
the war. After this, they began to see that tJie 
contest was not likely to end so speedily as x^s 
imagined, and to feel their consequence by remark- 
ing, that, to get in the militia in the course of th« 
last year, many towns were induced to give them 
a bounty. 

Foreseeing the evils resulting from this, and t'h« 
destructive consequences which unavoidably would 
follow short enlistments, I tool: the libertj^, in a 
long letter, (date not recollected, as my letter book 
is not here) to recommend the enlistments for and 
during the war, assigning such reasons for it ae 
experiencehas since con vin-^ed me were well found- 
ed. At that time, twenty dollars would, I am per- 
suaded, have engaged the men for this term. But 
it will not do to look back: and, if the present cp- 
portunity is slipped, I am persuaded that twelve 
months more will increase our difficulties fourfold. 
T shall therefore take the freedom of giving it as 
my opinion, that a good bounty be immediately 
offered, aided by the proffer at least a hundred, or a 
hundred and fifty acres of land, and a suit of clothes 
and blanket, to each non-commis.^ioned officer r>nd 
soldier; as 1 have good authority for saying, that, 
however high the men's pay may appe.ir, it is barely 
sufficient, in tlie present scarcity and dearness of 
all kin.ls of goods, to keep thera in clothes, much 
less afford support to ;he;r families. 



S52 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



If this encouragement then is given to the men, 
and such pay allowed the officers as will induce 
gentlemen of character and liberal sentiments to 
engage, and proper care and precaution used in 
the nomination (having more ref^ard to the cha- 
racters of persons than the number of men they 
can enlist) we should, in a little time, have an army 
able to cope with any that can be opposed to it, 
as there are excellent materials to form one. But 
while the only merit an officer possesses, is his abi- 
lity to raise men; while those men consider and 
treat him as an equal, and, in the character of an 
officer, regard him no more than a broomstick, 
being mixed together as one common herd, no or- 
der nor discipline can prevail; nor will the officer 
ever meet with that respect which is essentially ne- 
cessary to due subordination. 



ject to them, and therefore take liberties which the 
soldier is punished for. This creates jealousy: 
jealousy begets dissatisfaction; and these, by de- 
grees, ripen into mutiny, keeping the whole army 
in a confused and disordered state; rendering the 
time of those who wish to see regularity and good 
order prev^iil, more unhappy than words can de- 
scribe. Besides this, such repeated changes take 
place, that all arrangement is set at nought, and 
the constant fluctuation of things deranges every 
plan as fast as adopted. 

These, sir, congress may be assured, are but a 
small part of the inconveniences which might be 
enumerated, and attributed to militia: but there is 
one that merits partxular attention, and that is the 
expense. Certain I am, that it would be cheaper 



to keep fifty or a hundred thousand in constant 
To place any dependence upon militia is as-jpay, than to depend upon half the number, and 



suredly resting upon a broken staff: men just 
dragged from the lender scenes of doimestic life; 
unaccustomed to the din of arms; totally unac 



supply tlite other half occasionally by militia. The 
time the latter are in pay, before and afcer they 
are in camp, assembling and marching; the waste 



quainted with every kind of military skill; which, of ammunition, the consumption of stores, which, 
being followed by a want of confidence in them- 1 in spite of every resolution or requisition of con- 
selves, when opposed to troops regularly trained, gress, they must be furnished with, or sent home, 
disciplined, and appointed; superior in knowledge added to other incidental expenses consequent 
and superior in arms, makes them timid and ready Upon their coming and conduct in camp, surpasses 
to fly from their own shadows. Besides, the sud- aU idea, and destroys every kind of regularity and 



den change in their manner of living, particularly 
in their lodging, brings on sickness in many, impa- 



economy which you could establish among fixed 
and settled troops, and will, in my opinion, provcj, 



tience in all; and such an unconquerable desire of >f the scheme is adhered to, the ruin of our cause 
returning to their respective homes, that it not 



only produces shameful and scandalous desertions 
among themselves, but infuses the like spirit into 
others. 

Again; men accustomed to unbounded freedom 
and no control, cannot brook the restraint which is 
indispeHsably necessary to the good order and go- 
vernment of an army; without which, licentiousness 
and every kind of disorder triumphantly reign. 
To bring men to a proper degree of subordination 
is not the work of a day, a month, or even a year: 
and, unhappily for us and the cause we are en- 
gaged in, the little discipline I have been laboring 
to establish in the army under my immediate com- 
mand, is in a manner done away, by having such a 
mixture of troops as have been called together 
within these few months. 

Bel axed and unfit as our rules and regulations 
of war are, for the government of an army, the tii- 
litia (those properly so called; for of these we have 
two sorts, the six months' men, and those sent in 
as a temporary aid) do not think themselves sub- 



The jealousies of a standing army, and the evils 
to be apprehended from one, are remote, and, in 
my judgment, situated and circumstanced as we 
are, not at all to be dreaded: but the consequence 
of wanting one, according to my ideas, formed 
from the present view of things, is certain and ine- 
vitable ruin. For, if I Was called upon to declare 
upon 03th, whether the militia have been most ser^ 
viceable or huriful, upon the whole, I should sub- 
scribe to the latter. I do not mean by this, howe- 
ver, to arraign the conduct of congress; in so do* 
ingi should equally condemn my own measures, 
if 1 did not my judgment: but experience, wiiich 
is the best criterion to work by, so fully, clearly, 
and decisively reprobates ihe practice of trusting 
to militia, that no man, who regards order, regu^ 
larity and economy, or who has any regard for his 
own honor, character, or peace of mind, will risk 
them upon this issue. 

An army formed of good officers moves like 
clock-work: but there is no situation upon earth 
less enviable nor more distressing than that per- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S5S 



sou's who is at the head of troops who are regard- f would be ingratitude not to rejoice; it would bo- 



less of order and discipline, and who are unpro- 
vided with almost every necessary. In a word, the 
difficulties which have forever surrounded tne, 
since I have been in the service, and kept nny mind 
constantly upon the stretch; the wounds which ni\ 
feelings, as an officer, have received by a thousand 
things which have happened contrary to my ex- 
pectations and wishes; added to a consciousness 
of my inability to govern an army composed of 
such discordant parts, and under such a variety of 
isuricate and perplexing circumstances, induce, not 
only a belief, but a thorough conviction in my mind, 
that it. will be impossible, unless there is a tho- 
rough change in our military system, for me to 
conduct matters in such a nrninner as to give satis- 
faction to the public, wliich is all the recompense 
I aim at, or ever wished for. 

Before I conclude, I must apologize for the li- 
berties taken in this letter, and fi}r the blv)ts and 
scratching! therein, not having time to give it more 
correctly. With truth I can add, that, with every 
sentiment of respect and esteem, I am your's and 
the congress' most obedient, &c, i 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 



insensibility not to participate in the general feli- 
city. 

The commander in chief, far from endeavoring 
to stifle the feelings of joy in his own bosom, of- 
fers his most cordial congratulations on the occa- 
sion to all the officers of every denomination; to 
[all the troops of the United States in general; and 
in particular to those gallant and persevering men 
who had resolved to defend the rights of their in- 
vaded country, so long as the war should continue. 
For these are men who ought to be considered as 
the pride and boast of the American army; and 
who, crowned with v/ell earned laurels, may soon 
withdraw from the field of glory to the more tran- 
quil walks of civil life. While the commander in 
chiefrecollects the almost infinite variety of scenes 
through which we have past, with a mixture of 
pleasure, astonishment, and gratitude; while be 
contemplates the prospects before us with rapture, 
he cannot help wishing that all the brave, of what- 
ever condition they may be, who have shared the 
toils and dangers of effecting tiiis glorious revolu- 
tion; of rescuing millions from the hand of oppres- 
sion, and of laying the foundatiaa of a great em- 

[pii'e, might be impressed with a proper idea of the 

General orders issued by general IVashiiiston, to the di,,'nified part they have been called to act, under 
aynuj, the smiles of Providence, on the stajje of human 

Head Quarters, Chatham, .if,ril ISth, 178,3. '^^*": ^'"' ^appy, tlirice happy! shall they be pro- 
The commander in chief orders the cessation of """"^^^'^''^^afei', who have contributed anythuig, 
hostilities between the United States of A;r.erica \ ^^^ ^^^^ performed the meanest office in erect- 
and the king of Great Britiin, to be publicly pro- 
claimed to-morrow at twelve o'clock, at the new 
building: and that the proclamation which will be 
communicated herewith, be re.id tomorrow even- 
ing at the head of every regiiiienl and corps of the 
army; after which the chapl lins, with the sever.il 
brigades, will render thanks to the Almighty God 
for all his mercies, particularly for his over ruling 
the wrath of man to his own gl jry, and causing the 
rage of war to cease among the nations. 



ing this stupendous fabric of freedom and empire, 
on the broad basis of independency; who have as* 
sisted in protecting the rights of human nature, 
and established an asylum for the poor and oppres- 
sed of all nations and religions. The glorious task 
for which we first flew to arms being accomplish- 
ed— the liberties of our country being fully ac- 
knowledged and firmly secured by the smiles of 
heaven on the purity of our cause; and the honest 
exertions of a feeble people, determined to be free, 
gainst a powerful nation disposed to oppress them; 
Although the proclamation before alluded to, ex- 1 and the character of those who have persevered, 
tends only to the prohibition of hostilities, and not through every extremity of hardship, suffering and 
to the annunciation of a general peace, yet it must danger, being immortalized by the illustrious ap- 
afford the most rational and sinc<=re satisfaction pellation of the /»amo< amy— nothing now remains 
to every benevolent mind, as it puts a period to but for the actors of this miglity scene to preserve a 
a long and doubtful contest, stops the effusion of perfect unvarying consistency of character tlirough 
human blood, opens the prospect to a more splen- the very last act, to close the dr,ima with applause; 
didscene, and, like another morning star, promises j;ind to retire from the military theatre with the 

same approbation, of angels and men, which have 
cr6wned all their former virtuous actions. For 
this purpose no disorder or licentiousness must be 



the approach of brighter day tlian hath hitherto 
illuminated the western hemisphere. On such a 
happy da}-, which is the harbinger of peace, a day 



which j;mnpletes the eighth year of the war, it tolerated. Kvery considerate and well dispos^^ 



354 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



soldier must remember it will be absolutely neces- 
sary to wait with patience until peace shall be de- 
clared, or congress shall be enabled to take pro- 
per measures for the security of the public stores, 
&c. As soon as these arrangements shall be made, 
the general is confident, there will be no delay in 
discharging', with every marlc of distinction and 
honor, all the men enlisted for the war, who will 
then have faithfully performed their engagements 
with the public. The general has already inte- 
rested himself in their behalf, and he thinks he 
need not repeat the assurance of his disposition to 
be useful to them on the present, and every other 
proper occasion. In the mean time, he is deter 
mined that no military neglects or excesses shall 
go unpunished, while he retains the command of 
the army. 

The adjutant-general will have such working 
parties detached, to assist in making the prepara- 
tions for a general rejoicing, as the chief engineer 
of the army shall call for; and the quarter-master 
general will, without delay, procure such a number 
of discharges to be printed as will be sufficient for 
all the men enlisted for the war — he will please to 
apply to head quarters for the form. An extra ra 
tion of liquor to be issued to every man to-morrow 
to drink "Perpetual peace and happiness to the 
United States of America." 

Genei'al WuBJiington^a circular letter to the governor 

of each of the states, dated 

Head Quarters, J\''e-wbvrgh, June 18, 1783. 

•'StR — The object for which I had the honor to 

hold an appointment in the service of my country, 

being accomplished, I am now preparing to resign 

it into the hand of congress, and return to that do- 

rsestic retirement, which, it is well known, I left 

with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which 

1 have never ceased to sigh through a long and 

painful absence, in which, (remote from the noise 

and trouble of the v/orld,) I meditate to pass the 

remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed repose; 

but, before I carry this resolution into effect, I 

think it a duty incumbent on me to make this my 

last olTicial communication, to congratulate you on 

the glorious events which heaven has been pleased 

«o produce in our favom to offer my sentiments re- 

specting some important subjects, which appear 

to me to be intimately connected with the tran 

quility of the United States; to take my leave of 

your excellency as a public character; and to givt 

my final blessing to that country, in whose service 

1 have spent the prime of my life; for whose sake 

I have consumed so many anxious days and watch 



I ful nights, and whose hapj)iness, being extremel''^ 
di^ar to me, will always constitute no inconsidera- 
ble part of my own. 

"Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on thi.s 
ple.ising occasion, I will claim t!ie indulgence of 
dilating the more copiously on the subject of our 
mutual felicitation. When we consider the mag- 
nitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtfal 
nature of the contest, and the favorable manner in 
which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest 
possible reason for gratitude and r?joicing. This 
is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every 
benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in 
contemplation be considered as a source of pre- 
sent enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness; 
and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate our- 
selves on the lot which Providence has assigned 
us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or 
moral point of light. 

"The citizens of America, placed in the most en- 
viable condition, as the sole lords and proprietors 
of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the 
various soils andclimates of the world, and abound- 
ing with all the necessaries and conveniences of 
life, are now, by the Tate satisfactory pacification, 
acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom 
and independency: they are from this period to be 
considered as the actors on a most conspicuous 
theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designed by 
Providence for the display of human greatness and 
felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with 
every thing that can contribute to the comple'iion 
of private and domestic enjoyment, but heaven has 
crowned all its other blessings, by giving a surer 
opportunity for political happiness, than any other 
nation has ever been favored with. Nothing can 
illustrate these observations more f)rcibly than a 
recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and 
circumstances, under which our republic assumed 
its rank among the nations. — Tlie foundation of our 
empire was not laid in a gloomy age of ignorance 
and superstition, but at an epocha when the rights 
of mankind were better understood and more clear- 
ly defined, than at any former period. Researches 
of the human mind after social happiness have 
been carried to a great extent; the treasures of 
knowledge acquired by the labors of philosophers, 
sages, and legislators, through a long succession 
of years, are laid open for us, and their collected 
wisdom may be happily applied in the establish- 
ment of our forms of government. The free cul- 
itivation of letters, the unboilnded extension of 
commerce, the progressive refinement of mannersj 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



355 



the growing liberalily of sentiment, and, above all. 
the pure and benign light of revelation, have had 
a meliorating influence on mankind, and increased 
the blessings of society. At this auspicious" pe- 
riod, the United States came into existence as a 
nation; and if their citizens should not be conr,- 
pletely free and happy, the fault will be entirely 
their own. 

"Such is our situation, and such are our pros- 
pects. But notwithstanding the cup of blessing is 
thus reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness 
is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occa- 
sion, and make it our own, yet it appears to me 
there is an option still left to the United States 
of America, whether they will be respectable and 
prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a 
nation. This is the time of their political proba- 
tion.- this is the moment v/hen the eyes of the whole 
world are turned upon them: this is the time to 
establish or ruin their national character forever: 
this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to 
the federal government, as will enable it to answer 
the ends of its institution; or, this may be the ill- 
fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, 
annihilating the cement of the confederation, and 
exposing us to become the sport of European po- 
litics, which may play one state against another, to 
prevent their growing importance, and to serve 
their own interested purposes. For, according to 
the system of policy the states shall adopt at this 
moment, they will stand or fall; and, by their con- 
iii-mation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whe- 
ther the revolution must ultimately be considered 
as a blessing or a curse, not to the present age 
alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn 
millions be involved. 

"With this conviction of the importance of the 
present crisis, silence i.i me would be a crime; I 
will therefore speak to your excellency the lan- 
guage of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. 
I am aware, however, those who differ from me in 
political sentiments may, perhaps, remark, I an' 
stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and 
they may probably ascribe to arrogance or ostenta- 
tion, what I know is alone the result of the purest 



sooner or later, convince my countrymen, th.it I 
could have no sinister views in delivering, with 
so little reserve, the opinion contained in this ad- 
dress. 

"There are four things which, I humbly con- 
ceive, are essential to the well being, I may even 
venture to 3ay, to the existence of the United States, 
as an independent power. 

"1st. An indissoluble union of the states under 
one federal head. 

"2dly. A sacred regard to public justice. 

"3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establish- 
ment. And, 

"4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friend- 
ly disposition among the people of the United 
States, which will induce them to forget their local 
prejudices and policies; to make those mutual con- 
cessions which are requisite to the general prospe- 
rity; and, in some instances, to sacrifice their in« 
dividual advantages to the interest of the com- 
munity. 

"These are the pillars on which the glorious fd- 
ibric of our independency and national cl)aracter 
must be supported. Liberty is the basis — and 
whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or over- 
turn the structure, under whatever specious pre- 
text he naay attempt it, will merit the bitterest 
execration, and the severest punishment, which can 
be inflicted by his injured country. 

"On the three first articles I will make a few 
observations, leaving the last to the good sense 
and serious consideration of those immediately 
concerned. 

f 

"Under the first head, although it may not be 
necessary or proper for me in this place to enter 
into a particular disquisition of the principles of 
the union, and to take up the great question which 
has been frequently agitated, whether it be expe- 
dient and requisite for the states to delegate a 
larger proportion of power to cungre^s, or not; yet 
it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true, 
patriot, to assert, without reserve, and to insist up- 



intention. But the rectitude of my own heart, Ion the following positions:— That, unless the states 
which disdains such unworihy motives; the part ij will suffer congress to exercise those prerogatives 



have hitherto acted in life; the determination 1 
have formed of not taking any share in public bu- 
siness hereafter, the ardent desire I feel, and shall 
continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private 
life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise 
and liberal govenicaent, will, I flatter myself. 



they are undoubtedly invested with by Oie con- 
stitution, every thing must very rapidly tend tj 
anarchy and confusion: That it is indispensable 
to the happiness of the individual states, that there 
should be lodged, somewhere, a supreme power 
to rf gulate and govern the general concerns of the- 



S56 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



•confederated republic, without which the union 
eannot be of long duration: That there must be 
a faithful and pointed compliance on t!ie part of 
every state with the late proposals and demands 
of congress, or the most fatal consequences will 
ensue: That whatever measures have a tendencj 
to dissolve the union, or contribute to violate or 
lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be con 
sidered a? hostile to the liberty and independence 
of America, and the authors of them treated ac- 
cordingly. And, lastly, that, unless we can be 
enabled by the concurrence of the states topartici 
pate of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the 
essential benefits of civil society, under a form of 
government so free and uncorrupted, so happily 
guarded against the danger of oppression, as has 
been devised and adopted by the articles of con 
federation, it will be a subject of regret, that so 
much blood and treasure have been lavished for 
tio purpose; that so many sufierings haVe been 
encountered without a compensation, and that so 
mauy sacrifices have been made in vain. Many 
other considerations might here be adduced to 
prove, that, without an entire conformity to the 
spirit of the union, We cannot exist as an inde 
pendent power. It will be sufficient for my pur 
pose to mention but one or two, which seem to 
me of the greatest importance. It is only in our 
united character as an empire, that our indepen- 
dence is acknowledged, tliat our power can be 
regarded, or our credit supported among foreign 
nations. The treaties of the European powers 
with the United States of America, will have no 
validity on a dissolution of the union. We shall 
be left nearly in a state of nature; or we may find, 
by our own unhappy experience, that there is a 
natural and necessary progression from the ex- 
treme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and 
that arbitrary power is most easily established on 
the ruins of liberty, abused to licentiousness. 

^ "As to the second article, which respects the 
performance of public justice, congress have, in 
their late address to the United States, almost 
exhausted the subject; they have explained their 
ideas so fully, and have enforced the obligations 
the states are under to render complete justice to 
ail the public creditors, with so much dignity and 
energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the 
iionor and independency of America can hesitate 
a single moment respecting the propriety of com 
plying with the just and honorable measures pro 
posed. If ti»eir arguments do not produce con 
viction, I know of nothing that will have greater 
influence, especkiU)' when we reflect that the sys 



lem referred to, being the result of the collectefl 
wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if 
not perfect, certainly the least objectionable, of 
any that could be devised; and that, if it should 
not be carried into immediate execution, a na- 
tional bankruptcy, with all its deplorable conse- 
quences, will take place before any different plan 
can possibly be proposed or adopted; so pressing 
are the present circumstances, and such is the 
alternative now offered to the states. 

"The ability of the country to discharge the 
debts which have been incurred in its defence, is 
not to be doubted; and inclination, I flatter my- 
self, will not be wanting. The path of our duty 
is plain before us; honesty will be found, on every 
experiment, to be the best and only true policy. 
Let us then, as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the 
public contracts which congress had undoubtedly 
a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the 
war, with the same good faith we suppose our- 
selves bound to perform our private engage- 
ments. In the mean time, let an attention to the 
cheerful performance of their proper business, as 
individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly 
inculcated on the citizens of America; then will 
they strengthen the ba.ids of govei-nment, and be 
happy under its protection. Every one will reap 
the fruit of his labors: every one will enjay his 
own acquisitions, without molestation and witiiout 
danger. 

"In this state of absolute freedom and perfect ' 
security, who will grudge to yield a very little of 
his property to support the common interests of 
society, and ensure the protection of government? 
Who does not remember the frequent declara- 
tions at the commencement of the war — that we 
should be completely satisfied if, at the expense 
of one half, we could defend the remainder of our 
possessions? Where is the man to be found, who 
wishes 10 remain in debt, for the defence of his 
own person and property, to the exertions, the 
bravery, and the blood of others, without making 
one generous effort to p^y the debt of honor and 
of gratitude.' In what purt of the continent shall 
we find any man, or body of men, who would not 
blush to stand up and propose measures purposely 
calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and 
the public creditor of his due? And were it 
possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice 
could ever happen, would it not excite the gene- 
ral indignation, and tend to bring down upon 
the authors of such measures the aggravated 
vengeance of Heaven? If, after all, a spirit of 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TTI?; REVOLUTION. 



157 



disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverse 
ness should manifest itself in any of the states; if 
such ah ungracious disposition should attempt to 
frustrate all the happy effects that might be ex- 
pected to flow from the union; if there should be 
a refusal to comply with requisitions for funds to 
discharge the annual interest of the public debts; 
andif that refusal should revive all those jealousies, 
and produce all those evils, which are now happily 
removed, congress, who have in all their transic 
tioiis shown a great degree of magiAiiuniiy and 
justice, will stand justified in the sight of God 
and man! and that state alone, which puts itself 
in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the con- 
tinent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious 
councils, will be responsible for all the conse 
quences. 

"For my own part, conscious of havmg acted, 
wliile a b -rvant of the public, in the manner I con- 
ceived best suited to promote the real interests 
of my country; having, in consequence of my fixed 
belief, in some measure pledged myself to the 
army, that their country would finally do them 
complete and ample justice, and not wishing to 
conceal any instance of my official conduc* from 
the eyes of the world, I have thought proper to 
transmit to your excellency the enclosed collec- 
tion of papers, relative to the half pay and com- 
mutation granted by congress, to the officers of 
the army. From these communications my decided 
sentiment will be clearly comprehended, together 
with t!ie conclusive reasons which induced me, at 
an early period, to recommend the adoption of this 
measure in the most earnest and serious manner. 
As the proceedings of congress, the army, and 
myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, 
sufficient information to remove the prejudices and 
errors which may have been entertained by any, I 
think it unnecessary to say any thing more than 
juat to observe, that the resolutions of congress, 
now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and absolutely 
binding upon the United States, as the most solemn 
acts of confederation or legislation. 

"As to the idea which, I am informed, has in 
some instances prevailed, that the h^ilfpay and 
commutation are to be regarded merely i-i the 
odious light of a pension, it out to be exploded 
forever; that provision should be viewed, as it 
really was, a reasonable compensa'ion offered by 
congress, at a time when they had nothing else to 
give to officers of the army, for services then to 
be performed. It was the only means to preven; 
a total dcrelicuoa of the secvice. It was a part 



of their hire, I may be allowed to say, it was the 
priceof their blood, and of your independency. It 
is therefore more than a common debt; it is a 
debt of honor; it can never be considered as a 
pension, or gratuity, nor cencelled until it is fairly 
discharged. 

"With regard to the distinction between officers 
and soldiers, ii is sufficient that the uniform ex- 
perience of every nation of the world, combined 
«ith our own, proves the utility and propriety of 
the discrimination. Rewards, in proportion to the 
aid the public draws from them, are unquestionably 
due to all its servants. In some lines, the soldiers 
have, perhaps, generally, had as ample conpensa- 
tion for tlieir services, by the large bounties which 
have been paid them, as tl;eir officers will receive 
in the proposed commutation; in others, if, besides 
the donation of land, the payment of arrearao-es of 
clothing and wages, (in which articles all the 
component parls of the army must be put upon 
the same footing,) we take into the estimate the 
bounties man^ of the soldiers have received, and 
the gratuity of one year's full pay, which is pro- 
mised to all, possibly their situation, (eVery cir- 
cumstance being duly considered,) will not be 
deemed less eligible than that of the officers.— 
Should a farther reward, however, be judged equit. 
able, I will venture to assert, no man will er-joy 
gre.-iter satisfaction than myself, in an exemptfoii 
from taxes for a limited time, (which has been 
petitioned for in some Instances,) or any other 
adequate immunity or compensation grunted to 
the brave defenders of their country's cause. But 
neither the adoption or rejection of this proposi- 
tion will, in any manner, affect, much less militate 
igainst, the act of congress, by which they have 
offered five years' fuUpay, in lieu of the half-pay 
for life, which had been before promised to the 
officers of the army. 

"Before 1 conclude the subject on public justice, 
I cannot omit to mention the obligations this coun- 
try is under to that meritorious class of veterans 
the non-commissioned officers and privates, who 
have been discharged for inability, in consecjupnce 
of the resolution of congress, of the 23d of i\pril, 
1782, on an annual pension for life. Their peculiar 
sufferings, their .singular n^erits and chiirns to that 
provision, need only to be known, to interest the 
feelings of humanity in tlieir bihaif. Nothii!;; but 
apunctu.i! payment of their annu.il allowance, can 
rescue liiem from the most complicated misery; 
and nothi; ;; could be a more melancholy and dis- 
tressing sight, than to behold those who have 



358 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



shed their blood, or lost their limbs in the ser- 1 forth; that the dis'ressfcs and disnppointnients. 
vice of their country, without a shelter, without which have very often occurred, have, in too many 
a friend, and without the means of obtaining any! i'lslances, resulted more from a want of energy in 
•f the comforts or necessaries of life, conipelled ' l^be continental govei'nment, th.^n a deficiency of 
to beg their bread daily from door to door. Suffer means in the particular stages; that the inelficacy 
metoreccrnmend those of this description, belong of the measures, arising from the want of an 
ing to your state, to the warmest patronage of your adequate authority in the supreme power, from a 
excellency and your legislature. | partial compliance with the requisitions of con- 

gress, in some of the states, and from a failure of 
punctuality in others, while they tended to damp 
the zeal of those who were more willing to exert 



•'ll is necessary to s.iy but a few words on the 
third topic which was proposed, and which regards 
particularly the defence of the republic — as there 
can be little doubt but congress will recommend 
a proper peace establishment for the United States, 
in which a due attention will be paid to the im- 
portance of placinij the militia of the union upon 
a regular and respectable footing. If this should 
be the case, I should beg leave to urge the great 
advantage of it in the strongest terms. 

"The militia of this country must be considered 
as the palladium of our security, and the first 
effectual resort in case of hostility. It is essential, 
therefore, tliat the same system s'-ould pervade 
the whole; that the formation and discipline of 
the militia of the continent should be absolutely 
uniform; and that the same s.pecies of arms, ac- 
coutrements, and military apparatus, should be 
introduced in every part of the United States. No 
one, who has not learned it from experience, can 
conceive the difficulty, expense, aiid confusion, 
which result from a contrary system, or the vague 
arrangements which have hitherto prevailed. 

"If, in treating of political points, a greater 
latitude than usual has been taken in the course 
of the address, the importance of the crisis, and 
the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must 
be my apology. It is, however, neither my wish 
nor expectation, that the preceding observations 
should clai.m any regard, except so far as they 
shall appear to be dictated by a good intention, 
consonant to the immutable rules of justice; cal- 
culated to produce a liberal system of policy, and 
founded on whatever experieHce may have been 
acquired, by a long and close attention to public 
business Here I might speak with more confidence, 
from my actual observations; and if it would not 
swell this letter, (already too prolix,) beyond the 
bounds I had prescribed myself, I could demon- 
strate to every mind open to conviction, that, in 
less time, and with much less expense than has 
been incurred, the war might have been brought 



themselves, served also to accumulate the expenses 
of the war, and to frustrate the best concerted 
plans; and that the discouragement occasioned by 
the complicated difficulties and embarrassments, 
in which our affairs were by this means involved, 
would have long ago produced the dissolution of 
any army, less patient, Itss virtuous, and less 
persevenng, than that which 1 have had the honor 
to command. But while 1 mention tliose things 
which are notorious facts, as the defects of our 
federal constitution, particularly in the prosecu- 
tion of a war, I beg it may be understood, that, as 
I have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully acknow- 
ledging the assistai.ce and support I have derived 
from every class of citizens, so I shall always be 
happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions 
of the individual states, on many interesting oc- 
casions. 

"I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to 
m,ake known, before I surrendered up my pub- 
lic trust to those who committed it to me. The 
task is now accomplished; I now bid adieu to 
your excellency, as the chief magistrate of your 
state; at the same time 1 bid a last farewell to the 
cares of office, and all the employments of public 
life. 

"It remains, then, to be my final and only re- 
quest, that your excellency will communicate these 
sentiments to )our legislature, at iheir next meet- 
ing; and that they may be considered as the legacy 
of one who has ardently wished, on all occasions, 
to be useful to his country, and who, even in the 
shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the 
Divine benediction upon it. 

"1 now mak«e it my earnest prayer, that God 
would have you, and the slate over which you 
preside, in his holy protection; that he would 
incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a 
spirit of subordination and obedience to govern- 
ment; to entertain a brotherly affection and love 



to the same happy conclusion, if the resources of i for one another; for their fellow-citizens of the 
the continent couid have been properly called l United States at large, and particularly for their 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



s$g 



brethren who have served in the field; and, finalK; 
that he would most graciously be pleased to dis- 
pose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to 
demean ourselves with that charity, huitiility, 
and pacific temper of the mind, which were tht^ 
characteristics of the Divine Author of our bier sel 
religicn; without an humble imitation of whose 
example, in these things, we can never hope to be 
a happy nation. 

"I have the honor to be, with much esteem and 
respect, sir, your excellency's most obedient and 
most bumble servant," 

« GKO. WASHINGTON." 

General Washingt\)n to the president of congress on 
resigning his commission — 1783. 
"Mr. President — The great events on which my 
resignation depended, having at length taken place, 
i have now the honor of offering my sincere con- 
gratulations to congress, and of presenting m_vself 
before them to surrender into their hands the trust 
committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of 
retiring from the service of my country. 

"Happy in the confirmation of our independence 
and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity 
afforded the United States of becoming are.specta- 
ble nation, I resign, with satisfaction, the appoint- 
ment I accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in 
my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, 
which, however, w-is superseded by a confidence 
in the rectitude pf our cause, the support of the 
Supreme Power of the union, and the patronage of 
Heaven. 

"The successful termination of the war has 
verified the most sanguine expectations; and my 
gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and 
the assistance 1 have received from my country- 
men. Increases with every review of the momentous 
contest. 

"While I repeat my oblig.itions to tlie army in 
general, I should do injustice to my own feelings, 
not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar 
services and distinguished merits of the persons 
who have been attached to my person during the 
war. It was impossible the choice of confidential 
officers to compose my family could have been 
more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to cecommend in 
particular, those vWio have continued in the service 
to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable 
notice and patronage of congress. 

"I consider it as an indispensable duty to close 
this last solemn ^ct of my official life, by com 



mending the interests of our dearest country t© 
the protection of Almighty God, and those who 
have the superintendence of them, to his h,oly keep- 
ing. 

"Having now finished the work assigned me, I 
retire from the great theatre of action; and, bidding 
an affectionate farewell to this august body, under 
whose orders I have long acted, I here offer my 
commission, and take my leave of all the employ- 
ments of public life." 

President Washington- s speech to the first Qongress, . 
Jlpril 50th, 1789. 
Fellow-citizens of the senate t 

arid of the hoxise of representatives: 
Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no 
evept could have filled me with greater anxieties 
than that, of which the notification was transmitted 
by your order, and received on the 4th day of the 
present month. On the one hand, I was summoned 
by my country, whose voice I can never hear but 
with veneration and love, from a retreat which I 
had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in 
my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision 
«s the &s}lum of my declining years; a retreat 
which was rendered every day more necessary as 
well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit 
to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my 
health to the gradual waste committed on it by 
time: on the other hand, the magnitude and 
difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my 
country called me, being sufficient to awaken, in 
tlie wisest and most experienced of her citizens, a 
distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not 
but overwhelm with despondence one, who, inherit- 
ing inferior endowments from nature, and unpractis- 
ed in the duties of civil administration, ought to 
be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiences. In 
this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that 
it has been my faithful study to collect my duty 
from a just appreciation of every circumstance by 
which it might be aflected. All I dare hope is, 
that if, in executing this task, I have been too much 
swayed by a grateful remembrujice of former 
instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this 
transcendant proof of the confidence of my fellov,'. 
citizens, and have thence too little consulted my 
incupacity as well as disinclination for the weighty, 
and untried cares before me, my error will be 
palliated by the motives which misled me, and its 
consequences be judged by my country, with sonje 
Si*are of the partiality in which they originated. 

Such being the impressions under which I have,, 
in obedience t'? thrpuM';': summons, repaired to 



560 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



the present station, it Woiild be peculiatly impro- 
per to omit, in this first official act, my fervent 
supplications to that Almighty Being, who rules 
ever the universe, who presides in the councils of 
nations, and whose providential aids can supply 
every human defect, that his benediction may 
consecrate to the lilievties and happiness of the peo- 
ple of the United States, a government instituted 
by themselves for these essential purposes, and 
may enable every instrument employed in its ad- 
ministration, to execute, with success, the functions 
allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage 
to the Great Author of every public and private 
good, I asswre myself that it expresses your senti- 
ments not less tiian my own; nor those of my fellow- 
citizens at large less than either. No people can 
be bound to ackiiowledge and adore the invisible 
hand which conducts the affairs of men, more 
than the people of the United Slates. Every step, 
by which they have advanced to the character of 
an independent nation, seems to have been dis- 
tinguished by some token of providential agency. 
And, in the important revolution just accomplished, 
in the system of their united government, the 
tranquil deliberations and volwntary consent of so 
many distinct comrinunities, from which the event 
has resulted, cannot be compared with the means 
by which most governments have been estab- 
lished, without some return of pious gratitude, 
along w^ith an humble anticipation of the future 
blessings, which the past seem to presage. These 
reflections, arising out of the present crisis, havp 
forced themselves too strongly on my mind to 
be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in 
thinking that there are none under the influence of 
which, the proceedings of a new and free govern- 
ment can more auspicioitsly commence. 

By the article establishing the executive de 
partment, it is made the duty of the president "to 
recommend to your consideration, such measures 
as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The 
circumstances under which I now meet you, will 
acquit me from entering into that subject farther 
than to refer you to the great constitutional char- 
ter under which we are assembled; and which, in 
defining your powers, designates the objects to 
which your attention is to be given. It will be 
more consistent with those circumstances, and far 
more congenial with the feelings which actuate 
me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of 
particular measures, the tribute that is due to the 
talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which 
adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt i 



them. In these honorabU qitalifictins, I behold 
the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local 
prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor 
partj' animosities, will misdirect the comprehen- 
sive and equal eye which ought to watch over this 
grcut assemblage of communities and interests — 
so, on another, that the foundations of our nationaS 
policy will be laid in the pure and immutable prin- 
ciples of private morsdity; and the pre eminence 
of a free government be exemplified by all the 
attributes which can win the affections of its citi- 
zens, and command the respect of the world. 

I dwell on this prospect with every satisfactioni 
which an ardent love for my country can inspire; 
since there is no truth more thoroughly established 
than that there exists, in the economy and course 
of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and 
happiness — between duty and advantage — between 
the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimou."? 
policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity 
and felicity— since we ought to be no less per- 
suaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can 
never be expected on a nation that disregards the 
eternal rules of order and right which Heaven 
itself has ordained — and since the preservation 
of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the 
republican model of government, are justly con-. 
sidered as deeply, perhaps, as finally staked, on the 
experiment entrusted to the bands of the Ameri^ 
can people. 

Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your 
care, it will remain with your judgment to decide 
howfar an exercise of the occasion.il power delegat- 
ed by the fifth article of the constitution is render- 
ed expedient, at the present juncture, by the nature 
of objections which have been urged against the 
system, or by the degree of inquietude which has 
given birth to them. Instead of undertaking par- 
ticular recommendations on this subject, in which 
I could be guided by no lights derived from official 
opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire 
confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the 
public good: For, I assure myself, that, whilst 
you carefully avoid every alteration which might 
endanger the benefits of an united and effective go- 
vernment, or which ought to await the future lessons 
of experience, a reverence for the characteristic 
rights of freemen, and a regard for the public 
harmony, will sufficiently influence your delibera- 
tions on the question, how far the former can be 
more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely- 
and more advantajreously promoted 



principx.es and acts of the revolution. 



&6i 



To the prtceding observiitions I have one lol May channel, was obliged to go round the Overfall 



add, which will be most properly addressed to the 
house of representatives. It concerns myself, and 
will therefore be as brief as possible. When I 
was first honored with a call into the service of 
my country, then on the eve of an arduous strug- 
gle for its liberties, the light in which I contem- 
plated my duty, required that I should renounce 
every pecuniary compensation. From this resolu- 
tion 1 have in no instance departed. And being 
still under the impressions which produced it, I 
must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share 
in the personal emoluments, which may be indis- 
pensably included in a permanent provision for the 
executive department; and must accordingly pray 
that tlie pecuniary estimates for the station in 
wlucii t am placed, may, during my continuation 
in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the 
public good may be thought to require. 

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as 
they have been awakened by the occasion which 
brings us together, I shall take my present leave, 
but not without resorting once more to the benign 
Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, 
tha , since he has been pleased to favor the Ameri- 
can people with opportunities for deliberating in 
perfect tranquility, and dispositions for deciding 
with unparalleled unanimity, on a form of govern- 
ment for the security of their union, and the ad- 
vancement of their happiness, so his Divine Bles- 
sing may be equally csnspicuous in the enlarged 
views, the temperate consultations, and the wise 
measures on which the success of this government 
must depend. 

Collection of Scraps 

FROtt VARIOUS SOCRC£S. 

On the 8th April, 1782, an action took place at 
the entrance of the Delaware bay, between an 
American sloop of war, commanded by capt. Barney, 
called the Hyder Alley, mounting 16 six pounders, 
and carrying 1 10 men; and the British sloop of war 
General Monk, under capt. Rogers, of 20 nine 
pounders, and 136 men. The former had four men 
killed and eleven wounded; the latter twenty kil 
led and thirty-three wounded. In the navy de- 
partment at .Washington is a representation of this 
action. On the left of the painting appears Cape 



Shoals to get into the bay. It was during this 
time that the action took place. To the right of 
the fighting ships, the English brig Fair American* 
of 16 guns, is seen chasing and firing at one of 
the Hyder Ally's convoy, wliich escaped under the 
Jersey shore. At a distance is seen the vessels 
convoyed by the Hyder Ally steering up the bay. 

HECAl'lTULATIOir. 

lbs. 

is 96 

lbs. 

180 



guns 
Hyder Ally, 16 



men 
110 



guns 
Gen. Monk, 20 



men 
136 



kd. 

4 

kd. 

20 



wd. 
11 

wd. 

S3 



The night on which the American troops crossed 
the Delaware was cold — the ice making on the 
river. The morning was ushered in with a heavy 
storm of rain and sleet, the soldiers were exhaust- 
ed with fatigue, and their arms rendered, in some 
degree, useless by the rain. In this situation, gen. 
Sullivan, who commanded the advance, sent col. 
William Smith, one of his aids, to inform general 
Washington of the state of his troops, and that 
he could depend on nothing but the baronet, in the 
impending attack, being then within a short dis- 
tance of Trenton. General Washington answered 
him in a voice of thunder, and with the countenance 
of a hero, "Go back, air, immediately, and tell gene- 
rul Sullivan to qo oa!" 

The above anecdote was related by col. Smith, 
a short time after the event, who added, that he 
never saw a face so awfully sublime aa general 
Washington's when he addressed him. 

The churches. Extract from a sermon preached at 
New York, by the rev. Dr. Rougers, Dec. 11, 
1783, the day appointed by congress as a pub- 
^lic thanksgiving throughout the United States. 
"It is much to be lamented, that the troops of a 
nation who has been considered as one of the bul- 
warks of the reformation, should act as if they had 
waged war with the God whom Cliristians adore. 
They have, in the course of this war, utterly des- 
troyed more than fifty places of worship in these 
states. Most of these they burnt, others they le- 
velled with the ground, and in some places left 
not a vestige of their former situation; while they 
have wantonly defaced, or rather destroy eil others, 
by converting them into barracks, jails, hospitals, 
riding schools. Sic. Boston, Newport, Philadel- 



Henlopen light-house, and on the right, the point 
of Cape May, In the centre is seen the Hyder phia and Charleston, all furnished melancholy in- 
Ally and General Monk engaged, the latter in the stances of this prostitution and abuse of the hou?e« 
act of striking her colors. In front is the frigate of God;— and of ni«e«e«n places of public worship 
Quebec, which, not finding sufficient water in Cjipelin this city, when the war began, there w«irc b»6 



46. 



36^ 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



m;:f fit fur U3e \vh( n the B: itis'.i troops left it. It is 
true, Trinity church, and the old Lutheran, were 
destroyed by the fire, that laid waste so great a 
part of the city, a few nights after the ene- 
my took possession of it; the fire was occasioned 
by the carelessness o? their people, and they pre- 
vented its more speedy extinguishment. But the 
ruinous situation in which they left two of the Low 
Dutch Refor.ned churches, the three Presbyterian 
churches, tiie French Protestant church, the Ana- 
baptist church, and the Friendsnew meeting house, 
was the effect of design, and strongly marks their 
enmity to those societies." 

Of the middle Dutch church, which, in the begin- 
ing of the war, was used by the British as a pri- 
son, and afterwards converted into a ridivg school, 
the venerable Dr. Livingston thus expresses him- 
self, in a sermon, delivered July 4, 1790, when 
it was for the first time opened for public wor- 
ship, after being repaired; 

"I dare not speak of the wanton cruelty of those 
who destroyed this temple, nor repeat the various 
indignities which have been perpetrated. It would 
ba easy to mention facts which would chill your 
blood! A recollection of the groans of dying pri- 
soners, which pierced this ceiling, or the sacrile- 



"The ro&d tiu'ougi; which they marched was 
lined with spectators, Fi-enca and American. On 
one side the commander in cliief, surrounded by 
his suite and the American staffs, took his station; 
on the other side opposite to him, was the count de 
Rochambeau, in like manner attended. The cap- 
tive army approached, moving slowly in column,. 
with grace and precision. 

"Universal siiencs was observed amidst the vast 
Concourse, and the utmr>st decency prevailed, ex- 
hibiting in demeanor an awful sense of the vicissi- 
tudes of human life, mingled with commisseration 
for the unhappy. The head of t!ie column ap- 
proached the commander in chief— O'Hara, mis- 
taking the circle, turned to that on his left for the 
purpose of paying his respects to the commander in 
chief, and requesting further orders; when quickly 
discovering his error, with embarrassment in his 
countenance, he flew across the road, and advanc- 
ing up to Washington, asked pardon for his mis- 
take, apologized for the absence of lord Corni»allis, 
and begged to know his further pleasure. 

"The general feeling his embarrassment, reliev- 
ed it by referring him, with much politeness, to 
general Lincoln for his government. Returning to 
the head of the column, it again moved, under the 



gious shouts and rough feats of hormanship exhi- ' ^jj,,,^, ^f Lincoln, to the field selected for the 
bited within these walls, might raise sentiments in ^^„^i^^i^„ ^f ^^e ceremony 



your minds which would, perhaps, not harmonize 
with those religious afTections, which I wish, at 
present, to promote, and always to cherish." 

The suHREWBEn at tohktowit. From the Bich- 
rnond Compiler, of ^ipril 10, 1818. As every inci- 
dent connected with our revolutionary history, is 



"Every eye was turned, searching for the Bri- 
tish commander in chief, anxious to look at that 
man heretofore so much their dread. All were 
disappointed. 

"Cornwallis held himself Aacfc from the humiliat- 



interesting to thegreat mass of the people, I shall ings^ene; obeying sensations which his great cha 



solicit a niche in your paper to answer an inquiry 
in a late Compiler, concerning the surrender of the 
British army at Yorktown, Virginia; and hope that 
your readers will experience the same pleasure in 
' reading the account, luat I enjoy in the narration: 

••At two o'clock in the evening, Oct, 19th, 1781, 
the British army, led by general O'Hara, marched 
out of its lines, with colors cased and drums beat- 
ing a British march. 

"It will be seen in the sequel, that O'llara, and 
not Cornwallis, surrendered the British army to the 
allied forces of France and America. In this af- 
fair, lord Cornwallis seemed to have lost all his 
former magnanimity and firmness of character, — 
be sunk beneath the pressure of his misfortunes, 
and for a moment gave Lis soul up to chagrin and 
iorrow. 



racter ought to have stifled. Ha h.ad been unfor- 
tunate, not from any false step or deficiency of ex- 
ertion on his part, but from the infatuated policy 
of his superior, and the united power of his enemy 
brought to bear upon him alone. There was noth- 
ing with which he could reproach himself; there 
was nothing with which he could reproach his 
brave and faithful army; why not then appear at its 
head in the day of misfortune, as be had always 
done in the day of triumph? 

"The British general in this instance deviated 
from his usual line of conduct, dimming the splen- 
dor of his long and brilliant career. 

"Thus ended the important co-operation of the 
allied forces. Great was the joy diflused through, 
out our intant empire." 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S6J 



T cannot end this interesting detail as recorded 
by lienry Lee, wilhoiit giving you his panegyric on 
the father of our country. 

"This wide ucclaiin of joy and of confidence, as 
rare as sincert', sprung not only from the convic 
tion that our signal success would bring in i*s train 
the blessings of peace, so wanted by our wasted 
country. And from the splendor witlj which it 
encircled our national name, but from the endear- 
ing reflection that the mighty exploit had been 
achieved by our fiithfnl, beloved Wasiiington. W^ 
had seen him strug:^ling throughout the war vviti 
inferior force against the best troops of England, 
assisted by her powerful navy; surrounded by difii- 
culties, oppressed by wanl; never dismayed, never 
appalled, never despairing of '.he commonwealth. 

"We have seen him renouncing his fune as ; 
soldier, his safety as a ra;in; in his unalloyed love 
of country, v/eakening his own immediate f ji-ce to 
strengthen that of his lieutenants; subinitling with 
equanimity to iiis own consequent inabilily to act, 
and rejoicing in their triuniphs. became best cal- 
culated to uphold the great cause entrusted to his 
care; at length, by one great and final exploitj un- 
der the benign infiaence of I'rovidence,* lifted to 
the pinnacle of glory, tlie rewards of his toil, his 
sufferings, his patience, his heroism, and his virtue. 
Wonderful man! rendering it didiiult by his con 
duct throughout life to decide wliether he most 
excelled in goodness or in greatness." 

Revolutiojrary soldiers of Conncctiait. 
Among tlie apphoanti i\y,- p<;nsions was lieut. M 
who obtained !iis title by his valor. His decbra 
tion was made out in due form, and certified by ili< 
judge who knew him well, and could safely attest 
his merits and his services. Tse nk^iy veter:in 
possessed an infi.-inity which re.idered him unnble 
to write his name, and, in signing the i.coi^ss-.v- 
documents, he could only make his mark. At the 
storming of Fort Montgomery, by the Biitlsii, he 
was in the act of touching off a cannon, loaded to 
the muzzle with every kind of missile, when a sho 
carried away his arm, and the match dropped upon 
the ground; he immediately seized it will) his left 
hand, and fired the piece, at the very point and at 



•When I trace the heroes of seventy six throug!) 
all their countless difficislties aiitlliardsliips — when 
I behold all the dangers, and plots which encom- 
passed them, their "hair breadth escspe?" and final 
glorious triumphs — I am as strongly impressed 
with the belief that our cause was guided by hea- 
ven, as that Moses and the Israelites were directed 
by the finger of God, througu the wilderness. 



the very instant the enemy were entering the fort, 
which swept down a whole phalanx of the foe. For 
.Ills heroic ac'ion he was honored with a commis* 
:,lon; but in his old age he couid not write his name 
with his left hand. 

Another of these venerable men, trembling with 
ige, applied for the necessary papers to obtain a 
oe.ision. Tlie judge enquired wnerehe had serv- 
ed? "Why, first," said he, "in the old French war." 
A!), says the judge, you cannot obtain a pension for 
je.'vices nt tlut period; did you serve in the revo- 
RUioijary army? "O yes, I served all the war, I was 
at the biittle of Bunker's Hill — afterwards at Long 
Island, and the capture of the Hessians at Trenton 
-I W.15 at the attack of Germantowh, and the bat- 
tle of Monmouth, — and, fiuuily, at the capture and 
siege of Y rktown, in Virginia — and," added the 
;>ld mnn, his eyes re-kindling with tlie fir? of '76,. 
"I ivdsthe Jirst .'Imerican centinel placid nt the quar'. 
ters of lord Corniualhs, after he ivas an .imirican pri" 
soncr." 

PRIVATE BE::^KFlCErJCB. 

From the Philadelphia Centinel. 
The subsfqient narrative is no idle fiction of the 
rjrain; we vouch fjr its authenticity, and no doubt 
but many of our readers are already acquainted 
vith the names and nir^iumstances depicted. We 
s iali Gvsrfee! pleasure in embellishing our columns 
wvilh suc!i instances of private bejieficence, so ho- 
n irable to the causa of humanity, and we cannot 
bi^ .tfijcipate a cor.cufrenceinopinioh of our pa- 
trons and correspondents. 

In the ye ir 1806, a professional gentleman of this 
city had obtained a judgment, for a few hundred 

loilars, against an old, infirm gentleman, who had 
f i.-merly been a commissary to the United States* 
army, during thv revolutionary war, and who, by 
.repeated misform les, had become reduced from 
easy circumstancft? (o absolute penury and dis- 

•ess.— An execution had been taken out, and the 
advocate called on the sheriff of Philadelphia coun- 
ty, presented it to Iiion and requested that it might 
be executed immediately. "It shall be done sir," 
said the minister of justice, and the gentleman was 
about leaving the apartment, when his ears were 
saluted with an exclamation not unlike that whi;l» 
greetedcorporalTrim, as the beneficentandphllan- 
thropic Toby s-wore, that the licut. should not sink, 
but march. "This execution," said he "shall never 

be served by '," then turning to his clerk, lis 

contin»ic-d, "give Mr. acheck for the amount." 

I'he greatest astonishment was excited— the eye 



564 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



of Inquiry was turned on the sheriff, but "the 
form of bis visage had changed;" instead of the 
Ktern unbecoming features of a minister of justice, 
his countenance seemed beaming with seraphic 
mildness and unbounded benevolence — the warm 
current of life, which for a moment had mantled 
his cheeks with crimson, had again receded to 
the heart, but a ray of ethereal sweetness remain- 
ed, which language is inadequate to pourtray. 

"I could wish," said the gentleman, when his as 
tonishment had in some measure subsided, "that 
you would so far gratify me as to inform me of the 
motives which have excited your munificence in 
the present extraordinary manner," "You shall 
have my reasons," said the good Samaritan, *'and 
then judge for yourself of the propriety of my con- 
duct." "In the month of December, 1777", which, 
ydu will recollect, was just after the battle of Ger- 
mantown, and when our army had retired to Val- 
ley Forge, 1 obtained from general Washington, 
under whom I at that time held a captain's com- 
mission, a furlough of absence from the army for 
one month, for the purpose of visiting my wife 
and three small children. It was at that period 
of the revolution, when our army had scarcely any 
thing but their patriotism with which to cover 
themselves, and little else than a love of liberty to 
afford them s\;bsistence. I set out on my journey 
to Chesnut Hill, on foot, consoling myself for the 
weariness of the way, with the endearing antici- 
pations of again folding to my bosom the pjrtner 
of my life and the tender pledges of our conjugal 
affection. As I turned from the high-way into the 
iivenue which led to the scene of my former do- 
mestic felicity, and beheld the moon-beams play 
ingon leafless branches of the msjcstic oaks, whicli 
were wont to shadow my humble dwelling, how nni- 
mated, how exquisite were the sensations which 
took possession of my breast! I was at that mo- 
ment at the pinnacle of hums,n felicity— the next 
precipitated me into the abyss of despair. The 
house which I fondly anticipated as sheltering all 
that was near and dear to m", was a smokingheap 
of smoking ruins. The desolating Briton had been 
there, and had left me to contemplate, in speech- 
less agony, the devastation of his sacrilegious hand. 
An appalling silence prevailed, save only when in 
terrupted by the hollow blasts of the evening as 
they swept through the wide and melancholy waste. 
The moon, which, at this moment, emitted her fee- 
ble rays from behind a cloud, enabled me to disco- 
ver, at a short distance from this scene ;tf misery 
snd destruction, my shivering wife iind children, 



and from them it was learned, that the enemy, af- 
ter having plundered them of their last rag, had 
set fire to the house, and that one of the unfeeling 
monsters had cast my little infant into the flames; 
with much difiiculty it was saved by its half dis- 
tracted mother. To proceed, however, to that 
part of the story which accounts for my conduct 
this morning; as soon as day light appeared, we 
set out for New Jersey, where I had some rela- 
tions. The situation of my family was such as 
could hardly have failed to excite commisseration 
in a breast less interested for them than mine- 
Seated in a wretched cart, which was drawn by a 
decrepit old horse, without clothing suflficient to 
screen them from the severity of the weather, they 
were destined to pass another night, with no other 
shelter than the canopy of heaven, ere they could 
reach their place of destination. While engaged 
in meditating in what manner the night could be 
best passed in our present situation, darkness be. 
gan to overshadow us; the wind blew with in- 
creased violence, and the rain poured down upon 
us in torrents. It was at this critical juncture, 
that a horseman approacl.ed, and inquired who I 
'as, and whitlier I was going. After listening to 
a hasty recital of our misfortunes, he dismounted 
from his horse, unfastened the only blanket which 
he had to screen himself from the storm that raged, 
passed it around the neck of my wife, and threw 
the extremities of it over the heads of my shiver- 
ing children. Having done this, he dropt atear up- 
on my hand, as he pressed it between his, gave me 
his best wishes, and vaulting into his saddle, was 
out of sight in a moment. And now, need I inform 
you, that this man was a commissary to the army, 
and the identical person against whom the iron band 
of the law was this morning directed; or could 
you for a moment believe, that I could seize on 
the palsied frame of my family's benefactor, and 
immure it within the cold inhospitable walls of a 
prison.' Qod fobid!" A gleam of exultation flash- 
ed across his countenance as the last sentence pas- 
sed emphatically from his lips. The advocate 
bowed in silence and retired; the remaining audi- 
tors averted their heads, and the benevolent and 
eloquent speaker passed from before them. 

PENSIONERS' MUSTER. 

The following incidents of the actors in the revolu- 
tion, may aptly be placed in this collection for 
preservation. It is copied from tlie Connecticut 
Mirror, printed at Hartford, on the 7th August, 
1820. 
On Tuesday last the county court for this county 

commenced a special session, for the purpose of 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



365 



bear-ntf d>f pensioners of the army of Ihc revoUi- 
tioD make oath to their respective estate*. The 
number of applicants amounted to about one hun- 
dred and fifty, most of them indicating, in their ap- 
pearance, the strongest evidence, that necessity 
alone urged them to make claim for that bounty 
to which they have the fullest title. The court, 
after having patiently gone through with the busi- 
ness, declined accepting any compensation, and 
several gentlemen of the bar, who assisted, followed 
their generous example. On Wednesday, after 
the pensioners had alt made oatb.it happened that 
among them a drummer and fifer wer" found, who 
ware immediately furriished with instruments, at 
the sound of which the war-worn veterans paraded 
in front of the court house. At their head was 
placed major tHurtis, who scted a distinguished 
pftrt at the battle of Monuiouth, and by Lis side 
inarched captain Miller, equally disiinguished in 
leading up ihe '\forlarn hopt'* at Stoney-Point. — 
Colonel Manross acted as m;*rshal of the day. — 
By urgent solicitation these gentlemen permitted 
swords to be buckled to their sides. The venera- 
ble band then, almost without exception leaning 
upon tlieir staves, moved off" at the sound of tlie 
drum. The scene now presented was affecting 
beyond description. To see so many of the heroes 
of the revolution, bending beneath the weight of 
age, endeavoring to step to the sound of music, 
which, for a moment, seemed to strengthen their 
feeble joints, and kindle up in their countenances 
the remembrance of the deeds of other days, was 
enough to excite in the coldest bosom the strong- 
est emotions of admiration and gratitude. The 
scenes of the revolution, associated with this feeble 
remnant of those who bore a part in them — crowded 
upon the mind, at one moment elevated with the 
proudest recollections — then saddened by the melan. 
cboly reflection that the same arm which, com- 
paratively but a few years since, was nerved in bat- 
tle for our defence, now tremblingly reached to 
the time-worn staff for support. 

Having marched up and down almost the whole 
extent of Main-street, they were led back to the 
north market, where a f.ugal and substantial dinner 
was provided for them by the citizens. Tlie rev.' 
Mr. Cushman was invited to officiate at the table, { 
tnd wlien the old soldiers had assembled with | 
cheerful countenances around the convivial board, 
fce prefaced a most pathetic and impressive prayer 
with the following patriotic observations. 
Venerable Fathers: 

The interesting' occasion on which you are this 



dav convened, awakens sensations in your withering 
bosoms more ardent, more solemn, and more im- 
portant than the hope of pecuniary benefit could 
possibly inspire. You recollect, with a deep in- 
tercst, the noble achievements which have been 
narrated to us by the fireside:— That period which 
threatened the citizens of these states with a fate 
more cruel than death, now rushes upon your re- 
membrance, and almost restores that youthful 
vigour which time had gradually stolen away— 
that period, when the welfare of our country, the 
liberties of your persons, the enjoyment of your 
unalienable rights, and the destiny of your progeny 
rolled with weight upon your then distressed 
hearts, now rises to heighten the felicity you then 
by your valor procured;— that love of liberty which 
first led our persecuted ancestors toprefer a howling 
wilderness to their native soil, and prompted thera 
to resist oppression, when tliey could not escape 
by flight. They knew that the God who had made 
ihem, and had endowed them with the love of 
peace, intended that they should have a place on 
the face of the globe, and when they had peaceably 
withdrawn to these ends of the earth, they planted 
their standard in this territory, and resolutely cal- 
led it theirs, determined, if the gift of Providence 
could not ensure a title against the claims of ty- 
ranny, to purchase it with their blood. In this laud- 
able determination you tpok a part; in tlie conflict 
which ensued, you hazai-ded your lives, and while 
yoH stand trembling over the graves yo\i liave pur- 
chased in a peaceful soil, your children shall vene- 
rate your grey hairs, and express their gratitude 
for the privileges trans.-nitted from yow. May that 
spirit which first inspired your bosoms with pa- 
triotic valour, descend to your posterity throujjh 
succeeding generations, and perpetuate the prin- 
ciples and enjoyments of national independence^ 
But while we reverence you, our fathers, as the 
benefactors of our country, we trace our signal 
victory to a higher power, and recognize in our 
first triumph, and in every subsequent enjoyment, 
the Almighty arm of God.— To him be tlie praise 
to him be our gratitude directed, and to him 
let us look through a glorious Redeemer for the 
continuance of civil and religious liberty. 

One hundred and twelve of these pensioners 
then sat down to the table, together with the judges 
of the court— Major Curtis presiding. After the 
cloth was removed, the following sentiments were 
drank, accompanied by cannon, and the wholesceiie 
was closed by the patriotic and revolutionary song 
of 'God save America' in ftdl chorus. 



365 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



TOASTS. I Hy major JVatcfi. — May our sons never relinquish 

I, The American revolution; — the Jordan of death the liberties purchased by their fathers at the price 
between the Egypt of oppretsion and the Canaan of of their blood. 



liberty. 2 guns. 

II The departed heroes of the revolution; fallen 
beneath the luirvest sickle — but the sun shines not 
upon a wider field of liuerty than has sprung from 
their deeds. 2 guns. 

III. GENERAL GEORGE AVASHINGTOX— our 

leader in baltif; here; ruy %ve all be mustered with 
him in Heaven. {Drank standing] — 2 guns. 

IV. The surviving patriots of the revolution — 

may they not survive the liberty they won. 2 

gxms. 

V. Genersl Joseph Warren; — 

BHope for a moment bade the world farewell, 
"And freedom sbriek'd as Warren darkly fell." 

2 gtms. 

VI. General Israel Putnam — while alive, neither 
Danger nor Tre;'.son dared look liim in the face; 
even his memory has proved an over match for 
titled Difamatiou. 6 cheers and 2 guns. 

VII. The battle of Lexington; — "How great a 
matter a little fire kindleth!" 2 guns. 

VIII Bunker-Hil! — let its thunders never cease 

to ring in the ears of our enemies. 6 cheers and 

2 guns. 

IX. Captain Nathan Hale; — the blood of such 
martyrs i-t the sure seed of future patriots and 
heroes. 2 guns. 

X. Our pensions: — 

"The broken soldier kindly bade to $tay— 
"Sat by the fire and talk'd the nijht away." 

XI. The spirit of TS — may it descend to poster!- 
ty, and ever stand at 4lh proof 2 guns. 

XII. The rising generation; — while they enjoy 



Anecdotes and incidents of the day. 
An old officer to whom was assigned the duly 
of forming the company, after the line was formed, 
said with as much strength as age and infirmity 
would permit — "fellow soldiers! dress by the right;" 
finding that he was not heard upon the two extremes 
of his company, he exclaimed with new energy — 
"soldiers, ZooA: to the right; the aQ\6.\tv's friends are 
always /ounrf on the right." 

After the company was formed, they found them- 
selves much annoyed by the spectators, whose 
eager curiosity led them to encroach loo close 
upon these old veterans, upon which one of the 
Serjeants stepped briskly forward — "Gentlemen," 
said he, stand back; these men shall not want for 
room to-day — they shall have the whole city if they 
want it: you may look at us if you will, but you 
must not press upon oar ranks — the British never 
dared to do that. 

In the morning after the troops were mustered, 
it was proposed to major Curtis, an aged and 
venerable patriot, that he shotsld march at their 
head, and a sword was accordingly procured for 
his use. When it \vas presented to him he strongly 
declined wearing it, saying that it was now an 
unfit instrument for his feeble, palsied hand. Upon 
this an old comrade stepped up — "Major," said 
he, "you did not behave thus at Monmouth — you 
raised the standard high at Monmouth battle.'* 
"Monmouth! Monmouth!" said the major, "let me 
fegl of it;" then raising the sword aloft, his hand 
trembling like Ihe aspen, he added — "I once could 
wield it, but the day has gone by — still if you wish 
it, I will try to carry it." 

After a short march the troops were halted a few 
moments in order to give the more aged and infirm 



the blessings of liberty, may they never forget j an opportunity to rest. The old major mentioned 

those who achieved it. 2 guns. above, after seating himself upon a stone, observed 

to the by-standers "tl'-at it was pleasant to them 



XITI. Ourselves—'We. must all soon meet where 
the poverty we now plead shall be our best title 

to a pension of eternal rest. 2 guns. [^Drank 

tilent and standing] 

TOLtJHTEERS. 

Sy major Curtis. — The citizens of Hartford; — 
"We were hungry, and they gave us meat." 

J3y captain Miller. — The batteries of our ene- 
mies — may America never want brave sons to storm 
them. 



to measure their steps once more to the martial 
drum and fife," but added he with feeling — "Harkt 
from the tombs is now our appropriate music." 

The second volunteer toast, which was given 
by captain Miller of this town, may be read with 
additional interest, when it is known that he was 
the hero who commanded the forlorn hope at tha 
storming of Stoney-Point, The story, as we heard 
it related by a pensioner who was at his side at the 
tinoe, is worth preserving. Miller, upon reacblcg 



PRtNClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



>07 



the enemy's works, from his small size, was unable 
to reach the tops of the piquets; after making orifc 
or two unsuccessful leaps, and fearing that he 
. should be preceded by Ws companions, exclaiiiied 
— "Chrow me into the fort mith your bayonets," and 
he was liierally tossed over with the muzzles of 
their muskets. 

The age, infirmities and extreme poverty of these 
pensioners, was calculated to render the scene 
peculiarly affecting. Most of them, as appeared 
by their declarations, possessed little or nothing. 
A great part of the inventories fell short of fif.y 
dollars, and many of them amounted to a much 
smaller sum: one, in particular, contained but one 
item, and that an empty tobacco hor! 

Captain Nathan Hale, whose virtues and misfor 
tunes suggested the sentiment contained in the 
eighth toast, was a brave and valuable officer be- 
longing to col. Knowlton's regirjient of Connecti- 
cut light-infantry. He was a native of Coventry, 
in this state, and graduated at Yale College in 
17r3. -\fter the unfortunate battle on Long-Island 



Yes! Saviours and Sires, tliough the pittance be small. 

Which your country awards— and that pittance your all, 

, , ^ 1 » . Though the cold hand of Poverty press on your framci, 

and the retreat of the American troops to Nev/- „ . ,.,, . „ , , ■ , 

•^ Yet your children shall bless you, and huast of your namei. 

York, general Washington became very solicitous 



I'; worse's fan- path his fieet had ventured far, 

The pride of peace, the rising grace of war. 

In duty fiini, in dinger calm as ev'n, 

To friends unchanging, and sincere to Heaven, 

How short his course, the prizo how early won. 

While weeping friendship mourns her fav'rite gone. 

FH05I THE CONSECTICUT MIHUOH. 

A view of the inarch of the veterans on Wednesday, 
occasioned the foUosving.- 
They once marcli'd in ginry— their banners were streaming. 
With the glance of the sunbeam, their armour was gleaming; 
Then hopes swelled their bosoms— then firm was their tread— 
And round them the garlands of victory were spread. 

Then little they dreara'd that the country they sav'd— 
That the country for whom every danger they brav'd, 
Would forget their desert when old age should come on, 
And leave them forsaken— their comlorts all gone. 

They now march in glory— still memory sheds, 
The brightest of haloes around their hoar heads; 
Though faltering the footstep— though rayless the eye, 
Remenbrance still dwells on the days long gone by. 



to obtain accurate information of the resources 
and movements of the British army. To spy out 
an enemy's carap is one of the most difficult and 
hazardous undertakings which a soldier is ever 
called upon to execute. But the salvation of 
America was at stake, and Washington had no 
difficulty in findisg enough who were ready to 
yield up their lives in her defence. Hale promptly 
volunteered his services and immediately set forth 
upon the undertaking. He visited the British ar- 
my in disguise, and collected all the necessary in- 
formation, but, just as he was on the eve of re- 
turning, he was so unfortunate as to be detected. 
Circumstances being strongly against him and his 
inflexible integrity not permitting him to dissemble, 
he frankly confessed the object of his visit. He 
was not allo.ved everi the form of a trial, and was 
barbarously executed the following morning. How 
unlike was the conduct of the American com- 
mander in the case of the unfortunate Andre, — 
Washington not only gave him every indulgence 
which the laws of war would allow, but to these 
he added his sympathy and tears. The fjllowing 
just tribute to the memory of captain H.^le is from 
the pen of the late president Dwight. 

Thus did fond virtue wish in vain to save, 
Hale, bright and generous, from a hapless grave; 
With geniu.s' living flame his bosom glow'd. 
And science charm'd him to her blest abode. 



And when life with its toils and afRictiont shall cease, 
O then may you hail the bright Angel of peace, 
Then freemen shall weep o'er the veteran's grave, 
And round it the laurel and cypress shall wave- 
Thursday August 3. A. T. 

FnOM THE NEW TOHK COLUMBXAW. 

Sketch "f revolutionary history. — At the late anni° 
versary meeting of the Medical society of Orange 
county, an address was delivered by Ur. Arnell, 
in which he introduced a biography of Dr. Tusten, 
a mitive of Soulhold, I.. I. who was a distinguished 
practitioner in the early settlement of that coun- 
ty. In relation to the death of Dr. Tusten, his 
biographer gives the followiug interesting sketch 
of our revolutionary history: 

In .Tune, 1779, col. Brandt, who commanded the 
six nations of Indians, left Niagara, witli about 300 
warriors and a number of tories, who had joined 
that murderous cvcw, with an intention of destroy- 
ing the settlements upon the Delaware river, which 
was then considered as the frontier of our unsettled 
country. On the 20th of July, he appeared on the 
west of Minisink — he sent down a party which de- 
stroyed the settlement, burnt several houses, and 
plundered the inliabitants, returning with their 
ill-gotten booty to the main body, which lay then 
at Grassy Swamp Brook. An express was imme- 
diately dispatched to colonel Tusten, his superior 
officer. Gen. Allison being then confined in New- 



ses 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



York, having been taken prisoner at the battle of 
Fort Montgomery — the colonel received the news 
that evening — he instantly issued orders to the 
officers of the regiment to rendezvous at Minisink, 
where he would meet them Having taken an affec- 
tionate, and it proved a final, leave of his family, he 
collected what few he could, and was at the ap 
pointed place by morning. In the after part of 
that day, about 120 men were collected, when a 
council was held, to determine whether it would 
be best to pursue the Indians into the woods; a 
majority of the officers were in favor of that mea- 
sure; colonel Tusten, who viewed things in a calm 
manner and judicious light, was opposed to that 
plan: he gave, as his reasons for his opposition, 
that th« men were not sufficiently supplied with 
ammunition for a battle— that there were probably 
a much greater number of Indians than had been 
seen — that they were piloted by tories and Indians 
well acquainted wli'i the woods, and commanded 
by Brandt, a well knov/iv warrior, who would never 
risk a battle unless he had superior advantages. 
To this was answered, that there was no danger 
of their numbers— that the Indians dare not fight 
— that they had several cattle and horses which 
they had plundered from the inhabitants which 
they must guard or leave upon the appearance of an 
enemy — that they might be pursued with delibera 
tion until they came to the fording place of the 
Delaware river, which was near the enterance of 
Lacawac river into the Delaware, and finally, ma- 
jor Meeker mounted his horse and flourished his 
sword, requesting all those who were men of 
courage to follow him, and let the cowards stay 
behind, Thia last appeal was too much for Amerl 
can valor, and the men immediately turned out, 
determined to pursue and destroy the Indians or 
perish in the attempt. They marched that even 
ing about 17 miles, when they encamped for the 
night. 

In the morning they were ovartaken by colonel 
Hathorn, of the Warwick regiment, who, being the 
oldest colonel and highest officer in rank, took 
the command. He called a council and himself 
opposed the pursuit, but here it was urged that 
they had a pilot, captain Tyler, who was as Well 
acquainted with the woods as any among their 
enemies, and who could bring them to a spot most 
eligible for an attack with perfect safety, and the 
same scene of bullying was acted by major Meeker, 
who is well calculated by the poet, "a fool devoid of 
rule," and the fatal line of march was again com- 
menced. They had not proceeded far before Brandt 



discovered them — he ordered a few ofhh Indians 
to keep in sight and decoy them to the very spot 
where they intended to surprise him: but before 
they reached the place captain Tyler was shot, 
which damped the spirits of our men. During 
this confusion a party of Indians hove in sight — 
colonel H. ordered that no man should fire until 
tbey had prepared for a general battle; a large 
Indian however rode past on a horse which had 
been stolen from Mmisink, and which one of our 
men knew; the temptation was too great, and our 
hero fired his rifle and brought the Indian to the 
ground. The advanced Indians then fired and 
rushed towards our men, in order to divide them, 
and about thirty were separated from the main 
body, who could not afterwards be brought into 
action. In a few minutes Brandt appeared with 
his whole force, when the firing became general. 
.\ very confused and irregular fire was kept up 
from behind trees and rocks both by the Indians 
and our men. From the situation in which they 
were placed every one fought in his own way and 
it was impossible for any one to command: colonel 
Tusten retired to a spot surrounded by rocks, 
were he directed the wounded to be conveyed to 
him, and he now became the surgeon and friend 
of the wounded. Early in the battle he had re- 
ceived a slight wound in the hand, though not 
sufficient to prevent his dressing the wounds of 
the soldiers. The battle lasted the whole day; 
the Indians constantly endeavoring to divide and 
break the main body which had possession of the 
ground until sunset, when their ammunition was 
expended, and a general retreat was ordered — No 
regularity could be preserved, and every one was 
left to effect his escape in the best manner he 
could — some crossed the river, while others were 
shot in it; some retreated through the woods, while 
others were destroyed in the attempt; but now a 
scene presented itself which of all others was the 
most trying. Dr. Tusten had seventeen with him^ 
whose wounds he had dressed, and whose lives 
might have been saved — the cries they kept up 
for mercy and protection when they heard the re- 
treat ordered, beggared all description; they were 
necessarily left to be sacrificed by savage barbarity; 
and whether Dr. Tusten stayed and perished with 
!iis wounded countrymen, or attempted to make 
his retreat, is not known. This is the last time 
he was ever seen by any white man, though it ia 
generally believed that he suffered by the same 
tomahawk which destroyed those that were with 
liim. On this fatal day forty-four of our country- 
men fell, some of whom might emphatically be 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS ©F THE REVOLUTION. 



called ihc pride and flower of (ioshen. Among puroiass any of the above enumerutpd articles. 



them was n Jones, a Little, a Duncan, a Wisner, a 
Vail, a Townsend, and a Knapp; and there perishrri 
our friend and brother in profession, Dr. Tu'iten, 
a sacrifice for the independence and liberty of our 
eounlry. 

IVashingtonin want of a pen -knife. —In C;ildwell's 

life of Greene, p. 65, there is a fac simile of the 

following curious epistle: 

October 7th. 1779. 

•Dear sir — I have lost — and cannot tell how — an 
Old and favorite penknife, and am much distressed 
for want of one — if you have any in your stores, 
please send me one — if you have not, be so good 
as to get one immediately. Perhaps Mr. Bailey 
eould furnish me. One with two blades I should 
prefer, when choice can be had. — I am, dear sir, 
•Your most obedient, 

•GEO WASHINGTON.* 

DOMESTIC MAKUFACTUnBS. 

"At a town meeting holden in New Haven, by 

adjournment, upon the 22d day of Feb. 1768. 

"The committee app6inted in consequence of a 
letter from the selectmen of the town of Boston 
to the selectmen of this town, to consider of 
some measures to be agreed upon for promoting 
ecjonomy, manufactures, &c. report. That it is 
thsir opinion, that it is expedient for the town to 
take ail prudent and legal measures to encoufage 
the produce and manufactures of this colony, 
aud to lessen the use of superfluities, and more 
especially the following articles imported from 
tibroad, viz. 

••Carriages of all sorts, house furniture, men's 
and women's hats, men's and women's apparel, 
ready made household furniture, men's and wo 
men's shoes, sole leather, gold, silver, and thread 
lace, gold and silver buttons, wrought plate, 
diamond, stone, and paste ware, clocks, silver- 
smith's and jeweller's ware, broad clolhs that cost 
above ten shillings sterling per yard, muJfs, furs, 
and tippets, starch, women's and children's toys, 
silk and cotton velvets, gauze, linseed oil, malt 
liquors, and cheese. 

"And that a subscription be recommcniJed to the 
several inhabitants and house holders of the town, 
whereby they may mutually agree and engage, thai 
they will encourage the use and consumption of 
articles manufactured in theBritish American colo 



in.ported fiom abroad, after the said Slsi of March, 
itnd t!iat they will be careful io promote the savinj 
of linen rags, and other materials, proper for mak- 
ing paper in this colony. 

•'The foregoing report being considered by the 
town, was by a full vote approved of and accepted* 
A true copy of record, 
Test, SAMUEL CISHOP, jr. totoii clerk.** 

CoruT MAitTiAL. — From the Proiidence (ft. I.) 
Patriot.-^S. friend has handed us the following 
extract from the orderly book of general Sul/ivan, 
in command h-cre during the reV')lution, as being 
connected with a case somewhat an-ilogous to one 
which occurred in the Seminole war. We LaVe 
omitted names, for obviolis reasons. 

"Head quarters, Prnridence, 
July 24, 17/8. 

"The sentence of the court martial, whereof 
colonel E — ^ was president, against M. A, and 
D. C. the general totally disapproves, as iilogal and 
absurd. Tlie clearest evidence having appeared 
to the court, that the said A. was employed by 
the enemy, repeatedly, to come on tiie main as a 
spy, and that he enticed men to go on to Illiode- 
Island, to enlist in the enem3's service, and his 
confessions from day to day being so different as 
to prove him not only a spy, but to be a person irt 
whom the least confidence cannot be placed; the 
court having found him guilty of all this, nothing 
could be more absurd than to senteiice him to be 
whipped one hundred lashes, ar.d afiervards to 
be taken into a service which he has been long 
endeavoring in the most malicious nnd secret man- 
ner to injure! The man who is found guilty of 
acting as a spy, can have but one judgment by all 
the laws of war, which is to suflV-r deatli; aiul the 
sentence of a man to be wliipped when found guilty 
of this crime, is as absurd .is for the coj.mon law 
courts to order a man to he set in the siocks for 
wilful murder. The same absurdity appearing in 
the judgment aguinst 1). C. for the same reasons, 
[he gen.] disapproves thfin bolli, dissolves the 
court, and orders another court to sit for the irinl of 
those persons, ton;oriovv morning, at 9 o'clock: 
The adjutant general to hdje a crime against A. 
for acting as a spy, and for enticing men to enlist 
into the enemy's service, and aL;air.st C. for acting 
as a spy." 

At the subsequent court, A. was found guilty 



nies, and more especially in this colony, and tiiat i before, and sentenced to be /j./.v;', which sentence 
Jhey will not, after the 3ist day of March nex'. |lhe general approved and executed. 



S70 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



In soi:'\-g the works of Quebec by general 
Montgonie-y, liie gallant captain Clieesemiin, of 
New- York) ai'l to Mo/.tpomeiy, being as active as 
he was bruve, the moment lie reached Ihe picket, 
placed his hand on one of the palisadoes, exclaim- 
ing^ to 'lis comrades, *If there be any honor in being 
the first man in Quebec, I have it.' He si)riingover 
and fell by a siiot within the picket. 

When col. Gan^ner of Brookline was brought 
off from Bunker's Hill, wisere lie was roorialiy 
wonndev, he was asked if he did not wish to see 
his son, who had been also in the battle. 'If my 
son hah dotie his duty, I shall be glad to see him.' 
He was ..nswcred that his son had done his duty. 
He sav; and embraced him. ^ost. Patriot. 

The first sea-fight, — The late rev. Dr. Bxstlet, of 
Salem, Mass. whose decease was equally deplored 
by the friends of religion, patriotism snd literature 
—who for many years enriched the columns of tt:e 
•'Essex Register" with his remarks, when speak- 
ing of the revolutionary pension law, seized the op- 
portanity to give us the following interesting scrap 
of histoT}: 

'•The following history may discover how a man 
may e'igage in the public service, and yet not be 
qualified according to law f^r the bounty of a term 
short of one year's service. Joshua Ward, who 
belonged to Salem, but who has lived many years 
in Marblehead, a painter, marched on the 19th of 
April, to Charlestown neck, as a fifer of the first 
company in colonel Timothy Pickering's regiment 
of militia, commanded by capt. William Pickman, 
»nd soon after entered the army under captain 
Thomas Karnes. From Cambridge, he was ordered 
to V/atertown to guard the public stores, and re- 
mained at this station till the battle of Bunker's 
Hill. He t'len joined the regiment under colonel 
Maiisfield on Prospect Hill, in Charlestown, in the 
Massachusetts line, and acted as fife-major, till 
he joined gen. Sullivan's brigade, on Winter Hill, 
when he was promoted as fife-major general. He 
continued in the service till the first day of Janu- 
ary 1776, when he was discharged, having continu- 
ed the time of his enlistment. He then entered 
captain Be ■jamln Ward's company, and performed 
garrison duty at fort William and Mary, now fort 
Pickering,, till the 19lii of June following. He 
then volunteered with the first lieutenant Ilaraden, 
a well known brave and able officer, with others 
of his companions, on board the 'I'yrannicide, a 
public armed brig of 14 guns and 75 men, com- 
aaanded by captain John Fiske, afterwards a major 



general in Massachusetts, and eminent by his pwb ■ 
lie services. He was in tiiis brig during three 
cruizes, and was at the taking of elgVit prizes, the 
first of which v/as the kin^^'s arme:l schooner Dis- 
patch, belonging to lord How-'s fleet, then on 
Lheir pufissge from Halifax to New-York, it being 
lO^h July. In the engaijement one man was killed 
in tiic Tyrannicide, tliree wounded, and one died 
of his wounds. He continued in this vessel till 
the 14tl» of February, 1777, when he returned 
from a four and an h?.lf month's cruise in the West 
Indies, and all were discharged. He is now 72 years 
of age. In the action with the Dispatch, which 
lasted 7 glasses, her commander, Jo]}n Goodrich j 
2d lieut. of tiie Renown of 50 guns, then in the 
fleet, was killed, and several men. Mr. More, sailing 
master, was wounded and his limb araputated. Mr. 
Collingsin, midshipman, had his lirnb amputated 
hut he died. The Dispatch was so disabled that 
they were obliged to take her in tow, and they 
brought her into Salem, after being out 17 days. 
The Dispatch had eight carriage guns, 12 swivels, 
and a compliment of 41 picked men from different 
ships in tlie fleet. This was the first sea fight. The 
Tyrannicide was tlie first vessel that was built for 
the public service, and her commission was signed 
by John Hancock. The Di.sp.itch was no prize to 
the crew, excepting a small bounty on her guns. 
And yet this worthy msn in his poverty, comes 
not within the letter of the law, and instead of his 
bounty, must accept a hearty recommendation to 
the generous care of his fellow-citizens." 

STnONG ME.^iSUIlES PROPOSED. 

In congress Oct. 21, 1778. — " JVhereas there is 
every reason to expect that our unnatural enemies, 
desp.\lring of being ever able to subdue and en- 
slave us by open force, or persuade us to break 
through the sol;':mn treaties, as having entered into 
'.vjth our great and good ally, his Most Christian 
majesty, and return to the dependence of Great 
Britain, will, ss the last effort, ravage, burn, and 
destroy every city and town on this continent they 
can come at: 

liesolved. That it be recommended to such inha- 
bitants of these states, as live in places exposed 
to the ravages of the enemy, immediately to build 
huts, at least 30 miles distant from their present 
habitations, thereto convey their women, children, 
and others not capable of bearing arms, and them- 
selves in case of necessity, together with their 
furniture, wares, and merchandise of every sort; 
also, that thoy send off all their cattle; being 
measures they cannot think hardships in such times 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S7t 



of public calamity, when so many of their gallant 
countrymen are daUy exposed in the hardships of 
the field, fighting in defence of their rights and 
liberties. 

Resolved, That immediately, when the enemy 
begin to bum or destroy any town, it be recom 
mended to the good people of these states to set 
fire to, ravage, burn, and destroy, the houses and 
properties of all tories, and enemies to the free- 
dom and independcf.ce of America, and secure 
the persons of such, so as to prevent them from 
assisting the enemy, always takr-ig care not to treat 
them or their families with any wanton cruelties, 
as we do not wish, in this parlicul >r, to copy after 
our enenues, or their German, negro, and copper- 
eolourcd allies. 

Extract from the ;nin::tes, 

Chakles Thomson, sec." 



Loni) CnLTv.kM thus expressej:! himself, when 
speaking in puHi.Mnenv, of t!ie congress thst dedar 
ed independeuoe. ♦'! must declire and avow, tha. 
in all my reading and observation, and i- has been 
my favorite study, I have read rhucydides, and 
have studied and admired the master states of 
the world, but for solidity of reasoning, force of 
sagscity and wisd-T^ of conclusion, under sich a 
complication of difTicult circumstances, no nation 
or body of men can stand in preference to the ge 
neral congress at Philadelphia." . 

A brave-fellow.— A.mor\g numberless feats of VHlor 
performed by individuals of the American revoiu- 
tionary army, none has pleased me more than the 
following, related by an eye witness:— "During the 
heat of the battle at Germantown, while buUeis 
flew as thick as hail stones, one Darkelew (of 
Monmouth) was levelling his musket at the ene- 
my, when his lock was carried away by a ball- 
Undismayed, he caught up the gun of a comrade 
just killed by his side, and taking aim, a bullet 
entered the muzzle, and twisted the barrel round 
like a corkscrew! Still undaunted, our hero i nme 
diately kneeled dov/n, unscrewed the whole lock 
from the twisted barrel, screwed it on to the 
barrel from which the lock had been torn, and 
blazed away at the enemy." Can ancient Sparta 
or modern Britain boast a more !-.rJlliant displuy 
of cool, deliberate, unshaken courutje? This hero 
is still living. 

Anecdote connected -with the surrender at Yorklown. 
From the N. Y. "National Advocate"— 1818. Baron 
Steuben-commanded in the trenches at the moment 



'.or-1 Corn.va'U's made hi.^ overture for capitulation, 
t'he proDosnls were immediately despatched to 
the commander in chief, and the negociation, as 
we say, proffressed.— The Marquis de la Fayette, 
whose tour it was next to mount guard in the 
trendies, marched to relieve the Baron, who, to 
his as\nnish;-nent, refused to be relieved. He in- 
F.)rra'^d <jeieral de la Fayette, that the custom of 
J^iiropean war wa9 in his favor, and that it w^z a 
noi'At of honor which he could neither give up for 
himself, nor deprive his troops of— that the offer to 
cip'.tulatehad been made during his guard, and that 
in the trenches he would remain until tiie capitula- 
tion was signed or hostilities commenced. The 
M srquis immediately galloped to head quarter::— 
i^^eneral Wushin,':fton decided in favor of the Baron 
— to the joy of one, and to the mortifiGaiioii of- 
i.'^e other of those hrave and valuable men. The 
^aron remained 'ill the business was finished. I 
should not have sent you this recollection, h.ad I 
rot seen in your pnper of this morning an extract 
from L^f.'s nemoirs i-elative to the sarrender. My 
necdote may not be worth much now, but such 
us it is, it is at your service. 

One -who was in the trenches. 



From tlie .h'eiu Orleans Chronicle. — The follow- 
ing fact, though altogether worthy of being re- 
membered, has never, I believe, been reported by 
the pen of any historian. 

Lest it should be thought a mere fabrication to 
occupy a vacant column in the newsp<\per, T think 
it not unimportant to state, that the subject of this 
memoir, .Mr. Hunter, is well known in Darlington 
dis'.rict, South Carolina; and the following narra- 
tive, which I had from himself, is familiar to his 
friends and acquaintances. 

Hunter, though a youth of perhaps 18 years old, 
wis very active in defence of his coan-ry's rights 
during the revolutionary war. It was the fate of 
this Tyro in arms to fall into the hands of major 
Pa mi'ig, whose deeds as a cruel partizan leader in 
the service of Great Britain, are written in North 
:\n<\ South Carolina, in characters of blood. Hun- 
ter, whose active services had roused the ire of the 
mijor, was told upon the spot to prepare for his 
f.tte. which was nothing less than death, for whicli 
awful event a few minutes only were ailo.ved him 
to prepare. A band of tories, thirsting for the 
blood of a patriot, instantly formed a circl." round 
'.lie boy, leaving bim no reasonable chance of 
escape. 



sn 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOxV. 



At tliis moment thought followed thought in 
quick succession. His home, his friends, his coun- 
try, and the circumstance« under which he w tt. 
sbout to be torn from them all, together with the 
reflection that he must quickly realize a state of 
iint'ied being, crowded upon his mind, and culled 
VP feelings not to be described. 

For the first time he bent his knees to the power 
vhich wields tlie destinies of man, and no sooner 
had he breathed a wish to the throne of mercy, 
thin he felt a strong persuasion that deliverance 
was possible. This important point settled in his 
mind, he cast his eyes round in search of the means 
to be employed. At the distance of a few paces 
from the encircling band stood a beautiful fiUy, 
furnished with the major's riding establishment, 
complete. This animal, late the idol of spor'smen 
in Virginia, hsJ fallen into the hands of the pre- 
seni owner, and was higldy priz<^d, as affiirding the 
means of escape fi-om impending danger. 

"Cannot I," thought Hunter, "spring fVom my 
knees, gain tlie saddle, and under the favor of 
that p >wer wliich lias so fully assured my heart, 
escape this threatening death?" M:*ving resolved, 
if he must perish, to perish in the attempt, he 
darted like lightning through his enemies, and 
seizing the bridle, whicli was held by a servant 
boy, as he vaulted into tke saddle, he put the ma- 
jor's courser to her speed, and went oft" with his 
booty, to the no small disap-oointment and morti- 
fication of the astonished beholders After guzirig 
a while in stupid amazement, the redoubtable 
Fari'MOg recollected that his soldiers had guns, 
bui it was too late; and the order to ^'shoat at the 
rebel" was obeyed without efifect. 

IMTFUESTING HISTOIIT. 

It is known as a matter of hisiory, that in the 
early part of 1755, great exertions were made by 
the British ministry, at the head of which was the 
illustrious earl of Chatham, for the reduction of 
the French power in the provinces of the Canadas. 
To carry the object into effect, general Amherst, 
referred to in the letters of Junius, was appointed 
to the command of the British army in North 
Westorn America; and the British colonies in Ame- 
rica were called upon for assistance, who con- 
tributed with alacrity their several quotas of men, 
to effect the grand object of British enterprize. 
It is a fact still within the recollection of some of 
our oldest inhabitants, that the British army lay 
encamped, in tiie summer of 1755, on the eastern 
bakik of the Hudson, a little south of the city of 
J^lbany, on the ground now belonging- to John I. 



Van Rensselaer, esq. To this day vtsiiges of their 
encampment remain; and after a lapse of sixty 
years, when a great proportion of the actors of- 
those days have passed away, like shadows from 
the earth, the inquisitive traveller cart observe the 
remains of the ashes, the places where they boiled 
their camp kettles. It was this army, that, under 
the command of Abercrombie, was foiled, with a 
serere loss, in the attack on Ticonderoga, where 
the distinguished Howe fell at the head of his 
troops, in an hour that history has consecrated to 
his fame. In the early part of June, the eastern 
troops began to pour in, company after company, 
and such a motley assemblage of men never before 
thronged together on such an occasion, unless an 
example may be found in the ragged regiment of sir 
John FalstaflT, of right merry and facetious memory. 
It would, said my worthy ancestor, whorelates to me 
thestory, haverelaxed the gravity of an anchorite, 
to have seen the descendants of the Puritans, march- 
ing tlirough the streets of our ancient city, to taka 
their station on the left of tl^ British army- 
some with long coats, some with short «oats, and 
others with no coats at all, in colours as varied m 
the rai^i-bov/, some with their hair cropped like 
the army of Cromwell, and others with wigs whose 
curls fl.v.ved with grace around their shoulders. 
Their march, their aocoutremenls, and the whole 
arrang-irment of the troops, furnished matter of 
amusement to the wits of the British army. The 
music played the airs of two centuries ago, and 
the tovt ensemble, upon the whole, exhibited a sight 
to the wondering strangers that they had beeii 
unaccustomed to in their own land. Among the 
club of wits that belonged to the British army, 
there was a physician attached to the stafl', by the 
name of Doctor Shackburgj who combined with 
the science of the surgeon, the skill and talents of 
a musician. To please brother Jonathan he com- 
posed a tune, and with much gravity recommend- 
ed it to the officers, as one of the most celebrated 
airs of martial music. The joke took, to the no 
small amusement of the British corps. Brother 
Jonathan exclaimed it was nation Jlne, and in a few 
dsys nothing was heard in the provincial camp but 
the air of Yankee Doodle. Little did the author or 
his coadjutors then suppose, tliat an air raadp for 
the purpose of levity and ridicule, should ever be 
marked for such high desiinies; in twenty years 
from that time our national march inspired the 
hearts of the heroes of Bunker Hill, and less than 
'hirty, lord Cornwallis and his army marched into 
the American lines to the tune of Yankee Doodle^ 
[.21bani/ Stutesmuii, 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



875 



j|. V. ' » »■■ »li«W 



1775— .Vov. 7 — Dunmove' s pr id imaiion. 
Im Norfolk tad the adjacent country, Dunmore 
countftd on numerous adherents. The ras'i advice, 
togetiier with his own impeiuous, haughty and 
revengeful temper, early impelled him to a mea- 
sure characterized by f dly, and fraught with incal- 
culable mischief, not only to the people of Vir^^i 



colony to a proper sense of their duty to his majes- 
ty's cra^a and dignity. ! do further order and re- 
quire all his majesty's liege subjects, to retain their 
quitrer.ts or other taxes due, or that may become 
due in their own custody, till such a time as peace 
may again be restored to this at present most un» 
happy country, or demanded of them for their 



, but to his own cause. Under dute of Nov.] former saluttry purposes, by officers properly au- 
7th, he iscued the following pj-oclama ion, the style 
of which strongly indicates the agitation of a per- 
turbed mind, whi'st its substance betrays a b mu, 
impolitic, ruiious inflexibility, and, what is still 16th year of his r.if\jesty's reign. "DUNMORE, 



thorised to receive the same. 

"Given under my hand, on board the ship WiU 
liam, off Norfolk, the 7'h day of November, in the 



worse, a B:tv;tge and wanton disregard for the fun- 
dameital princiiiles upon which the social fabric 
esseruiully rests, and for those rules of civilization, 
which are usually rejected, even in the phrenzy 
and calamitous intent of war. 

£y his excellency, the right honorable Johbt, earl of 
Dunmore, his majesty^s lieutenant and governor ge- 



"God save the king" 

TicoiTDEnoeA. The following is not a revolu- 
tionary document, but an article that may well be 
preserved in this collection; and, being specially 
requested, we insert it with pleasure. 

From the Hartfnvtl Times. The following state- 
ment or return, ex'tltnt-nij a minute and accurate 
neral of the colony iif Virginia, and vice admiral of < p., -i-h. i j> • % 

•' a J J ' ■> ^ account of tlie loss \n kille ' and wounded sustamed 

by the British nn 1 \inerican forces under the com- 



the same> 

A PnOCtAMATIOW 

*'As I have ever entertained hopes that an ac- 
commodation might have taken place between 
Great Britain and this colony, without being com- 



mand of gen. .Ibercro .>bie, in the memorable dis- 
aster or defeat at Ticonderoga, July, 1758, was, 
as it purports, made out soon after the battle, by 



pelled by my duty to this most disagreeable, butU^'^^h Woadruff, who was a captain of the pro- 
now absolutely necessary duty, rendered so by a!^i"<='^» ^^--c^^' '^"^ belonging to Farmir.gton, in 
body of men, unlawfully assembled, firing on hWf^^ «°""^y- '^^^ o'"'^''"*^ document has been pre- 
Biajesty's tenders, and the formation ot an army,;"^^^^ '" "^^ f-'^'^y* ^^ * P'*^^'^"' memorial of 

J •. _ I *., »♦ I. u- their ancestor, for sixty years, and was handed to 

and an army now on its march to attack his mnjes- \ ♦ .^ } . > 

, , ^ ij ^ *w »ii J- 1 •• * us by his son. It is undoubtedly the most authen- 

ty's troops, and destroy the well disposed suojects " ■' ■> 

- ., - , .r. 1 r .. u » ui tic and correct statement of that unfortunate affair, 

of this colony. To defeat such treasonable pur- ■" " ^ ' » 

J .u * M u t- -t^-- „ 1 »u • u„** r. which exposed our frontiers to the murderous and 
poses, and that all such traitors, and their abettors *^ 

_ , . !...•»• J ^u * .u ,! cruel outrages of a savage foe, and filled tlie whole 

may be brought to justice, and that the peace audi ^6 & » 

_ J J i'.^u- 1 L • .1 i colonies with consternation and dismay, whicli at 

good order of this colony may be again restored, ... 



which the ordinary course of the civd law is una- 
ble to effect, I have thought fit to issue this my 
proclamation, hereby declaring that, until the afore 
said good purposes can be obtained, I do, in virtue 
of the power and authority to me given, by his ma- 
jesty, determine to execute martial law, and cause 



this day is to be found; and in every point of view 
is worthy of preservation. We recommend its in- 
sertion to the editor of the Baltimore Weekly Re- 
gister, as that work is probably the most permanent 
and valuable place in which it can be deposited. 

We have printed it verbatim, and preserved th« 



the same to be executed throughout this colony; same orthography, to exhibit an idea of the pro- 
and to the end that peace and good order may the vincial dialect of that day. 

sooner be restored, I do require every person ca- The British regiments arc distinguished nume- 
pable of bearing arms to resort to his wjrt;e5<i,'s!ricaily, and by their commanders. The 1st and 4th 
Standard, or be looked upon as traitors to his nm- ; battalions called "royal Americans," were troops 
jesty't crown and government, and ihtvthy h^coxv.t] enUsted in the colonies by British officers. The 



liable to the penalty the law inflicts upon sucli of- 
fences; such as forfeituve of life, confiscation of 
lands, &c. &c. And I do hereby further declare 
all indented servants, negroes, or others (apper- 
taining to rebels) free, that are able and willing to 
bear arms, they joining his majesty's troops as soon 
as may be, for the more speedily reducing this 



"Prouinshals," or provincials, consisted of the mili- 
tia of the colonies, which were detached, or vo- 
lunteered for the service. It will be seen that, with 
the exception of lord Murray's regiment, which 
was nearly cut to pieces, the loss of the provincials 
was as great as that of any one regiment. They 
mu3t therefore have been actively enjrajred. 



274 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Jl returi of the killed, rjounded and missing of his 
maji'sty's forces at Cnreloug or Ticonderoga, July &th, 
1758. 





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The PRtJSCHiBM). Fi'oni the Boston Gazette, \77^. 
The following is an aathenlic copy of a letter v/iiicb 
was lately thrown into the camp, with the follow- 
ing direction: 

"To the officers and soldiers of his majesty'' s troops in 
Boston. 
"It being more than probable that the king's 
standard will soon be erected, from rebellion break- 
ing out in this province, it is proper that you, sol- 
diers! should be acquainted with the authors there- 
of, and of all the misfortunes brought upon the pro- 
vince; the following is a list of them, via: 



Samuel Adams 
Jiimes Bowdoin 
D"-. Thomas Young 
Dr Benjamin Church 
Cipx. Jo n Bradford 
Josiah Qu;ncey 
Mj. N.ith'l. Barber 
Win. MoUineux 



John Hancock 
William Cooper 
Dr. Chauncey 
Dr. Cooper 
Thom::s Gushing 
Jose-yh Grenleaf 
and William Denning. 



The number killed, 515 men. The number 
wounded, 1269. — The number missing 39 — Suir 
total 1823. This drawn out by me, Judah Wood- 
ruff, August ye 15: 1758 — Alt lake George. 



"The friends of your king and country and of 
America, hope and expect it from you, soldiers, 
the instant rebellion happens, you will put the above 
persons immediately to the sivord, destroy th?ir 
houses, and plunder their effects: it is just that 
they should be the first victims to the mischief 
they have brought upon us. (signed) 

^frie7id to Great Britain and America. 

"P. S. Don't forget those trumpeters of sedi- 
tion, the printers, Edes & Gill and Thomas." 

FROM THE BOSTON PATHIOT. 

Messrs. Ballard & Wright: 

The enclosed letter, from the venerable and 
patriotic major Haviley* has never been in print. 
Its publication at this tim.e wf>uld not perhaps be 
irrelevant, and would certainly gratify some of 
your country friends. It was written soon after 
the adoption of the present constitution, and shews 
his opinion of that instrument. It is needless to 
add, that we here think every thing from the pen 
of that great man deserving of record. 

HAMPSHIRE. 
To the hon. the senate of Massachusetts. 
May it please your honors: The intelligence 
given me by the writ of summons, under the hand 
of the presUent of the council, that I am chosen 
a senator by a majority of the voters of the comi- 
ty of Hampshire, affords me a singular pleasure, 
on two accounts: The one is, that un election to 
that high trust, by a majority of the unaolicited 
sufiVages of the voters of the county, is a genuine 
oroof of the good opinion of the people of my 



*Tlie author of the "Broken HintF," piige 324. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



573 



dear cou.ily; the other is, the fair oociision tha 
it gives me to bear a free and public testimony 
against one part of our glorious constitution: I 
style it glorious, although I humbly conceive it 
has several great blemishes, on account whereof 
it will, until corrected, be liable, in my poor opi- 
nion, to very weij^hty exception; but still it re- 
mains glorious on account of the great quantity 
of excellent matter contained in it. That part of 
the constitution this event enables me not im- 
pertinently to except to, is the cojuiition or term 
^vhich the constitution holds every one to, who 
has the honor to be elected a member of the ge- 
neral court of Massachusetts, before he may (us 
is expressed in the constitution) proceed to execute 
the duties of his place. 

Be the person ever so immaculate and exem- 
plary a Christians although he has, in the proper 
place, that is, in the Christian church, made a 
most sokmn, explicit, and public profession of 
the Christian faith; though he has an hundred 
times, and continues perhaps every month in the 
year, by participating in the church of the body 
and blood of Chrisf, practically recognized and 
affirmed the sincerity of that profession; yet, by 
the constitution, he is held, before he may be ad 
mitted to execute the duties of his office, to make 
and subscribe a profession of the Christian faich, 
or declaration that he is a Christian. Did our fa 
ther confessors imagine, that a man who had not 
so much fear of God in his heart as to restrain 
him from acting dithonesily and kn&vishly in the 
trust of a senator or representative, would hesitate 
a moment to subscribe that declaration? Ctti bono, 
then, is the declaration.? This extraordinary, not 
to say absurd, condition, brings fresh to mind a 
passage in the life of the pioui, learned, and 
prudent Mr. John Howe, one of the strongest 
pillars of the dissenting interest in the reign of 
Charles the 2d and James the 2d. The history is 
as follows: 



(ay undc. standing. 'Ii is ..r sbsurnitj; for noth- 
ing h!;s two beginnings' 'I am sure,' said he, I 
am a minister of Christ, and I am ready to debate 
ihat matter wilh your lordship, if you please: I 
cannot begin again to be a minister." 

Beside?, this term of executing the duties of 
lie place is ag. last common riglit, and as I may 
^•ay, tlie natural franchise of every member of the 
commonwealth wio has not by soroe crime or 
delictum forfeited his natural rights and franchises. 
It, moreover, reduces t'.ie ninth article of the 
declaraiion of rights to a mere futility, and, in 
such a connection, it would be for the reputation 
of the declaration of rights if that same ninth 
article was wholly expunged.* More than that, 
the said condition is plainly repugnant to the first 
great article of the said declaration: and I am 
ready to debate that matter with any Doctor who 
assisted in framing the constitution, either in con- 
vention or without doors. The said declaration 
of faith to be subscribed, which constitutes the 
s.4d impolitic and unrighteous condition, will, I 
believe, ever sound in every good ear almost as 
uncouthly as the Sessions Justices' famous charge 
to the standing grand jury. Let us hear them 
successively: 

"I do declare, that I believe the Christian re- 
ligion, and have a firm persuasion of its truth; and 
that I am seized and possessed in rny own right of 
the property required by the constitution," he. 

"Gentlemen of the grand jury: You are required 
by your oath to see to it, that the several towns in 
the county be provided, according to law^ with 
Pounds and School-masters, 
Whipping posts and ministers," 



"That Mr. Howe, waiting upon~a certain bishop, 
his lordship presently fell to expostulating with 
him '•'jout his nonconformity. Mr. Howe told 
him he could not have time, without greatly 
trespassing on his patience, to go through the 
objections he had to make to the terms of con- 
formity. The bishop pressed him to name any 
one that he reckoned to be of wciglit. He there 
upon instanced the point of re o.-dinalion. «Why 
pray sir,' said the bishop, 'what luirt is there in 
being twice ordained?' 'Hurt, my lord,' says Mr. 
Howe to him; the thought is sLocking— it hurn: 



Each containing an odd jumble of sacred and 
profane; but, to me, the charge jingles best. By 
t!ie constitution of the commonwealth of Massa- 
rliusetts, I am, may it please your honors, one of 
its senators; and 1 am strongly disposed, accord- 
ing to my poor abilities, to execute the duties of 
my office; but, by the unconscionable, not to say 
dishonorable terras, est:ibiished by the same con- 
stitution, I am barred from ende.^voring to per- 
form these duties. I h.ive been a professed Chris- 
tian nearly forty years, and, although I have been 
g'lilty ot many tilings unworthy of that character, 
whereof I am ashamed, yet I am not conscious that 
I have been guilty of any thing wholly inconsistent 
with the truth of that professioa. 

The lav/3 under the first charter required of 
the subjects of that state, in order to their enjoy- 



are 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION;^ 



=3asacataEP 



mg ■ ■< nviitjr s, i ■ •■"■■> s! CM be n.em- 
bers in full communion of some Clristian church. 
Bu', it never was before requiri'd, in the Massa- 
ch'isettsB w, thut a subject, in order to his en- 
joying or exercising any franchise or office, should 
make profession of the Christian religion before a 
temporal court. 

May it please your honors: We have all heard 
»f alieut. governor of the Massachusetts-Bay, and 
some of us b tve known him vry well, who contend 
cd long and earnestly that he had a right to a seat 
in council with a voice. 

I imagine I can maintaih a better argument than 
be did, that I have a right to a seat in the senate 
of Massachusetts without a voice; but, at present, 
I shall not attempt to take it. 

I am, may it please your honors, with the greatest 
respect to the senate, your most obedient humble 
servant, JOSEPH HAWLEV. 

October 28, 1780. 

NAVAL POWER OF SAtRMv 

The following list of privateers, fitted out and 
chiefly owned in Salem and Beverly, from March 
1, to Nov. 1, 1781, was found among the papers 
of the late Mr. Jamet Jefry, whose accuracy was 
well known to those by whom he is remembered. 
At that period, privateering was the principal 
business of the town Sulem Guzette 

SHfPS. 



Ships* J\ratnes. 


M. of 


Weight 


JVo. of 




Guns. 


r>l Metal. 


Men. 


Pilgrim 


18 


9 lb. 


120 


Es>>ex 


2u 


6 


110 


.Franklin 


18 


6 


100 


Scourge 


20 


6 


110 


Dis'iain 


20 


6 


no 


Congress 


20 


9 


130 


Royal Louis 


18 


6 


100 


Porus 


20 


9 


130 


Grand Turk 


24 


6 


120 


Rat;le Snake 


20 


4 


95 


Rover 


20 


4 


95 


Crouiwell 


16 


6 


100 


Jasnn 


16 


6 


100 


Marquis 


16 


4 


75 


Hendrirk 


18 


6 


100 


Junius Brutus 


20 


6 


110 


Rhodes 


20 


6 


110 


Harlequin 


20 


4 


95 


Nf-p'une 


16 


4 


75 


Mohawk 


22 


6 


110 


Bucc'uiier 


18 


9 


120 


Cicero 


18 


9 


120 


Rambler 


16 


6 


95 


Defence 


14 


6 


85 


Independence 


16 


4 


70 


Jack 


12 


9 


60 


26 snips 


476 




2645 



B«1G 


*. 






Brigs* JVames. 


Gvns. 


Metal. 


Men. 


Tyger 


16 


Alb. 


70 


Montgomery 


14 


4 


60 


Sturdy-Beggar 


14 


4 


60 


Captain 


10 


3 


45 


New Adventure 


14 


3 


55 


Aciive 


14 


4 


60 


Hero 


8 


4 


40 


Fortune 


14 


4 


60 


Swift 


14 


4 


60 


Blood-Hound 


14 


3 


55 


Flying-Fish 


10 


3 


45 


Fox 


14 


3 


55 


Cato 


14 


3 


55 


Chace 


10 


3 


45 


Lion 


!2 


4 


50 


Speedwell 


14 


3 


55 


16 -is. 


206 1 


870 


SCHOOKUS 


Sch f/neis* JVd'/ies 


(JuiiS. 


M.tal. 


.Men. 


G'evhound 


8 


3 b 


35 


Lively 


8 


o 


35 


Shackle 


6 


3 


30 


Pine Apple 


6 


3 


30 


Languedoc 


6 


2 


25 


Dolphin 


6 


3 


30 




6 


3 


30 


Pau^her 


4 


3 


20 


8 c! ooiiers 


50 




235 , 


.SLOOP!! 


Slnops' jY'.fni'S. 


Uiins. 


Metal. 


Men. 


Fi3l.-H.,wk 


8 


Alb. 


40 


Hazard 


6 


3 


30 


2 Sidons 1 14 




70 


7 S)i.li"Tl ■• •ttfS '" '• c'.'I-)..-!-! 


I»lC\PITCLATIO>. 






V ssets 


Gimi--. 


•■len.i 


Ships 


26 


476 


J645 


Brigs 


16 


206 


870 


Schooners 


8 


50 


235 


Sloops 


2 


14 


70 


Shallops, men only 






120 


To at 


52 


746 


.940 


WEIGHT OF GllEAT CHA 


RAGTERS. 


AUGUST 19, 1783. 




If'dcrhed at the icales at ff 


est Point. 


General Washington, 


209 Ibt. 


Genernl Lincoln, 


2U 


General Knox, 


2.D 


Gener 1 Huntington, 






132 



General Greaton, 

C)lonel S'vifi, 

Colonel Michael Jrckson^ 

Colonel Henry Jackson, 

Lieuteiiai t Colonel Huntington, 

Lieutenant Colonel Cobb, 

Lieutenart Colonel Humphreys, 

T'le abovememorancUim was found in the pocket" 
book of a deceased officer of the Massachusetts 
line. 



166 
219 

252 
238 
232 
186 
221 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Sff 



Jnecdote.— Gentry] Marioo was a native of Souvb 
Carolina, and the immediate tlieatre of his exploits 
was a large section of maritime district of that 
state. The peculiar hardihood of his constitution, 
and his beincj adapted to a warm climate, and a 
low marshy country, qualified him to endure hard- 
ships and submit to exposure, which, in that sickly 
region, few other men would have been competent 
to sustain. With the small force he was enabled j valuable rights and privileges, and to reduce uS, 
to embody, he was continually annoying the tne- 1 by fire and sword, by lh« saVages of the wilderness 
my, cautious never to risk an engagement, till hej""! o""* o«^n domestics, to the most abject and 
could make victory certain. General Marion*s ignominious bondage; desirous, at the same time. 



effect, and then wheeling his horse, arid bidding 
them good morning, departed. The dragoons, as- 
tonished at what they had witnessed, and scarcely 
believing their foe to be mortill, gave up the chase* 

Tn congress, Jlfarch 16, 1776. 
"The congress, considering the warlike prepar<l« 
tions of the British ministry to subvert our in- 



person was uncommonly light, and he rode, when 
in service, one of the fleetest and roost powerful 
chargers the South could produce:— when in fair 



to have people of all ranks and degrees dwly im- 
pressed with a solemn sense of God's superintend- 
ing Providence, and of their duty devoutly to rely 



pursuit nothing could escape, and when retreat- 1»" »" ^^^''" '*^f"* enterprizeson his aid and direc- 
ing nothing could overtake him. Being once i*'""' ^° earnestly recommend that Friday, the 17t}i 
nearly surrounded by a party of British dragoons, I ^^y o*"^^y "^*"» ^^ observed by the said colonies 
he was compelled, for safety, to pass into a corn- i^s* day of hu;niliation, fasting and prayer; thu we 
field, by leaping the fence-this field, marked with ("ay *'^» ^"^^'^^ '>ear*'»» confess and bewail our 
considerable descent of surface, had been in part j n**'^'^"!^ sins and transgressions, and by a si.icere 



a marsh; Marion entered it at the upper side, the 
dragoons in chace^ leaped the fence also, and 
were but a short distance behind him. So com- 
pletely was he now in their power, that bis only 
mode of escape was to pass over the fence at the 
lower side. To drain the field of its superfluous 
water, a trench had been cut around this part of 
the field, four feet wide, and of the same depth; 
of the mud and clay removed in cutting it, a bank 
had been formed on its inner side, and on the top 
of this was erected the fence, the elevation amount 
ing to nearly eight feet perpendicular height— a 
ditch four feet in width running parallel with it 
on the outer side, a foot or more intervening, be- 
tween the fence and ditch. 

The dragoons, acquainted with the nature and 
extent of this obstacle, and considering it im- 
possible for their enemy to pass it, pushed towards 
him with loud shouts of exultation and insult, and 
summoning him to surrender or perish by the 
Bword; regardless of their rudeness and empty 
clamour, and inflexibly determined not to become 
their prisoner, Marion spurred his horse to the 
charge, the noble animal, as if conscious that his 
master's life was in danger, and that on his exer- 
tions depended his safety, approached the barrier 
in bis finest style, and with a bound that was 
almost supernatural, cleared the fence and ditch 
completely, and recovered himself without loss festored to the blessings of peace and liberty, and 
©f time on the opposite side— Marion instantly | eiabled to transmit them inviolate to the latest 
wheeled about and saw his pursuers unable to p^iss posterity. And it is recommended to Christians 

tke ditch, discharged his pistol Rt them withoui 'of all denoroiufttions, to susembie far i>uliii<i v»oJ- 
— 48. 



repentance and amendment of life, appease his 
righteous displeasure, and, throagh the merits and 
mediation of Jesus Christ, obtain his pardon and 
forgiveness, humbly imploring his assistance to 
frustrate the cruel purposes of our unnatural ene- 
mies; and by inclining their hearts to justice and 
benevolence^ prevent the further effusion of kindred 
blood. But, if continuing deaf to the voice of rea- 
son and humanity, and inflexibly bent on desolatiun 
and war^ they constrain us to repel iheir hostile 
invasions by open resistance, that it may please 
the Lord of Hosts, the God of armies, to animate 
our oflicers and soldiers with invincible fortitude, 
to guard and protect them in the day of battle, 
and to crov.'n the continental arms by sea and land, 
with victory and success: Earnestly beseeching 
him to bless »ur civil rulers, and the representa- 
tives of the people in their several assemblies and 
conventions; to preserve and strengthen their 
union; to inspire them with an ardent disinterested 
love of their country; to give wisdom and stability 
to their councils; and direct them to the most 
efficacious measures for establishing the rights of 
America on the most honorable and permanent 
basis; that he would be graciously pleased to bless 
all the people in these colonies with health and 
plenty; and grant that a spirit of incorruptible 
patriotism, and of pure undetiled religion, may 
universally prevail: and this continent be speedily 



srs 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ship, and abstain from servile labor on the said 
day. By order of the congress. 

JoHiT Hakcoce, president." 

GENEROSITY OF PAUL JONES. 

FRO!» A BRITISU MAGAZINE. 

This distinguished person was the son of a small 
farmer a few miles from Dumfries, and impelled 
by thai love of enterprize which is so frequently 
to be met with among the peasantry of Scotland, 
he seems to have eagerly embarked in the cause 
of the colonies against the mother country. Whe- 
ther he was actuated, in any degree, by a sense of 
the injustice of Britain towards America at the 
outset of his career, or merely availing himself of 
the opportunities in which revolutionary warfare so 
greatly abounds, to rise from his original obscurity, 
it is now, perhaps, impossible to determine, and 
unnecessary to enquire. But it will be seen, from 
the letters we are going to lay before our readers, 
that, in the progress of his adventurous life, he 
well knew how to employ the language of men 
inspired with the love of liberty, and that he was 
honored by some of its warmest friends in both 
hemispheres. 

There are probably few instances, especially 
among adventurers who have risen from the condi 
tion in which Paul Jones was originally placed— of 
more enlarged views— more generous feelings— 
and a more di-^ interested conduct, than the follow- 
ing letters exhibit, combined as these are with senti. 
ments of relentless hostility towards the claims of 
bis native country. 

In the progress of the revolutionary war, Paul 
Jones obtained the command of a squadron, with 
vrbJcb, in 1778, he undertook to annoy the coasts 
of Grent Britain. On the 2d of December, 1777, 
Jie arrived at Nantez, and in January he repaired 
to Paris, with the view of making arrangements 
with the American ministers and the French go 
vernment. In February he conveyed some Ameri- 
can vessels to the Bay of Quiberon, and, on his 
return to Brest, communicated his plan to admiral 
D' Aruillers, who afforded him every means of for- 
warding it. He accordingly left Brest, and sailed 
through the Bristol channel without giving any 
alarm. Early in the morning of the 23d of April, 
he made an attack on the harbor of Whitehaven, 
in which there were about three hundred sail. He 
succeeded in setting fire to several vessels, but wab 
not able to effect any thing decisive before day 
light, when he was obliged to retire. 



The next exploit, which took place on the same 
.1aj', was the plunder of lord Selkirk's ho\ise, in 
St. Mary's Isle, near the town of Kivkcudbri^ht. 
rhe particulars of this event, and of the aclioit 
which succeeded, as well as the motives upon 
which Jones acted, are well given in the following 
letter, which he addressed to lady Selkirk, and 
which has not before been printed: — 

•'Ranber, Buest, 8th .May, 1778. 

"Madam— It cannot be too much lamented, that^ 
in the profession of arms, the officer of finer feelings 
and of real sensibility, should be under the neces- 
sity of winking at any action of persons under his 
command which his heart cannot approve; but the 
reflection is doubly severe, when he finds himself 
obliged, in appearance, to countenance such action 
by authority. 

"This bard case was mine, when, on the 23d of 
April last, I landed on St. Mary's Isle. Knowing 
lord Selkirk's interest with his king, I wished to 
make him the happy instrument of alleviating the 
horrors of hopeless captivity, when the brave are 
overpowered and made prisoners of war. It waa 
perhaps fortunate for you, madam, that he was 
from home, for it was my intention to have taken 
him on board the Ranger, and to have detained 
him, until, through his means, a general and fair 
exchange of prisoners, as well in Europe as in Ame* 
rica, had been effected. 

••When I was informed by some men whom I 
met at landing, that his lordship was absent, I 
walked back to my boat, determined to leave the 
island. By the way, however, some officers wha 
were with me, could not forbear expressing their 
discontent, observing, that in America no delicacy 
was shown by the English, who took away all 
sorts of moveable property, setting fire not only 
to towns, and to the houses of the rich without 
distinction, but not even sparing the wretched 
hamlets and milch-cows of the poor and helpless, 
at the approach of an inclement winter. I'hat 
party had been with me ae volunteers the same 
morning at Whitehaven; some complaisance, tiiere- 
fore, was their due. I had but a moment to think 
how I might gratify them, and, at the same time, 
do' your ladyship the least injury. I charged the 
two officers to permit none of the seamen to enter 
the house, or to hurt any thing about it; to treat 
you, madam, with the utmost respec ; to accept 
of the plate which was offered; and \o come away 
without making a search, or demanding any thing 
else. 1 am induced to believe that I was punctually 
obeyed, since I am informed tb&t the plate wbicb 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



879 



they brought away is far short of the quantity 
which is expressed in the inventory which ac- 
companied it. I have gratified my men, and when 
the plate is sold I shall become the purchaser, 
and will gratify my o-wn feelings, by restoring it 
to you by such conveyance as you shall please to 
direct. 

"Had the earl been on board the following even- 
ing, he would have seen the awful pomp and dread- 
ful carnage of a sea engagement; both affording 
ample subject for the pencil, as well as melancholy 
reflection for the contemplative mind. Humanity 
starts back at such scenes of horror, and cannot 
but execrate the vile promoters of this detested 
war:— 

For they, 'twas tliey, unibeatbed the rutlilesj blade, 
And Heaven shall ask the bavock it hat made. 

"The British ship of war Drake, mounting twenty 
guns, with more than her full complement of offi- 
cers and men, besides a number of volunteers, 
came out from Carrickfergus, in order to attack 
and take the continental ship of war Ranger, of 
eighteen guns, and short of her complement of 
officers and men; the ships met, and the advantage 
was disputed with great fortittide on each side for 
an hour and five minutes, when tl»e gallant com- 
mander of the Drake fell, and victory declared in 
favor of the Ranger. His amiable lieutenant lay 
mortally wounded, besides near forty of the in- 
ferior officers and crew killed and wounded. A 
melancholy demonstration of the uncertainty of 
human prospects. I buried them in a spacious 
grave, with the honors due to the memory of the 
brave. 

"Though I have drawn my sword in the pre- 
sent generous struggle for the rights of man, yet 
1 am in arms, merely as an American, nor am I in 
pursuit of riches. My fortune is liberal enough, 
having no wife nor family, and having lived long 
enough to know that riches cannot ensure happi- 
ness. I profess myself a citizen of the world, totally 
unfettered by the little mean disiinctions of climate 
or of country, which diminish the benevoleace of 
the heart, and set bounds to philanthropy. Before' 
this war began, I had, at an early time of life, 
withdrawn from the sea service, in favor of 'calm 
contemplation and poetic ease.' I have sacrificed, 
not only my favorite scheme of life, bxit the softer 
affections of the heart, and my prospects of domestic 
happiness, and I am ready to sacrifice my life also, 
with cheerfulness, if that forfeiture would restOi'e 
peace and good will amongst mankind. 



"As the feelings of your gentle bosom cannot, Ja 
that respect, but be congenial with mine, let me 
entreat you, madam, to use your soft perstia»ive 
arts with jour husband, to endeavor to stop this 
cruel and destructivfr war, in whic Britain never 
can succeed. Heaven can never countenance the 
barbarous and unmanly practices of the Britons in 
America, which savages would blush at, and which, 
if not discontinued, will soon be retalisted in Bri- 
tain by a justly enraged people. Should you fail 
in ihis, (for 1 am persuaded you will attempt it— 
and who can resist the power of such an advocate?) 
your endeavors to effect a general exchange of 
prisoners will be an act of humanity, which will 
afford you golden feelings on a death bed. 

"I hope this cruel contest will goon be closed: 
but should it continue, 1 wage no war with the 
f lir! I acknowledge their power, and bend before 
it with profo'md submission! Let not, therefore, 
the amiable countess of Selkirk regard me as an 
enemy; 1 am ambitious of her esteem and friend- 
ship, and would do any thing consistent with my 
duty to merit it. 

"The honor Of a line from your hand, in answer 
to this, will lay me under a very singular obligation; 
and if lean render you any acceptable service, iti 
France or elsewhere, I hope you see into my cha- 
racter so far as to command me without the least 
grain of service. I wish to know, exactly, the be- 
haviour of my people, as 1 am determined to pu- 
nish them if they have exceeded their liberty. 

I have the honor to be, with much esteem and 

with profound respect, madam, your most obedient 

and most humble servant, 

PAUL JONES. 

"To the Right Hon. the countess of 

Selkirk, St, Mary's Isle, Scotland." 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

The following spirited address of the deputies of 
Pennsylvania, met in provincial conference at Phi- 
ladelphia, on the 24th of June, 1776 — should 
have followed their "declaration" inserted iit 
page 252. It was unanimously adopted tlie day 
after that declaration was agreed upon. 

Address to the people of Pennsy'vania. 
"The only design of our meeting iOtreiiier was, 
to put an end to our own power, in the province, by 
fixing upon a plan for calling a convention, to form 
a goverivnent under the atuhonty of the people. But 
the sudden and unexpected separation of the last 
assembly has compelled ns to underuike ihe exe- 
cution of a resolve of congress, for caliinij forth 



180 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



4500 of the ./.jlitia of the province, to join the mili- 
tia of the neighboring colonies, to form a camp for 
our immediate protection. We presume only to 
recommend wkat we have formed to youj trusting 
that, in such a case of consequence, your \ove of 
virtue and zeal for liberty, will supply the want 
of authority deleg;ated to qs e^^pressly for that pur- 
pose, 

"We need not remind you, that you are now fur- 
nished with new motives to animate and support. 
your courage. You are nol about to contend against 
power, i- order to displace one set of villains to 
make room for another; your arms will not be 
enervated in the day of battle with the reflection, 
that you are to risk your lives, or shed your blood, 
for a British tyrant; or that your posterity will have 
your work to do over again ..... You are 
about to contend for permanent freedom, to be nup- 
ported by a government, which will be derived 
from yourselves, and which will have for its ob- 
ject not the emolument of one man, or one class 
of men, but the safety, liberty, and happiness of 
every individual in the community. 

*'We call upon you, therefore, by the respect and 
obedience which is due to the Uniied Colonies, to 
concur in this important measure. The present 
campaign will probably decide the fate of America. 
It is now in your power to immortalize your names, 
by mingling your achievments with the events of 
the yea^' 1776 — a year w'ljch, we hope, will be sa- 
qred in the annals of history, to the end of lime, 
for establishing upon a lasting foundaiion, the li- 
lierties of one c^uarler of the glpbe. 

"ReTiember the honor of our colony is at stake 
S'lould you desert the comnion cause at the pre- 
sent juncture, the glory yoq haveac(|'iired by your 
former exL'r ions of strength and virtue will be tar 
nished; and our friends and brethren, who are now 
acquiring laurels in the most remote parts of Ame- 
rica, will reproach us, and blush to own theq^selves 
natives or inhabitants of Pennsylvania. 

••But tliere are other motives before you— your 
houses— your fields— the legacies of your ances- 
tors, or tl)e dear bought fruits of your own indus 
try, and your liberty, now urge you to the field: 
these cannot plead with you in v^in, or we miglit 
point cut to you further, your wives, yoqr children, 
your aged fathers and mothers, who now look up 
to you for protection, and hope for salvation, in 
this day of calamity, from the insirumentality of 
your swords. 



"Reme:iiber the name of Pennsylvania — ihink of 
your ancestors and posterity." 



ANECDOTE. 
"During the first struggles of the revolution, 
it was recommended in that part of Virginia that 
no more tea should be drank or used. A Mrg. 

N -. (lady of R. N )) of S -, being in opulent 

circumstances, invited a party of her female ac- 
quaintances, to spend an evening with her in a 
private room up stairs, and regale themselves with 
a dish of forbidden tea. But, us good luck would 
have it, Mr. N. who guessed what was going on^ 
stole unperceived up stairs, and slipped a piece af 
tobacco into the tea-kettle, T!ie consequence was, 
that the l»dies went home sick, some vomitting, 
&c. whilst the old gentletian enjoyed himself hear- 
tily at their expense." 

GEORGE ROGERS CLARKE. 
While his countrymen on the sea-board were con- 
tending with the British regulars, col. George 
Rogers Clarke was the efficient protector of the 
people of the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsyl- 
vania from the inroads of the savage allies of the 
"defender of the faith." The history of his ex- 
exploits would fill a volume — and for hair bretdvh 
'scapes and hardy enterprize, would hardly hftve 
a parallel. The character of this veteran is well 
developed in the following extract, recently pub- 
lished in the (Philadelphia) "National Gazette,'* 
from "the note of an old officer " 

"The Indians came into the treaty at Fort Wash- 
ington in the most friendly manner, except the 
Shawahnees — the most conceited and most warlike 
of the aborigines; the first in at a battle — the last 
at a treaty. Three hundred of their finest war- 
riors, set off in all their paint and feathers, filed 
into the council Louse. Their number and de- 
meanor, so unusual at an occasion of this sort, was 
altogether unexpected and suspicious. The United 
States stockade mustered seventy men. 

"In the centre of the hall, at a little table, sat 
the commissary general Clarke, the indefatigable 
scourge of these very marauders, general Richard 
Butler, and the hon. Mr. Parsons — there was pre- 
sent, also, a captain Denfry, who I believe is still 
alive, and can attest this story. On the part of the 
Indians an old council sachem and a warrior chief 
took tiie lead: the latter, a tall, raw boned fellow, 
with an impudent and villanous look, made a bois- 
terous and threatning speech, which operated ef- 
fecmally on the passions of tiie Indians, who set up 
a prodigious whoop ^t every pause. He concluded 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S81 



fey presenting a black and white wampum, to signi-lhave already commenced the horrid war. YoHr 
fy they were prepared for either event, peace or [nouses are already devoted to the flames; your 
«„„ r-io-t-^ «^h;K;«A,l thP samft unaltered and wives have been driven with the flocks and herd-* 



war. Clarke exhibited the same unaltered and 
careless countenance he had shown during the 
whole scene, his head leaning on his left hand and 
his elbow resting on the table: he raised hislittlf 
cant and pushed the sacred wampum off the tabli^, 
with very little ceremony — every Indian at the same 



10 their ships. To the Hessian, and the still more 
barbarous Highlander, let them now offer up their 
prayers for mercy. But what mercy are they to 
hope from those whose avowed design is conquest, 
r-iin, and misery! Indignation usurps the place of 



moment started from bis seat with one of those reflection. Indignation should hurry us to action, 
sudden, simultaneous and peculiarly savage sounds should fire our souls with the noble emulatian, who 



which startle and disconcert the stoutest heart, and 
can neither be described nor forgotten. 

•'Parsons, more civil than military in his habitp, 
was poorly fitted for an emergency that probably 
embarrassed even the hero of Siratnga — the bro 
ther aud fa.her of soldiers. At thi- juncture CI xrke 
rose — the scrutiiiizing eye cowered at his glance; 
he stamped his foot on the prostrate and insulted 



first should have the immortal glory of plunging 
his dagger in the breast of such an enemy. 

Fortunately for us, we h»tve men to command, 
beloved, respected, and admired for their intrepi- 
dity, activity, and good conduct; men, who, if sup- 
ported by their fellow citizens, will soon baffle the 
designs of our enemy; will soon rescue this country 
1 from the disgrace of being plundered and ravaged 



symbol and ordered them to leave the hall— they by a merciless banditti. Virgii^ia stands foremost 



did so apparently involuntarily. 

"They were heard all that night debating in the 
bushes near the fort. The raw-boned chief was 
for war, the old sachem for peace: the latter pre- 
vailed, and next morning they came back and sued 
for peace." 

VIRGINIA— CALLED TO ARMS. 
The following address was issued to the people of 
Virginia, at the time when the governor, Patrick 
Henri/, issued bis proclamation on the 14th of 
May, 1779, announcing the arrival of a British 
fleet in the Chesapeake, and noticing some of 
the ravages they had committed. 
Friends and countrymen. — When our country is 
Invaded by the avowed enemies to the common 
rights of mankind; when it is threa ened with all 
thotie calamities which barbarity and cruelty can 
inflict, it is no longer time to pause. We have not 
an enemy to oppose who can claim the common 
pretension for war. We have to combat those who 
seek not for a retaliation of injuries done them, 
but who would be our tyrants. Tyrants of the 
blackest nature, who would rob us not only of 
those privileges which are dearest to us, but would 
bring our grey hairs down with sorrow to the grave. 
To be the base slaves of arbitrary po^ver, to be in- 
sulted, trampled under foot by a soldiery, the out- 
easts of jails, to be stripped of your properly, to, 
behold your wives and children the victims of bru 1 
tal lust, or nobly to resist the torrent of despotism,' 
nobly to stand forth and to wreak your vengeance 
upon an enemy the most barbarous and cruel, is' 
^l^e only alternative which now awaits you. They 



for public spirit. Her sons have now the most glo- 
rious opportunity of gaining immortal fame. They 
have a commander to lead them to the field, whose 
f-xperience and bravery will ensure them victory. 
They may now have the satisfaction, not only of 
saving their country but of revenge — of revenge 
for attempts, which, if carried into execution, will 
entail shame and ruin upon us to the latest ages. 

Activity, vigor, a determination to conquer or to 
die, will soon expel those invaders of our rights; 
j torpor and inactivity will confirm them in their 
conquest. Example will create heroes. The body 
of the people must be put in motion by the influ- 
ence of those whom they respect and esteem. 
Follow then the conduct of our brave brethren t» 
the north, remember what gave a favorable cast to 
the melancholy prospect they had before them. 
Men of fortune and distinction were the first to 
oppose the enemy. Success crowned their efl'orts, 
and patriotism received eternal honor. Similar 
example here will eosure similar success. The 
progress of the enemy in our country may carry 
along with it the most dangerous consequences. 
What accessions will they not gain from those 
among us who feel every day the yoke of slavery! 
We shall supply them with the certain means of 
our own destruction, unless our activity and vigor 
arrest them in their progress. The possesbion of 
sufficient ground for their encampment is not only 
disgraceful to us, bat ruinous. It will be an asy- 
lum for owrslaves; they will flack to their standards, 
,ind form the flower of their army. They will i\- 
val the Hessian or Highlander, if possible, in cru- 
elty and desolation. It is said that at present theii- 



SBt 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



armv lopg. not coasist of laore thin iwo ihoisand. 
This circumstance, which may lull us into secu- 
rity, Ncems 'lig with the most fatal consequences, un- 
less we resolve to anticipate the evil. They doubt- 
less expect reinforcements from our slaves; not to 
mention from tories and the disaffected. 

In a word, the means of our salvation are dirfi 
cult, '>at certain and glorious, if we will seize them 
in rime. Delay aad inactivity will bring along 
with chem infainy, disgrace, and certain perdition. 

TO THE GOOD PEOPLE OF IRELAND. 
The misery and distress which your ill-fated 
country has been so frequently exposed to, and 
bas so often experienced, by such a coitibination 
of rapine, treachery, ind vnleace, as wo'ild have 
disgraced the nana of government, in the most ar- 
bitrary -jountry in tie world, has rnost sincerely af- 



the most serious attention of congressf the ministry 
of Britain have seen the extreme meanness and folly 
of the attempt to establish a supreme authority in 
parliament, as their venal scribblers had endeavor 
ed to define it, exempt from question and control, 
appeal or restriction; but it is evident to all the 
world, that such doctrine is incompatible with eve- 
ty idea of a civil cons' itutioo, for all compacts, 
bills of right, nay, the soie-nn obligation of their 
king 10 govern ac3arding to the statutes in parlia- 
ment agreed on, and the laws and customs of the 
same, would have been all nugatory trumpery, 
were such a supremacy admitvedj for this supreiie 
authority having no rtile or law to direct its ope 
rations, or limit its power, it must necessirily be- 
come arbitrary and absolute; for caasing to be a go 
vernment by force, and it will appear fully evident 
that this unnatural war, in which we have been u i- 
avoidably engaged, has been begun and supported 
for no other purpose than to establish this supreme 
or arbitrary power, for they are individually the 
same; nor is it in the power of sophistry to draw 
a line of separ?\tion; the flimsy and contradictory 
speech oflori Nor h, introductory to his concilia- 
tory motion, furnishes the fallast conviction on 
thi^ poi t. He says, "before the war broke out 
he offered a conciliatory proposition. The ground 
upon which he made it was. That it was just the 
eolonies should contribute to the support of go- 
vernment," And almost in the same breath he 
says "he th«ught necessary to shew the colonies we 
were not figh ing for taxation, for he never thought 
taxation would be beneficial to us." He farther 



o-rapiu laws, neic!i-rto advaicj n.ir recede, 'jut 
tora-nain in total sihnce " ^iU lord^hio. I hope, 
vill excuse ne, if I p-:-einm ro loo!? Seyoil the 
acltno vl ;dg.»d indolence of his disposition, t> es- 
olain this stupor of a first minister, and the case is 
very obviou i; fir as soon a* the;r fi/e regiments 
ihould have completed the co'i;|U3st of \ nsrica, it 
should lie with the lives and properties of its inha- 
'lit-ints, at the mercy of the conqueror's s*ord. 
The very natiss of assemblies, conven.ions, or 
charters, those odious appendices of democratical 
power, shotild be finished, and the tyrant's fiat 
should henceforth beco.ne the law of ihe land, and 
hence sprung the torpedo that benumbed the mi- 
nisters faculties. 

His lordship says, his proposition was mismter- 
preted or misunderstood, and was rendered suspi. 
cious by a supposition of a variety of cases; the 



fected your friends in <\. nerica, and has engaged congress treated it as unreasonable and insidious. 



and rejected it. War began, and his intention was, 
from the beginning, at the moment of victory, to 
propose the same proposition in terms obviating 
all ths misrepresentations and misunderstandings 
concerning it. Here it is confessed, that thiswise 
and virtuous administration, at every hazard, and 
at a certain expense, has almost annihilated public 
credit, have been looking for victory which has never 
come,andItrust never will come; and which, if it did 
come, must have been accomplished by the mur- 
der of fellow citizens, sooner than clear their own 
propositions of their ambiguity and suspicion. And 
what deprives them of the color of excuse, for the 
hnrrid barbarities of the w.ir, the city of London, 
in the most respectful language, petitioned the 
throne to declare clearly and explicitly before the 
war commenced, what they wished to have done 
on the part of America; but all to no purpose; 
they would not, they dare not declare their true 
jbject. The solemn appeal was mi^de, and, for the 
honor of virtue, the comfort of human nature, and 
the terror of oppression, it will be indelibly re- 
corded in the historic page, that a few virtuous 
citizens could effectually resist the raost vigor- 
ous efforts of the most powerful tyranny, and 
thereby establish the freedom of the western world 
forever. To arrive at power, Gustavus like, by a 
bold effort of courage, proves at least the existence 
of one virtue, at the same time we detest the 
treachery; but to sacrifice the public treasure, to 
devote every effort of rapacious taxation, and the 
fruits of an ever- growing excise, to this idol of 
madness and folly, to establish a system of venality. 



says, "he nev r proposed %ny tax, his maxim was by which the price of every man's integrity and 
to say nothing about America, neither to propose abilities was to be determined, to stipulate the 



PRINCIPLES ANB ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



0(^,i> 



precise condition for which he shall treacherously r state of slavery, for an obligation 'o work for any 
betray the interest of his country, and violate every j other purpose than one's own advantage, is truly 
obligation of private friendship and public virtue, the condition of a slave, and every new tax adds a 



to beat down every fence to honor and principle, 
to destroy the very bond and frame of civil society. 
to make the pillage of property the means to ac» 
complish the plunder of liberty, and to drive the 
people into all the miberies of a civil war, in pur- 



link to the chain. But even in this gloorny picture 
there is a dawn of hope; all bodies are capable of 
refraction to a certain degree, beyond which it i» 
impossible to expand them ever so little, without 
absolute destruction. It is evident to all the world. 



suit of this dream of power, are instances of such *hat the nerves of public credit in England are on 



determined depravity as are not to be described 
even in the language of a country where new vil- 
lany adds to the catalogue of crimes almost every 
day. The perfect similarity of the declaratory act 
of supremacy, and that relating to your country, viz. 
That Ireland should be subordinate to and depend 
on the imperial crown of Great Britain is very ob- 
vious; but this declaration ex parte can avail nothing, 
, «t the same time that it furnishes the most incon- 
testible and decisive proofs, that no such subordina- 
tion or dependence was ever understood before, 
or there would have been no necessity for such an 
&ct. 



the rack of extension, and the dreadful explosioa 
must follow of course; and can it be supposed that 
the system of weakness and folly, that has so long 
asurpcd the name of constitution, can survive the 
shock; and their people may yet hope to see a 
vigorous young one grow out of the ruins of the 
old. 



I have it in my commission to repeat to you, 
my good friends, the cordial concern that congress 
takes in every thing that relates to the happiness 
of Ireland; they are sensibly affected by the load of 
oppressive pensions on your establishment, the ar- 
bitrary and illegal exactions of public money by 
The navigation act, which bad been framed for'king.g letters; the profuse dissipation, by sinecure 
the sole purpose of securing to the British sub- j appointments with large salaries, and the v^ry arbi- 
jects, all the advantages to be derived from thejtrary and impolitic restrictions on your trade and 
commerce of their own settlements, has, by sub- 1 ojan^.f^ctures, which are beyond example in the 
sequent acts, been framed into the most odious and ^ history of the world, and can only be equalled by 
impolitic monopoly that could be devised; creating that illiberal spirit which directs it, and which has 
local distinctions and commercial schisms, giving ighewn itself so abundantly in petitions from all 
privilege to one set of subjects to the injury of j parts of their islands, and in the debate in their 
others, and operating on all the indicted provinces I house of commons, when you had been lately 
as an oppressive tax, comprehending all the taxes Umused with the vain hope of an extension of your 
of Britain, however variously modified or com- trade, and which were conducted with such tern- 
pounded. And we wish to have it forever fixed j per- and language as might be supposed to suit 

their copper colored allies in America, but must 
fix a stain on the character of a civilized nation 
forever. 



on your minds, that by a monopoly of trade every 
pretence to internal taxation is given up; for were 
you even without a constitution of your own, and 
.as dependant as usurpation has endeavored to 
make you, the monopoly of your trade is more than 
' a full and equitable compensation for all other 
taxes, and it will not appear paradoxical to futurity, 
that the rise and fall of the British empire have 
been owing to this act; and the engine by which the 
wise politician, who framed it, designed to wind 
up and connect the British interest all over the 
world, we have seen employed as the wheel on 
which British liberty and grandeur have disgrace- 
fully expired. 

The anticipation of public revenue has fixed the 

crisis of Britain, the labor of their people for all 

succeeding generations being engaged to pay the 

interests of their public debts. I cannot suppose 

' Am uuTiik dcdiU6t4oa to say they are all bora in a 



When I had the 'pleasure of residing in your ca- 
pital some years ago, it gave me pain to observe 
such a debility and morbid langour in every de- 
partment of your government, as would have dis- 
graced anarchy itself; the laws are too v/eak tb exe- 
cute themselves, and vice and violence often reign 
with impunity; and even the military with you seem 
to claim an exemption from all civil restraint, or ju- 
risdiction,and individuals are forced to trust to them- 
selves for that security and protection which the 
government of the country can no longer afford 
them. We congratulate you however, on the bright 
prospect which the western hemisphere has afford- 
ed to you, and the oppressed of every nation, and 
we trust that the liberation of your country has 
been effected in America, and that you never will 



384 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. 



be called on for those puiiiful, ihou'^li necessary 
exertions, which the sacred love of liberty inspires, 
and which have enabled us to establish our free- 
dom forever. 

We hope the political Quixots of Great Britain 
will no longer be able to disturb the peace and 
hapniness of mankind, and which Providence has 
permitted perhaps to shew the monstrous abuse of 
power; yet lost to all public virtue as they are, we 
wish they may turn from their wickedness and livej 
and we dowbt not the noble efforts of America will 
meet the full approbation of every virtuous Briton, 
wlien they shall be able to distinguish between the 
mad pursuits of government and the true interest 
of their people. But as for you, our dear and 
good fi-iends of Ireland, we must cordially recom- 
mend to you to coiiiinue peaceable and quiet in 
every possible situation of your affairs, and endea- 
vor, by mutual good will, to supply the defects of 
administration. But if the government, whom you 
at this time acknowledge, does not, in conformity 
to her own true interest, take off and remove every 
restraint on your trade, commerce and manufac- 
tures, lam charged to assure you, that means will 
be found to establish your freedom in this respect, 
in the fullest and amplest manner. And as it is 
the ardent wish of America to promote, as far as 
her other engagements will permit, a reciprocal 
commercial interest with you, I am to assure you, 
they will seek every means to establish and ex- 
tend it; and it has given the most sensible pleasure 
to have those instructions committed to my care, 
as 1 have ever retained the most perfect good will 
and esteem for the people of Ireland. And am, 
with every sentiment of respect, their obedient 
and humble servant, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
Versailes, October 4, 1778. 



Mr. Barlow's Oration, July 4, I787. 

An oration, delivered at the North church in 
Har.ford, at the meeting of the Connecticut 
society of the Cincinnati, July the fourth, 1787, 
in commemoration of the independence of the 
United States — by Joel Barlow, esq. and publish- 
ed by desire of said society, 

JUr. President, gentlemen of the society, 

and fetlow-citixena. 
On the anniversary of so great an event, as the 



the sword of victory, and prommel in he voice 
of peace, remain to be confirmed by our future 
exertions — while the nourish nent, the gro\vth, 
and even the existence of our empire depend up- 
on the united efforts of an extensive and divided 
people — the duties of this day ascend from amiue- 
ment and congratulation to a serious patriotic em- 
ployment. 

We are assembled, my friends, not to boast, but 
to realize — not to inflate our national vanity by a 
pompous relation of past achievements in the coun- 
cil, or in the field; but, from a modest retrospect 
of the truly dignified part already acted by our 
countrymen — from an accurate view of our pre- 
sent situation — and from an aniicipation of the 
scenes that remain to be unfolded — to discern and 
familiarize theduries that still await us, as citizens, 
as soldiers, and as men. 

Revolutions in other countries have been effect- 
ed by accident. The faculties of human reason 
and the rights of human nature have been the 
sport of chance and the prey of ambition. And 
when indignation has burst the bands of slavery, 
to the destruction of one tyrant, it was only to 
impose the manacles of another. This arose froroi. 
the imperfection of that early stage of society, 
which necessarily occasioned the foundation of 
empires on the eastern continent to be laid in 
ignorance, and which induced a total inability of 
foreseeing the improvements of civilization, or of 
adapting the government to a state of social refine- 
ment. 

I shall but repeat a common observation, when 
1 remark, that on the western continent, the scene 
was entirely different, and a new task, totally un-^ 
known lo the legislators of other nations, was im- 
posed upon the fathers of the American empire. 

Here was a people thinly scattered over an 
extensive territory, lords of the soil on which they 
trode, commanding a prodigious length of coast and 
an equal breadth of frontier — a people habituated 
to liberty, professing a mild and benevolent re^ 
ligion, and highly advanced in science and civiliza- 
tion. To conduct such a people in a revolution, 
the address must be made to reason, as well as t» 
the passions. And to reason, to ihe clear under* 
standing of these variously affected colonies, the 
solemn address was made. 

A people thus enlightened, and capable of dis- 



birth of the empire in which we live, none will 
question the prnpriety of passing a few moments jcerning the connexion of causes with their remotest 
in contemplating the various objects suggested to [effects, waited not the experience of oppression ia 
the miud by the important occasion. But, at the their own persons; which they well knew would 
present period, while the blessings, claimed by I render them less able to conduct a regular cp'^ 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION?. 



385 



position. Rut in the 'uoment of tlieir giv^atest pros 
peri;y, when every heart expaide'l vvitli the increas 
inp opulence of the British Atherican dominions, 
an I every tonfjue united in the praises of the 
parent slate and her pntriot kin;^, when many cir- 
cumstances coicurred, which wonlf? have render- 
ed an ignorant people s-cure and imltentive to 
their future interests — at tliis mo nent t!ie eyes 
of the Amrric in Ar),'us were o )ened to t'.e first 
and most plausible invasion oF the colonial rights. 

In vain were we told, and perhaps with the 
gre^itest truth and sincerity, that the mor.ies levied 
in America were all to be expended witlnn the 
country, and for oiu' ben'fi'; equally idle was the 
poli'^v of G-eat Britain, in commencinic her new 
system by a small and almost imperceptible duty, 
and that upon very few articles. It whs not the 
quantity of the tax, it was not the mode of appro- 
priaiion, but it whs the right of the demand, which 
was called in question. Upon this the people 
deliberated: this they discussed in a cool and 
dis|>a<;siDnaie manner: and this they opposed, in 
every shape that an artful and systematic ministry 
coul ' devise, for more than ten j'ears, before they 
assumed the sword. 

TLis single circumstance, aside from the magni- 
tude of the object, or the event of the contest, 
will stamp a peculiar glor}' on the American revolu- 
tion, and mark it as a distinguished era in the his- 
tory of mankind; that sober reason and reflection 
have done the work of enthusiasm, and performed 
the miracles of Gods. In what other age or na- 
tion has a laborious and agricultural people, at 



It would be wanderlni^ from the objects which 
ought io occupy ouP present attention, again* to 
recount the numerous acts of the British parlia- 
ment which composed that .system of tyranny 
designed f .r the subjugation of Amerioa: neither 
rian we indulge in the detail of those me r.orable 
events, which marked aur various stages of resist- 
ance, from the glooms of unsuccessful sunplica- 
lioi, to the splendor of victory and ack owledo-- 
ed sovereignty Tie farmer were the f^u-mo of 
senatorial eloquence, pro lucing miracles of tinion 
a'ld exertioT in t-very part of tlic continent, till we 
find them preserved for everlasting remembrsnce 
in that declaratory act of indr-pende-ce, which 
gave being to an empire, and Jignified the day we 
now commemorate; the latter are fresh in th« 
memory of every person of the least information* 
It would be impertinence, if not a breach of 
delicacy, to attempt a recital of those glorious 
iichievements, especially before an audience, part 
of whom have been distinguished ac'.ors in the 
scene, others the anxious and applauding specta- 
tors. To the fuit'-iful historian wo resign the task 
—the historian, whom it is hoped the pr'^sent age 
will deem it their duty, as well as their interest, to 
furnish, encourage, and support. 

AVhatever praise is due for the task already per- 
formed, it is certain that much remaii.s to be d.ne. 
The revolution is but half completed. Indepea- 
dence and government were the two objects con- 
tended for: and but one is yet obtained. To the 
glory of the present age, and the admiration of 
the future, our severance from the British empire 



ease upon their own farms, secure and distant from h''^' conducted upon principles as noble, as they 



the approach of fleets and armies, tide-waiters, 
and stamp-masters, reasoned before they had felt, 
and, from the dictates of duty and conscience, 
•ncountered dangers, distress, and poverty, for 
the sake of securing to posterity a government of 
independence and peace? The toils of ages and 
the fate of millions were to be sustained by a 
few hands. The voice of unborn nations called 
upon them for safety; but it was a still small 
voice, the voice of rational reflection. Here was 
no Cromwell to inflame the people with bigotry 
and zeal, no Cssar to reward his followers wif. 
the spoils of vanquished foes, and no territory to 
acquire by conquest. Ambition, superstition, and 
avarice, those universal' torches of war, never 
illumined an American field of battle: But the 
permanent principles of sober policy spread through 
the colonies, roused the people to assert their 
rights, and conducted the revolution. 
49. 



were new and unprecedented in the history of hu- 
man actions. Could the same generous princi- 
ples, the same wisdom and unanimity be exerted 
in effecting the establishment of a perm.anent 
federal system, what an additional lustre would 
it pour upon the present age! a lustre hitherto 
unequalled; a display of magnanimity for which 
mankind^nay never beliold another opportunity. 

Without an efficient government, our indepen- 
dence will cease to be a blessing. Shall tlni glow 
of patriotism and unslinken perseverance, which 
has been so long consni uous in tlie American 
character, desert as at our utmost ne'd? Shall 
we lose sight of our own happiness, because it has 
grown familiar by a ne.ir approach? Shall thy . 



*Thi^ oration was preceded by kh' tpctiire of the 
act of independence; which, by an order ot this state 
society, is in fuvu e to make part ot their public 
exercises at every annual meeting. 



S86 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



labors, O Washington, have been besvowed in vain? 
Hast thou conducted us to independence and'peace, 
and shall we not receive the blessings at thy hands? 
AVhere are the shades of our fallen friends? and 
what is their language on this occasion? Warren, 
Montgomery, Mercer, Woosler, Scimmel, and Lau 
Fens, all ye hosts of departed heroes! rich is the 
treasure you have lavished in the cause, and pre- 
valent the price you have paid for our freedom. 
Shall the purchase be neglected? the fair inheri- 
tance lie without improvement, exposed to every 
daring invader? Forbid it, honor; forbid it, 
gratitude; and oh, may Heaven avert the impend- 
ing evii. 

Ift contemplating the price of our independence, 
it will never be forgotten, that it was not entirely 
the work of o'jr own hands; nor could it probably 
have been established, in the same term of time, 
by all the blood and treasure that America, un- 
assisted, was able to furnish for the contest. Much 
of the mprit is due, and our warmest acknowledg- 
ments shall ever flow to that illustrious monarch, 
the father of nations and friend of the distrest — 
that monarch who, by his early assistance, taught 
us not to despair; and who, when we had given a 
sufficient proof of our military virtue and persever- 
ance, joined us in alliance, upon terms of equality; 
gave us a rank and credit among the maritime na 
tions of Europe; and furnished fleets and armies, 
money and military stores, to put a splendid period 
to the important conflict. 

Where shall we find language to express a na- 
tion's gratitude for such unexampled goodness 
and magnanimity? my friends, it is not to be done 
with language. Our sense of obligation for favors 
received from Heaven, is best expressed by a wise 
improvement. Does Louis ask for more? and can 
duty be satisfied with less? Unite in a permanent 
federal government; put your commerce upon a 
respectable footing; your arts and manufactures, 
your population, your wealth and glory will in- 
crease; and when a hundred millions of peqple are 
comprised within your territory, and made happy 
by your sway, then shall it be known, that the 
hand of that monarch assisted in planting the vine, 
from which so great a harvest is produced. His 
generous heart shall exult in the prospect: his 
royal descendants, fired by the great example, shall 
imitate his virtues: and the world shall unite in his 
praise. 

Here shall that pride of the military character, 
the gallant PAYETTE, find his compensation for 
a life of disintercited aervice. whose toils have 



noi ce^ised with the teriTiinatlon of the Wi-..-, and 
whose successful endeavors to promote our in- 
tertst, in commercial and politic.il arrangements, 
can only be equalled by his achievements in the 
field. How will the posterity of that noblemang 
and that of the other brave oflicers of his nation, 
who have fought by your sides, on reviewing the 
Araerican history, rejoice in the fame of their fa- 
thers; nor even regret the fate of those who bled 
in so glorious a field! 

An acknowledgment of the merits of Rocham= 
beau and Chastellux, D'Estaigw, De Gr.asse, De 
Earras, and the other heroes of the Frencii i>rmy 
and navy — affection to the memory of our brethren 
and companions who have bled in our battles- 
reverence to the advice of our illustrious com- 
mander in chief, and of all those sages and patriots 
who have composed our councils, from the time 
of the first congress to the present moment — honor 
to our worthy creditors in Europe — a regard to 
the conduct of the imperial sovereigns of Russia 
and Germany, who evince to the v/orld that they 
revere the cause of liberality and tiuman happi- 
ness, in which we drew the sword — a respect to 
the memory of the venerable Frederic of Prussia, 
whose dying hand put the signature lo a treaty of 
commerce with the United States, upon the most 
liberal principles that ever origmaied m a diplo- 
matic council — a sacred regard to ourselves and to 
all posterity — and, above all, a religious graitude 
to our Heavenly Benefacior, who hath hitherto 
smiled upon our endeavors — call upon us, in the 
language of a thousand tongues, for firmness, 
unanimity, and perseverance, in completing the 
revolution, and establishing the empire. 

The present is justly considered an alarming 
crisis: perhaps the most alarming that Americft 
ever saw. We have contended with the most 
powerful nation, and subdued the bravest and best 
appointed armies: but now we have to contend with 
ourselves, and encounter passions and prejudices, 
more powerful than armies, and more dangerou* 
to our peace. It is not for glory, it is for existence 
that we contend. 

Much is expected from the federal conventioft 
now sitting at Philadelphia: and it is a happy cir- 
cumstance that so general a confidence from all 
parts of the country is centred in that respectable 
body. Their former services, as individuals, com- 
mand it, and our situation requires it. But although 
much is expected from tbem, yet more is demand^ 
ed from ourselves. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



587 



The first great object is to convince the people 
of the importance of their present situation: for 
the majority of a great people, oaa subject which 
they understand, will never act wrong. If ever 
there was a tinne, in any age or nation, wlien the 
fate of nr»illions depended on the voice of one, ii 
is the present period in these stales. Every free 
citizen of the American empire ought now to 
consider himself as the legislator of half mankind. 
When he views the amazing extent of territory, 
settled and to be settled under the operation of 
his laws — when, like a wise politician, he contem- 
plates the population of future ages — the changes 
to be wrought by the possible progress of arts> 
• in agrir,uUure, commerce, and manufactures — the 
increasing connexion and intercourse of nations, 
and the effect of one rational political system upon 
the general happiness of mankind — bis mind, 
dilated with the great idea, will realize a liberali y 
of feeling wiiich leads to a rectitude of conduct. 
He will see that the system to be established by 
his suffrage, is calculated for the great benevolent 
purposes of extending peace, happiness, and pro- 
gressive improvement to a large proportion of his 
fellow creatures. As there is a probability that 
the system to be proposed by the convention may 
answer this description, there is some reason to 
bope it will be viewed fay the people v/ith that 
candour and dispassionate respect which is due to 
the importance of the subject, 

While the anxiety of the feeling heart is breath- 
ing the perpetual sigh for the attainment of so 
great an object, it beooiTjes the strongest duty of 
the social connexion, to enlighten and harmonize 
the minds of our fellow-citizens, and point them 
to a knowledge of their interests, as an extensive 
federal people, and fathers of increasing nations. 
The price »;ut into their hands is great, beyond 
all comparison; and, as they improve it, they will 
entail happiness or misery upon a larger proportion 
of human beings, than could be affected by the 
conduct of all the nations of Europe united. 



of erroneous sentiments arising from our inexperi- 
ence; sentiments which, if uncorrected in this 
early stage of our political existence, will he the 
source of cakmiiies wilhoul measure and without 
end. Should that venerable philosopher an 1 states- 
man be induced to continue his enquiries, by 
tracing the history of confederacies, and with his 
usual energy and per.spicuity, delineate and defend 
a system adapted to the circumstances of the Unit- 
ed States— I will not say he could deserve more 
from his distrest country, but he would crown a life 
of patriotic labors, and render an essential addi- 
tional service to the world. 

While America enjoys the peculiar felicity of 
seeing those, who have conducted her councils 
and her battles, retire, like Cincinnatus, ;o the 
humble labors of the plough, it must be remember- 
ed that she there expects a continuance of tlieir 
patriotic exertions. The society of the Cincinnati, 
established upon the most benevolent principles, 
will never lose sight of their duty, in rendering 
every possible aid, as citizens, to that community 
which they have defended, as soldiers. They will 
rejoice, that, although independence was the result 
of force, yet government is the child of reason. 
As they are themselves an example of the noblest 
effort of human nature, the conquest of self, ia 
obeying the voice of their country, and exchanging 
the habits, the splendor, and importance of mili. 

tary life, for domestic labor and poverty they 

will readily inculcate on others, the propriety of 
sacriiicing private and territorial advantages, to 
the good of the great majority, the salvation of 
the United States. 

Slaves to no party, but servants of the whole, 
they have wielded the sword of every state in the 
union, and bled by the side of her sons. Their 
attachments are as extensive as their labors.— 
Friendship and charity, the great pillars of their 
institution, will find their proper objects, through 
the extended territory, and seek the happiness of 
all. 



Those who are possessed of abilities or informa- ^^ii^ ^.^ contemplate the endearing objects of 



tion in any degree above the common rank of their 
fellow-citizens, are called upon by every principle 
of humanity, to diffuse a spirit of candour and 
rational enquiry upon these important subjects. 

Adams, to his immortal honor, and the timely 
assistance of his country, has set the great exam- 
ple. His treatise in defence of the constitutions, 
though confined to the state republics, is calculaL 
ed to do infinite «ervice, by correcting thousands 



our association — and indulge in the gloomy plea- 
sure of recollecting that variety of suffering which, 
prompted the sympathetic soldier to institute 
this memorial of his friendship—fraternal affecfiua 
recalls the scene of parting, and enquires with 
solicitude the fate of our beloved companions. 

Since the last anniversary, the death of general 
Howe has diminished the number of our brethren 
and called for the tribute of a tear. With soiae of 

k 



sas 



PRINCrPLES AND ACTS OF IHE REVOLUTIOJS. 



the foibles, incident to human nature, l;e possessed 
many valuable accomplisbments. His natural good 
understanding he bad embellished v.jth considera- 
ble attention to poHte literature. As a soldier, 
he was brave — as an officer, attentive to disci- 
pline; he commanded with dignity and obeyed 
with alacrity; and whatever talents he possessed, 
were uniformly and cheerfully devoted to the ser- 
vice of his country. 

But a few weeks prfvious to that period, the 
much lamented deaths of Tilpjhman and M'Dougall 
Viev siiccessively announced, and the tidings re- 
ceived n ith a peculiar poignancy of grief. What 
citizen of the American empire does not join the 
general voice of gratitude, when contemplating 
the merits of 'hose distinguishing officers, and 
rwpII the tide of sympathy, with his bereaved 
country, when deprived of tlseir future assistance? 
They were ornaments to the slates in wbiclj they 
lived, as well as to the profess^jon in which they 
acquired their glory. 

Amiable and heroic Tilghmnn! short was the 
career of thy fames but much hast thou performed 
for thy country. Of thee shall it ever be re 
rnembered, that no social virtue was a stranger to 
tiiy breast, and no military acl.ievement too daring! soul: and that it was the love, of a rational and 
for thy sword, While we condole with thy afflicted «f'lig''iened age, and not ihe stupid sUre of bar* 



list of our deceased comp.«iiiO''s be closed even 
with the names of those worthy heroes But 
Heaven had bestowed too murh glory upon the 
life of the favorite Greene, to allow it a long dura- 
tion. 

My affectionate auditory will anticipate more 
than can be uttered, in the mel:inc^ oly duty of 
contemplating his distinguished excellence. To 
any asserr.bly that could be CDllected in America, 
vain would be the attempt 'o illustrate liis charac- 
ter, or embeliisli the scene of his exploits. It is 
a subject to be felt, but not to be described. To 
posterity, indeed, it ma\ be told, as an incentive 
to the most exalted virtue and asionishing enter- 
prize, that the man, who cnrrierl in his native 
genius all the resources of war, and the balance of 
every extreme of fortune — who knew the advan- 
lages to be derived from defeat, the vigilunce of 
military arrangement, the rapidity and happy mo- 
ment of assault, the deliberate activity of battle* 
and the various important uses of vict.>ry — .hat 
the man who possessed every conceivable quality 
of a warrior, was, in his public and private charac- 
ter, without a foible or a fault; that all the amiable 
as well as heroic virtues were assembled in his 



father for the loss of so dear a son, permit the 
tear of friendship to flow fcr its own bereavement: 
and as oft as the anniversary of tins day shall as- 
semble the companions of thy life, to rejoice in 
the freedom of their country; tlicy shall mingle a 
eighto thy lasting memory, and bewail thy untiroely 
fate. 

Untimely also was the death of the brave and 
patriotic M'Dougall. Though many years were 
worn away in his unremitted labors for the public 
Safety-.-though his early and decided esertions 
against the claims of Great Britain had an essential 
influence in determining the conduct of the pro 
Vince in which he resided — though he was the nerve 
of war, the wisdom of council and one of our princi- 
pal supporters in the acquest of independence — 
yet these but shew us the necessity of such charac- 
ters in establishing the blessings of the acquisi- 
tion. While it bh.'ill vequire the same wist'om and 
Unshaken fortitude, the same patience and per- 
severance, to rear tiie fabric of our entire, as it 
did to lay the fotindation — patriotism and valour, 
Sn -ympathelic affection, will bemoan the loss of 
>l'DaugaU. 

Happv would it be for America, thrice hpppy 
{br the feelings of sorrowing friendship, could the 



Darity, that expressed his praise. 

The map of America may designate the vast 
extent of conquered country recovered by his 
sword: the future truveller, in the southern states, 
may be pointed, by the peasant, to the various 
regions containiijg monuments of his valor and 
his skill; where, amid bis marches and counter- 
marches, his studied retreats and bis rapid ap- 
proaches, every advantage, given to the enemy, 
was resumed with ten-fold utility and certain con- 
quest. The historic amae, as a legacy to future 
ages, may transmit with heroic dignity the feats 
of her favorite chief: but v.'ho shall transmit the 
feelings of the heart — or give the more interesting 
representation of his worth? the hero will remain; 
but the man must be lost. 

The gri(f of his bereaved consort, aggravated by 
the universal testimony of his merit, we hope will 
receive some alleviation from the ardent sympathy 
of thousands, whose hearts were penetrated with 
his virtues, and whose tears would have flowed 
upon his hearse. 

But we will not open afresh the wounds whicU 
•>ve cannot close. The best eulogium of the good 
and great ia expressed by an emulation of their 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



389 



virtue^. As those of ihe illustrious Greene ■ ' i 
eqii !l\ us-!u1 in every department, in which hu- 
man socie y can call a man to act, every fi-iend to 
America must feel the want of his assistance, in 
the duties that remain to be performed. Ye-, as 
these duties are of the rational and pacifi( kind, 
the performance is more attainable, and eniulatii i: 
the better encouraged. In military operations, 
none but tlie soldier can be distinguished, nir any 
but the ibrlunale are sure of rendering strvice: 
but here is a theatre of action for every citizen of 
a great country: in which the smallest circum 
stance will have its weight, and on whicii infinite 
conecqucuces will depend. 

The present is an age of philosopliy, and Ame- 
rica 'he empire of reason. Here, neitlier tl»c 
pageanti-y of courts, nor the glooms of suj.fiSii 
tion, !iave dazzled or beclouded the mind. Oi.r 
duty calls us to act worthy of the age and the 
country that gave us birth. Though inexperience 
may have betrayed vis into errors— yet they have 
not been fatal: and our own discernment will point 
us to their proper remedy. 

However defective the present confederated sys 
tem may appear — yet a due consideration of the 
circumstances, under which it was framed, will 
teach us rather to admire its wisdom, than to 
murmur at its faults. The same political abilities. 



field of thought. The natux'a! resources of the 
country are inconceivably various and great. The 
enterprizing genius of the people promises a most 
rapid improvement in all the arts that embellish 
human nature. The blessings of a rational go- 
vernment will invite emigrations from the rest of 
tSe worid, and fill the empire witli the worthiest 
and happiest of mankind; while the example of 
political wisdom and felicity, here to be displayed, 
will excite emulation through the kingdoms of 
the eariii, and meliorate the conduion of the ha-v 
man race. 

In the pleasing contemplation of such glorious 
events, and comparing the scenes of action that 
adorn the western hemisphere, with what ha* 
take-.i place in the east, may we not apply to oar 
country the language of the prophet of Israel^ 
though spoken on a difl'- rent occasion— "The glory 
of this latter house shall be greater than the 
former, saith the Lord of Hosts: and in this place 
will I give peace, saith the Lord of IIosis:"— peace 
to any disorders that may at present subsist ■ mong 
us — peace to the contending passions of nations — 
peace to this empire, to future ages, and througli 
the extended world! 

THE SKNTI5IENTS OF AN AMEHTCAIT WOWAH-. 

From a Philadelphia paper dated June, 1780. 
On the commencement of actual war, the women 



which were displayed in that institution, uniied j of America manifested a firm resolution to contra- 
With the experience we have had of its oper.,tion, | bute as much as could depend on them, to the de- 
Will doubtless produce a system, which will stand I Ijverance of their country. Animated by the purest, 



the test of ages, in forming a powerful and happy 
people. 

Elevated with the extensive prospect, we may 
consider present inconveniencies as unworthy of 
regret. At the close of the war, an uncommon 
plenty of circulating specie, and a universal passion 
for trade, tempted many individuals to involve 
themselves in ruin, and injure the credit of their 
country. But these are evils which work their 
own remedy. The paroxysm is already over. 
Industry is increasing faster than ever it declined; 
snd, with some exceptions, where legislative 
authority has sanctioned fraud, the people are 
honestly discharging their private debts, and in- 
creasing the resources of their wealth. 

Every possible encouragement, for great and 
generous exertions, is now presented before us. 
Under the idea of a permanent and happy govern 
ment, every point of view, in which the future 
•ituation of An.erlca can be placed, fills the mind 
with peculiar dignity^ and op^ns an unbounded 



patriotism, they are sensible of sorrow at this day, 
in not offering more than barren wisl.e:; for the sue- 
cess of so glorious a revolution. They aspire to 
render themselves more really useful; and this sen- 
timent is universal from the north to the south of 
the thirteen United States. Our ambition is kin- 
died by the fame of those heroines of antiquity, 
who have rendered their sex illustrious, and have 
proved to the universe, that, if the weakness of our 
constitution, if opinion and manners did not forbid 
us to march to glory by the same paths as tlic 
men, we should at least equul, and sometimes sur- 
pass them in o'jrlove for the public good. I glory 
in all that which my sex has done great and com- 
mendable. I call to mind with enthusiasm and 
with admiration, all those acts of courage, cf con- 
stancy and patriotism, vvhich history has transmit- 
ted to us: The people favored by heaven, preserv- 
ed from destruction by the virtue, the ze.d and the 
resolution of Deborah, of Judith, of Esther! The 
fortitude of the mother of he .Machabees, in giv- 
ing up her sons to die before her eyes: Rome saved 



390 



PRLSCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOxN^. 



from the fnryof a victorious enemy by the effor'-s I disinterestedness, your com -ige, and your co si 



of VolHtnaia, nnd other Roman ladies: So many 
faiTtous sjpges, where the women have been seen» 
forgetting the weakness of their sex, bi'ilding 
ne^v walls, digging trenches with their feeble 
hanrls, furnishing arms to their defenders, they 
themselves darting the missile weapons on the 
enemy, resignirg the ornairents of their appa" 
rel, and their fortune, to fill the public treasury, 
and to hasten the deliverance of their country; 



cy will always be dear to America, as long as she- 
shall preserve her virtue. 

We know that, at a distance from the theatre of 
war, if we enjoy any tranquility, it is t)\e fruit of 
your watchings, your labors, your dangers. If i 
live happy in the midst of my family, if my hus- 
band cultivates his field, and reaps his harvest in 
peace; if, surrounded with my children, I myself 
burying themselves under its ruins; throwing them-|"'^""^** ^^^ youngest, and press it to my bosom, 
selves into the flames rather than submit top'"^""* ^^'"ff ^^^^^^ of seeing myself separated 
the disgrace of humiliation before a proud ene-K''^'" *^' ''y *^^'"°'^'0"^ ^"^'"^•'^^•i'^ ^^o"''^ '" which 
my. 



Born for liberty, disdaining to bear the irons of 
a tyrannic government, we associate ourselves to 
the grandeur of those sovereigns, cherished and 
revered, who have held with so much splendor the 
sceptre of the greatest states. The Matildas, the 
Elizabeths, the Maries, the Catharines, who have 
extended the empire of liberty, and, contented to 
reign by sweetness and justice, have broken the 
chains of slavery, forged by tyrants in the times of 
ignorance and barbarity. The Spanish women, do 
they not make, at this moment, the most patriotic 
sacrifices, to increase the means of victory in the 
hands of their sovereign? He is a friend to the 
'French nation. They are our allies. We call to 
mind, doubly interested, that it was a French maid 
who kindled up amongst her fellow citizens, the 
flame of patriotism buried ander long misfortunes: 
It was the maid of Orleans who drove from the 
kingdom of France the ancestors of those same 
British, whose odious yoke we have just shaken 
off; and whom it is necessary that we drive from 
this continent. 

But I must limit myself to the recollection of 
this small number of achievements. Who knows 
If persons disposed to censure, and sometimes too 
severely with regard to us, may not disapprove our 
appearing acquainted even with the actions of 
which our sex boasts? We are at least certain, that 
he cannot be a good citizen who will not applaud 
our efforts for the relief of the armies which de- 
fend our lives, our possessions, our liberty? The 
situation of our soldiery has been represented to 
me; the evils inseparable from war, and the firm 
and generous spirit which has enabled them to sup- 
port these. But it has been said, that they may 
apprehend, that, in the course of a long war, the 
view of their distresses maybe lost, and their ser- 
vices forgotten. Forgotten! never; lean answer! 



we dwell; if our barns, oirr orcharrls arp safe at the 
present time from the hands of those incendiaries, 
it is to you that we owe it. And shall we hesi- 
tate to evidence to you our gratitude? Shall we 
hesitate to wear a clothing more simple; hair- 
dresses less elegant, while, at the price of this 
small privation, we shall deserve your benedictions. 
Who amongst us, will not renounce, with the high- 
est pleasure, those vain ornaments, when she shall 
consider that the valiant defenders of America 
will be able to draw some advantage from the mo» 
ney which she may have laid out in these; that 
they will be better defended from the rigors of the 
seasons; that, after their painful toils, they will re- 
ceive some extraordinary and unexpected relief; 
that these presents v/ill perhaps be valued by t.hera 
at a greater price, when they will have it in their 
power to sayr This in the offering of the ladies* 
The time is arrived to display the same sentiments 
which animated us at the beginning of the revolu- 
tion, when we renounced the use of teas, however 
agreeable to our taste, rather than receive them 
from our persecutors; when wc made it appear to 
them that we placed former necessaries in the rank 
of superfluities, when our liberty was interested; 
when our republican and laborious hands spun the 
flax, prepared the linen intended for the use of owr 
soldiers; when exiles and fugitives we supported 
with courage all the evils which are the concomi- 
tants of war. Let us not lose a moment; let us be 
engaged to offer the homage of our gratitude at 
the altar of military valor, and you, our brave de- 
liverers, while mercenary slaves combat to cause 
you to share with them, the irons with which they ' 
are loaded, receive with a free hand our offering, 
the purest which can be presented to your virtue. 
By an A MERICAN WOMAN. 



General Ariiold. 

The following is the letter of tliis infamous man to 
in the name of all my sex. Brave Americans, your| the commander in chief, after his treason, and 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



391 



an account of a procession which was bad in the 
city of Philadelphia a day or two after the date 
of this letter: 

"Onboard the Vulture, Sept. 25,1780. 
**SiR~The heart which is conscious of its own 
rectitude cannot attenript to palliate a step which 
the world may censure as wrong; I have ever acted 
from a principle of love to my country, since the 
commencement of the present unhappy contest 
between Great Britain and the colonies; the same 
principle of love to my country actuates my pre- 
sent conduct, however it may appear inconsisent 
to the world, who very seldom judges right of any 
man's actions. 

"I have no favor to ask for myself. I have too 
often experienced the ingratitude of my country to 
attempt it; but from the known humanity of your 
excellency, I am induced to ask your protection 
for Mrs Arnold, from every insult and injury that 
the mistaken vengeance of my country may expose 
her to. It ought to fall only on me, she is as good 
and as innocent as an angel, and is incapable of 
doing wrong. I beg she may be permitted to re- 
turn to her friends in Philadelphia, or to come to 
me as she may choose; from your excellency I have 
no fears on her account, but she may saffer from 
the mistaken fury of the country. 

*'I have to request that the enclosed letter may 
be delivered to Mrs. Arnold, and she permitted to 
write to me. 

"I hav^ also to ask that my clothes and baggage, 
which ire of little consequence, may be sent to 
me; if required, their value shall be paid in money, 

*'I have the honor to be, with great regard and es- 
teem, your excellency's most obedient humble servant, 

B. ARNOLD. 
"His excellency, general Washington. 

«»N. B. In justice to the gentlemen of my family, 
eol. Varrick and major Franks, I think myself in 
honor bound to declare, that they, as well as Joshua 
Smith, esq. (who I know are suspected) are to- 
tally ignorant of any transactions of mine, that 
they had reason to believe, were injurious to the 
public." 

A concise description of the figures exhibited and pa- 
raded through the streets of this city on Saturday 
last. 

A stage raised on the body of a cart, on which 
was an effigy of general Arnold sitting; this was 



dressed in regimentals, had two fsces, emblemati- 
cal of his traitorous conduct, a mask in his left 
hand, and a letter in his right from Belzebub, tel- 
ling him that he had done all the mischief he could 
do, and now he must hang himself. 

At the back of the general, was a figure of the 
devil, dressed in black robes, shaking a purse of 
money at the general's left ear, and in his right 
hand a pitch-fork, ready to drive him into hell, as 
the reward due for the many crimes which his thirst 
of gold had made him commit. 

In the front of the stage, and before general Ar- 
nold, was placed a large lanthorn of transparent 
paper, with the consequences of his crimes thua 
delineated, i. e. on one part general Arnold on his 
knees before the devil, who is pulling him into the 
flames— a label from the general's mouth with 
these words, "My dear sir, I have served you faith- 
fully;" to which the devil replies, "And I'll re- 
ward you." On another side, two figures hanging, 
inscribed, "The Traitor's Reward," and wrote un. 
derneath, "The adjutant general of the BritLsh ar- 
my, and Joe Smith; the first hanged as a spy, and 
the other as a traitor to his country." And on the 
front of the lanthorn was wrote the following: — 

"Major general Benedict Arnold, late commander 
ofthe/;r< West Point. The crime of this man is 
high treason. 

"He has deserted the important post, JVest Point, 
on Hudson's river, committed to his charge by his 
excellency the commander in chief, and is gone off 
to the enemy at New York. 

"His design to have given up this fortress to our 
enemies has been discovered by the goodness of 
the Omniscient Creator, who has not only prevented 
him from carrying it into execution, but has thrown 
into our hands Andre, the adjutant general of their 
army, who was detected in the infamous character 
of a spy. 

"The treachery of the ungrateful general is 
held up to public view, for the exposition of infa- 
my; and to proclaim,' with joyful acclamation, ano. 
ther instance of the interposition of bounteous 
Providence. 

"The effigy of this ingrate is therefore hanged 
(for want of his body) as a traitor to his native 
country, and a betrayer of the laws of honor." 

The procession began about four o'clock, in the 
following order: 



^92 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Several genilemen mounted on liorseback. 

A line ofcontinental ofHcers. 

Sundry gentlemen in a line. 

A guard of the city infantry. 

Just before the cart, drums and fifes playing the 

llos^ues march. 

Guards on eacli side. 
The procession was attended with a numer 



asaef 



\ •■• .ic. h ve taksn p.ace sin^e the hegiiininir of the 
wqr so we recommend, in a particular manner, to 
th -ir obs- rv^tiin, the goo Iness of God in the year 
now drawing to a conclusion. In which the con- 
f-deruio;. of the United State, has been com- 
pi'^ted-in which there have been so many in- 
staace* of prowess and su-cpss in our armies, 
particulirly in tlie sTjth-rn stales, where, not- 
withstandiig the dltficiltics with wiich ih-'y had 
to struggle, they have recovered the whole coun- 



ous concourse of people, who, after expressing P^ 7:^^"' '"'■' '^"" ''^^^'^"^'-^^ ^''^ ^^'^^'^ '^"■'"" 
Iheir abhorrence of the treason and the traitor,!""^ ' '"'' """ ^""^^ ''"^ over-ru;,. leaving ih.,n 
committed him to the flumes, and left both tho 
effigy and the original to sink into ashes and obli- 
vion. 



PROCLAM \TIO>f. 

"Whereas, it hath pleased Almiglity God, the 



only a post or two, on or n.-nr the sea;— in which 
we have be?n so powerfully and effectu Uy ass:s.ed 
by our allies, while in .dl the cor.junct opera ions 
tlie most perfect harmmy his suhsi-^-ed in the 
allied army;— in which there has been so plentiful 
a harvest, and so great abun.-la .ce of the fruits of 
the earth of every kind, as not only enables us 



- - -■ -'^'.f >>i.iu, as injL uiiiv ena')'es us 

father of mercies, remnrkably to assist and sup- easily to supply the wants of our army but gves 
port the Un,ted Spates of America, in their im.|comfort and happiness to the whole people-and 



portant struggle for liberty, ^>gair,st the long con 
tinned efforis of a pouarful nation, it is the duty 
of all ranks to observe and thankfully acknowledgp 
the interposiuoiis of his Providence in their behalf 
Through the whole of the contest, from its first 
rise, to this time, the i. Huence of Divine Providence 
may be clearly perceived in many signal instances, 
of which we mention but few. 

In revealing the councils of our enemies, when 
the discoveries were seasonable and important, 
and the means were seemingly inadequate or 
formito'is; — in preserving and even improving the 
union of the several states, on the breach of which 
«ur enemies placed their greatest dependence; — 

. . - «•-•- -« .»..^jv ... i,ij la-i 3; 117 com* 

w increasing the number, and adding to the zed fort and relieve all our brethren who are in distress 
and attachment of the friends of liber^y-in grant- | or captivity; to prosper our hu.bandmen, a,id give 
ing remarkable deliverances, and blessing us with success to all engaged in lawful commerce- to 
the mos. signal success, when affairs seemed to impart wisdom and integrity to our counsellors 
have the most discouraging appearance;-in raising judgment and fortitude to our officers and soldiers' 
up for us a powerful and generous ally, in one of to protect and prosper our illustrious ally, and 

favor our united exertions for the speedy establish.' 
ment of a safe, honorable, and lasting peace; t« 
bless all seminaries of learning; and causf the 
knowledge of God to cover the earth, as the waterf 



in which, after the success of our allies by sea, a 
general of the first rank, with his whole army, has 
been captured by the allied forces, under the direc 
tion of our commander in chief. 

It is therefore recommended to the s?veral states 
to set-ipart the thirteenth day of December next, 
to be religiously observed as a day of thanksgiving 
and prayer; that all ihe people may assemble on 
that day, with grateful hearts, to celebra.e the 
praises of our gracio'is Bt-nefactor; to confess our 
manifold sins; to offer up our most fervent sup- 
plications to ;he God of all Grace, that it may 
please him to pardon our offences, and incline our 
hearts for th( future to keep dl his la > s; to com- 



the first of the E.iropea i povers; — in confounding 
the councils of our enemies, and suffering them 
to pursue such measures, ^s have most d rectly 
contributed to frustrate their own desires ani ex- 
peciations,— above all, in making their ex reme 
cruelty to the inhabitants ofthe.se states, when in 
their power, and their savage devastation of pro- 
perty, the very means of cemeiting our union, 
and adding vigour to every effort in opposition to 
them. 



And as we cannot help leading the good peo- 
ple of these states to a retrospect on the events 



cover the seas. 



Done in congress this twenty-sixth day of OcAo* 
ber, in the year of our Lord one th lusand 
seven hundred and eighty one, and in the 
sixth year of the independence of the United 
States of America. 

THO.M.VS M'KEAN, prendent. 
Attest, CHAntKS TuojtsojT, sec'r^o 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. 



S?>3 



Baltimorf., A'ovember 15, 1781. 
The address of the citizens of Jialtimove to the honora- 
ble major general, the marqnis de la Fayette. 
It is with peculiar satisfaction that the citizens 
of Baltimore embrace the present moment, to ex- 
press a. gratitude which they will always owe to 
major general tlie marquis de la Fayette; and to 
congrat'ilate him, personally, on the late important 
events in Virginia and South Carolina, so glorious 
and consequeniial to America. 

Among the first in our cause, you early found a 
way to our uffections, with him, who has struggled 
witli our various difficultiea since their beginning. 
At a time when we had no ally, you were our 
friend; and wiien we gained an ally, your presence 
and good offices could not but increase a cordiality 



FUOM THE tOSnO't CHROVICLE, MAHCII 9, 17B'2. 

The humble and dutiful declaration awl address of 
his majesty^s Jlnerican loyalists, to the ^ja^-'a 
viost excellent majesty, to both houses of [larliainent 
and the people of Great Britain. 

We, his majesty's most dutiful and faitliful sub- 
jects, the loyul inhabitants of America, who have 
happily got within the protection of the Hritish 
forces, as well as those who, tl;ough too wise not 
to have foreseen the fatal tendency of the present 
wanton and causeless rebellion, yet, from number- 
less obstacles, and unexampled severities, liave 
hitherto been co.apelled to remain under the 
tyranny of the rebels, :md submit to the measures 
of congressional usurpation; ar.iiriatcl vviili tiie 
pureit principles of duty and allegiance to his ma- 



which must render our union with France per-iJ^sty and the British parliame'^t, lieg leave, witti 



maaent. 

In particular, we cannot sufficiently acknowledge 
our sense of your late campaign in Virginia, where, 
with a few regulars and militia, you opposed the 
British commander, from whose large army, and 
military talents, this state had such serious cause 
of apprehension. 



the deepest humility and reverence, on the c>rsse;'.t 
calamitous occasion of public and national mis- 
fortune, in the surrender of lord Cornwallis, and 
the army under his lordship's command, at York- 
Town, liu.ahly to entreat that your majesty, and the 
parliament, would be graciously pleased to permit 
us to offer this renewed testimony of loynlty and 
jallaclmient to our most gracious sovereign, and 



These things, sir, have rendered you dear to us, the British nation and government; and thus pub- 
and we feel the highest gratification in seeing, once licly to repeat our most heartfelt acknowleJg- 
rnore, in our town, the man who will always hold a ments for the infinite obligations we feel ourselves 
first place in our hearts. under for the heavy expenses that have been 



Baltimore, 5th JVovember, 1781. 
The answer of mnjor general de la Fayelte to the 
address from the citizens nf Balliinore. 
In the affectionate attentions of the citizens of a 
free town, I would find a reward for the services 



the first American soldiers, is for me a source of 
the greatest happiness 



incurred, r.nd the great national exertions that 

have been made, to save and rescue us, and your 

American colonies, from impending ruin, and the 

accumulated distresses and cidamiiies of civil war. 

For such distinguished proofs of national ease and 

regard, we confess ourselves unable to make that 
of a whole life. The honor to have been amoner , , . , , i . • . ., 

°j adequate return which our hearts, replete with the 

most dutifiil and grateful sensations, most wdlii-giy 

of^cr, but which we have not words sulHcient to, 



I participate with you in the glo-rious events express. Our sufferings as men, and. our duty as 
that have taken place under his excellency gene-do}al subjects, point out to us at once, the pro- 
ral Washington's immediate command, and under priety, m our present situation, of thus publicly 



general Greene. I enjoy the effects these will have 
on the success of our noble cause, and particularly 
the advantages which they will affurd to this state. 

The time when I had the honor to command the 
army in Virginia, which you are pleased so politely 
to mention, has only shewn that the courage and 
fortitude of American troops are superior to every 
kind of difficulty. 

My campaign began with a personal obligation 
to the inhabitants of HaUimore; at the end of it I 
find myself bound lo Iheoi by a new tie of everlast- 
ing gratitude. LA FAVE FTE. 

50. 



repeating our assurance.s, that we revere, with a 
kind of holy enthusiasm, the ancient constitution 
of the American colonies; and that we cannot but 
lament every event, and be anxiously solicitous to 
remove every cause or suspicion, that might have 
the most distant tendency to separate the two 
countries, or in any remote degree to lessen the 
claim we have to the present aid and cont^iued 
exertions of Great Britain; especially if it should 
arise from any misrepresentation or distrust, either 
of our (idelity or imtubers, to entitle uslo ihe future 
countenance and protection of that sovereign and 
nation, whose government and laws, we call Gad 



S94 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



to witness, that, in the integrity of our souls, we 
prefer to all others. Tiie local prejudices of birth 
and education, and the weight of past and hanpy 
experience, conspire together to render, in our 
breasts, most sacred and inestimable, our rela- 
tion to British subjects and British laws. We 
deem it more valuable than life itself, and under 
the most trying circumstances, hate invariably 
resolved, in defiance of every hazard, to assert our 
rights; and, as far as in our power, in opposition 
to every o>her state and kingdom in the world, to 
adhere to the nation and country from which we 
sprung; and to which, with honest pride and 
gratitude, we acknowledge that we owe both our 
natural and political existence. 

Unhappy, indeed, for ourselves, and we cannot 
but iliink unfortunately too for Great Britain, the 
number of well aflectcd inhabitants in America to 
the parent country, cannot, for obvious reasons, be 
exactly ascertained. But there are facts from 
\v!iich the most undoubted and undeniable con- 
clusions may be inferred, and to which, for want of 
other evidence, we must recur, resting our appeal 
upon such proofs to the unerring and unbiassed 
decision of truth and candour. 

The penalty under which any American subject 
enlists into his majesty's service, is no less than the 
immediate forfeiture of all his goods and chattels, 
lands and tenements; and if apprehended, and con-j 
vioted by the rebels, of having enlisted, or prevail- 
ed on any other person to enlist into his majesty's 
service, it is considered as treason, and punished 
with death: Whereas, no forfeiture is incurred, 
or penalty annexed, to his entering into the ser- 
vice of congress; but, on the contrary, bis property 
is secured, and himself rewarded. 

In the former case, he withdraws himself from 
his family and relations, without any possibility of 
receiving any assistance from, or affording any 
relief to either. In the latter, he is subject to no 
such peculiar self-denials, and real distresses. — 
The embodying provincial corps in New-York, 
and sending ihem on service to Savannah — or in 
Philadelphia, and ordering them to Pensacola, 
when they might be more usefully employed in 
the province where they were raised: the drafting 
troops from the corps, and from under the com- 
man 'i of officers with whom they enlisted, to form 
new corps, and to give a command to other officers, 
are all measures which have had their discouraging 
efTccts on the recruiting service. 

The desultory manner also in which the war has 
been carried on, by first UtUng possession of Bos- 



ton, Rhode Island, Philadelphia, Portsmouth, Nor- 
folk, in Virginia, Wilmington, in North Carolina » 
&c. Stc. and then evacuating them, whereby many 
thousand inhabitants have been involved in the 
greatest wretchedness, is another substantial rea- 
son why more loyalists have not enlisted into his 
majesty's service, or openly espoused and attached 
themselves to the royal cause; yet, notwithstanding 
all these discouraging circumstances, there are 
many more men in his majesti/^s provincial regiments, 
than there are in the continental service. Hence it 
cannot be doubted but that there are more loyalists 
in America than there are rebels; and also, that 
their zeal must be greater, or so many would not 
have enlisted into the provincial service, under 
such very unequal circumstances. Other reasons 
might be enumerated, why many more have not 
enlisted into his majesty's provincial service, if we 
were not prevented from it by motives of delicacy 
and teiiderriess to the character of the person to 
whose management the business of that department 
was principally committed. 

We also infer from the small number of militia 
collected by general Greene, the most popular and 
able general in the service of congress, in the long 
circuitous march he took through many of the most 
populous, and confessedly the most rebellions conntiee 
in that country, that there must be a vast majority 
of loyalists in that part of America, as well as else- 
where. The presumption becomes stronger, froor 
a consideration of the well known seduction and 
compulsion which were made use of by the rebel 
generals, and other officers, in order to embody 
the militia, as well as from the manner in which 
the militia are there mentioned by general Greene, 
in his public despatches in the course of one 
month. In that of the 10th of March, he says— "Our 
militia have been upon such loose and uncertain 
footing, ever since we crossed the Dan, that I 
could attempt nothing with confidence." In bi» 
next of the 16th, in giving his account of tw» 
brigades of militia, consisting of three captains, 
ten subalterns, and -561 rank and file, he return* 
two captains, nine subalterns, and 592 rank and 
file missing, besides one regiment, of which he 
could get no return, and adds, "those missing are 
supposed to have gone home." According to the 
report of the generals and field officers, very few 
were killed or taken; most of them having thrown 
away their arms, and abandoned the field early in 
the action. In that of the 30th, he writes, "that 
nothing but blood and slaughter have prevailed 
among the whigs and tories; and their inveteracy 
against each other must, if it continues, depopulate 



PRlxNClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



395 



this part of the country." Surely, whole brigades] party, some time ago, under the command of one 



throwing away their arms, and returning Lome, 
and all that sort of conduct, must carry with it 
the most presumptive evidence, not only of their 
disaffection to the measures of congress, but of 
their loyalty and attachment to his majesty, and 
the British nation and government; especially if 
you take into the account this well known fact, 
that the rebels have recruited the continental ar 
my, and in all instances assembled the militia, by 
deceiving some, terrifying many, and driving more, 
to assist in their military operations. On the con- 
trary, the service of the loyalists has in all cases 
been ready and voluntary; and in many unsolicited, 
and in some unnoticed, if not rejected. 

If it should be said, if such is the number and 
disposition of the loyalists in America, how comes 
it to pass that they have not been of more im- 
portance to his majesty's service? We answer, 
might it not with equal propriety be enquired, 
why his majesty's forces have not more fully 
answered the just expectations of the nation? — 
And might not the question with greater propriety 
be put to his majesty's commanders in America? 
A due deference to whom, we trust, will be 
thought the most decent apology for our waving 
the mention of many more of the true and undenia- 
ble causes which we have it in our power to assign. 
And permit us to add, that it is only from modesty, 
and a wish to avoid both the appearance and im- 
putation of selfish ostentation, that we decline 
entering into a particular enumeration of such 
proofs of allegiance and fidelity, from the conduct 
and sufferings of American loyalists, as have never 
been equalled by any people, in any age, or in any 
country. We cannot, however, refrain from hinting 
at someincontestible advantages the loyalists have 
been of, in affording supplies to the royal army, 
by acting as guides and pilots, and (inde- 
pendent of those employed in the provincial line) 
as militia and partizan troops. As corps of Refu- 
gees, they have been too often distinguished by 
the zeal and gallantry of their behavior, to need 
the mention of any particular instance; if they did, 
we might refer to the affair of the Block-house, 
opposite Fort Knyphausen, where captain Ward, 



Buftnion, went from Long Island to Connecticut, 
and there surprised and took prisoner a rebel 
major general, named Silliman, and sevearl otiier 
officers. 

A party of militia also not long ago went from 
Wilmington, in North Carolina, 6U or 70 miles 
into the country, and took major general Ashe, 
with two or three field ofHcers, and some other 
persons, and brought them prisoners to his nia- 
jesty's garrison at Wilmington. Another party of 
militia lately went near 200 miles up into the 
country from Wilmington, to a place called Hills- 
borough, and with a body of 6 or 700 militia, 
attacked a party of rebel troops, who were there 
as a guard to the rebel legislature, then sitting 
at that place, and took the rebel governor, Mr. 
Burke, several of his council, 11 continental offi- 
cers, and about 120 of the troops prisoners, whom 
the militia delivered to major Craig, who com- 
manded the king's troops at Wilmington. Other 
more voluntary alerts, preformed by the loyalists in 
South Carolina and elsewhere, might be mentioned 
without number. Surely such are not timidfriends! 
We defy the most incredulous opposer of Ameri- 
can loyalty, as well as the most determined ad- 
vocate for congressional usurpation, to point out 
a single instance wherein the like has been done, 
or attempted by the rebel militia; or that they 
have in any instance voluntarily assembled in such 
numbers, or attempted any military achievements 
whatever, without the espress orders and coercion 
of their tyrannical rulers. 

The establishing civil government, and forming 
a militia in a colony as soon as the rebel army is 
drove out of it, is the best measure that can be 
adopted to make the loyal inhabitants importantly 
useful to the king's interest. It is the highest 
political absurdity that ever was thought of, to 
imagine that a colony is to be retained, and tli* 
peace and good order of government restov'^j by 
the force of arms and martial law, ant) that too 
without the partial aid and concurrence of its 
inhabitants. And it is equally preposterous to ex- 
pect that aid and couourrence, without sonje 
regard is paid to the prejudices and inclinations 



with about 70 Refugees, withstood and repulsed! of the people. They should be treated v.-ih 
the attack of general Wayne, at the head of three confidence and honored with notice, by being 
chosen brigades of continentals. As a militia, appointed to all ofiices of civil government. The 
acting by themselves (for we take no notice of] protecting autliority and persuasive ii^fluence of 
the many thousands that, at diflTerent times, par- which is the only measure that can extend to, and 



ticularly in Georgia and South Carolina, have 
attached themselves to the royal army) a small 



connect the people of a British province in one 
common interest and voluntary submission. A 



59& 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



province, dius restored to the influence of civil 
government, and the exertions of the militia, the 
natural force of the country, the royal army might 
proceed to the next, ever keeping the rebel fnces 
in front. Tims, province after province might and 
would be speedily reclaimed to their former happy 
and most eligible situation of British subjects. 

The policy of prosecuting the American waif is 
fltrikinglviibvious for more reasons, but particularly 
as it aftords the most encouraging hope that can 
poss'bly be held out to his msjesly loyalists to 
persevere in tlieir principles and exertions, at the 
sane time that it aflords a number of safe ports to 
the royal navy during the war. It is also political, 
in order to prevent vast numbers of distressed peo- 
ple from goinej to England, and throwing them- 
selves and fhmilirs, helpless and ruined, upon na- 
tional bounty for maintenance and support. It is 
humane and just, from a cqnsideration of the 
repeated declarations that have been made, that 

••it was the gracious and firm resolution of his ma- j for maintaining the dignity, and preserving the 
jesty and the British nation to persevere, in every Lxterior territories of the British nation and em- 
just and necessary measure, for the redemption of | pij-g, 
his majesty's faithful American subjects from the I 

tyranny asd oppression of congress, and restoring 1 Relying with the fullest confidence upon na- 
them to the protection and benefit of British laws." tional justice and compassion to our fidelity and 
The importance the possession of some part, if not i distresses, we can entertain no doubts but that 



and must continue to be, from the mutual wants 
and supplies of each other, it would be folly to 
imagine, but that many of the inhabitants of Que- 
bec, and the Islands, would, from various mo- 
tives, and with different views, under such cir- 
cumstances, contribute in some measure towards 
facilitating their own reduction, and hastening the 
surrender to some other power. If Great Britain 
can maintain a naval superiority in the Ameri- 
can seas, the continent, with proper conduct, is 
undoubtedly retainable. If she cannot, her insular 
possessions in America are still less tenable than 
her continental; for this plain reason, that the 
former are more assailable by naval force than 
the latter. Consequently, the prosecution of the 
American war with magnanimity and vigour ap- 
pears to us the best, if not the only measure for 
re-animating his majesty's loyalists in America, to 
a strenuous exertion of their most distinguished 
endeavors, for discouraging the efforts of the rebels 
for dispiriting the hostile powers of Europe, and 



the whole of the revolted colonies, must be of, as 
an asylum for loyalists, as well as the weight it 
would be of in fixing the preliminary articles. 



Great Britain will prevent the ruin of her Ameri- 
can friends, at every risk short of certain destruc- 
tion to herself But if compelled, by adversity of 



and influencing the definitive treaty, whenever I "I'sfortune, from the wicked and pefidious corn- 
such an event should take place, strongly enforces binations and designs of numerous and powerful 



the political propriety and necessity of tlie Ameri- 
can war. It also appears to be a political and neces- 
sary measure, in order to detain the rebel forces 
in the revolted colonies; for there can be to doubt, 
if his majesty's troops were withdrawn from thence, 
but their views and operations would be imme- 
diately turned towards the province of Quebec to 
the ncrthv.ard, and the British West-India islands 
Co the southward, and when the contiguity of the 
one, ar«»I the proximity of the others to the revolted 
colonies !>? considered, it is not improbable to sup 
pose, from the connexion now subsisting between 



enemies abroad, and more criminal and dangerous 
enemies at home, an idea should be formed by 
Great Britain of relinquishing her American colo- 
nies to the usurpation of congress, we thus solemnly 
call God to witness, that we think the colonies 
can never be so happy or so free as in a constitu- 
tional connexion with, and dependence on Great 
Britain; convinced, as we are, that to be a British 
subject, with all its consequences, is to be the 
happiest and freest member of any civil society 
in the known world— we, therefore, in justice to 
our members, in duty to ourselves, and in fidelity 



America and France, Spain and Holland, but that, [to our posterity, must not, cannot refrain fronj 
by the united forces of those powers in tliose [making this public declaration and appeal to the 
St'jacent islands, CO operating with titc Americans, [faithful subjects of every government, and the 
that th.e British islands must be immediately taken; compassionate sovereign of every people, in every 
iiid that all the contiijental possessions of Great 'nation and kingdom of the world, that our princi- 
Biitain would soon after be irrecoverably lost. If; pies are the principles of the virtuous and free; 
we take into our view the effect the evacuation ofj that our sufl'erings are the sufl'erings of unprotected 
America must have upon the ininds of people, I loyalty, and persecuted fidelity; that our cause is 
and the unavoidable iuiercoursc there has beep, I the cause of legal and constitutional government., 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



S97 



any power in Europe, to the iroriifying debasement 
of a state of slavery, and a Wft of insult, under the 
tyranny of congressional usurpation. 

Baltimoiie, Ju!i/ 30, 1782, 
Yesterday a depntaticn of the nnerchants of thia 
town, waited upon his excellency Coust te Ro- 
CHAMBEAu, and presented him the following ad- 
dress, expressing their grateful sentiments of 
his very poHte attention to their request for 
protection of the trade, &c. 
To his excellency the Copnt he Rociiambeait, com' 
mander in chief of the auxiliary troops of his most 
Christian majesty, in the United States. 

We, the merchants of the town of Baltimore, 
the duty and security of every prince and sovereign! impressed with a grateful sense of the /important 
on earth. Our appeal, therefore, is just; and our services rendered by your excellency, and the 
claim to aid and assistance is extensive and 'gallant forces under your command, to the United 
universal. Bui if, refleciing on the uncertain events | states, and more particularly to the state of Mary- 
of war, and .sinking under the gloomy prospect ofjij^nd, beg leave to -wait upon your excellency, and 
public affairs, from the divisions and contests un-jieiurn you our most sincere thanks, in this public 
happily existing in the great councils of the n-^- manner, for the distinguished aid and protection, 



throug-hout the woild; that, opposed by pvincip' 
of republicanism, and convinced, from recent ob- 
servation, that bruial violence, merciless severity, 
relentless cruelty, and discretionary outrages are 
the distinguished traits and ruling principles of 
the present system of congressional republicanism, 
our aversion is unconquerable, irreconcileable. — 
That we are attached to monarchical government, 
fi-om past and happy experience — by duty, and by 
choice. That, to oppose insurrections, and to 
listen to the requests of people so circumstanced 
as we are, is the common interest of all mankind 
in civil society. That to support our rights, is 
to support the rights of every subject of legal go- 
vernment; and that to afford us relief, is at once 



tion, any apprehensions should have been excited 
in our breasts with respect to the issue of the 
American war, we humbly hope it cannot, even by 
the most illiberal, be imputed to us as an abate- 
ment of our unshaken loyalty to our most gracious 
sovereign, or of our unalterable predilection in 
favor of the British nation and government, whom 
may God long protect and preserve, if, in conse- 
quence thereof, we thus humbly implore that your 



which you have, from time to time, so willin8:ly 
ftffoided to the commercial interests of this state, 
and to inform your excellency, that we are happy 
in the opportunity of paying you this tribute, .so 
Ijustly due to distinguished merit. 

And, permit us, sir, on this occasion, to observ?, 
thai when the distresses of this country rendered 
an application to the French nation for assistance 



majesty, and the parliament, would be graciously | "^'^^^S'*'"!'' ^^^ wisdom of your sovereign pointed 
pleased, in the tenderness of our fears, and in pit'yj°"* >°"^ excellency as the grand instrument to 
to our distresses, to solicit, by your ambassadors ^^*'*^ '" ""'' s^*lvation; and, with gratitude, we 
at the courts of foreign sovereigns, the aid of such p™^'"'^' ^'^»* ^'^^ objects of your appointment have 
powerful and good allies, as to your majesty andp^" ^""^ answered, and the events Uiat have 
parliament, in your great wisdom and discretion, T*^^" P'^''^' ^'"'^^ y^""" *>^PPy ^^^rival in America, 



may seem meet. Or if such a measure should in 
any manner be thought incompatible with the 
digniiy and interest of our sovereign and the na- 
tion, we most humbly and ardently supplicate and 
entreat, that, by deputies or ambassadors, nominal- 
ed and appointed by your majesty's suffering Ame- 
rican loyalists, they may be permitted to solicit and 
obtain from other nations that interference, aid and 
alliance, which, by the blessing of Almiglity Cod, 



and in which you acted so distinguished a part, fullv 
evince the propriety of your sovereign's choice, and 
the magnanimity of his intentions towards us— for 
we have seen a British army, numerous and weli 
appointed, become prisoners of war to the united 
exertions of the co;nbined armies of France and 
America— an event that was considerably accelerat- 
ed by the great experience and military talents of 
your excellency, and the valor of liie olFicers and 



may, in the last fatal and ultimate extreme, save i^°^'^'^''' ""'^^'' y^"''*^"'^""^"'^' ^"'^ which, we trust, 
and deliver us, his majesty's American loyalists, "^''^ ^"""^ eventually to the establishment of th 



rights and liberties of tliis country, the purijosc* 
for which you have so generously drawn vour 
sword. 



who, we maintain, in every one of the colonies, 
compose a great majority of tlie inhabitants, and 
those too the first in point of opulence and conse- 
quence, from the ruinous system of congressional I And we beg leave also, amidst the general ■ •^y 
independence and republican tyranny, detesting ! diffused by th. birth of a Uaupbin of France' to 
rebellion as we do, and preferring a subjection to Iconiiratulate jour cicelitncy on that auspicioui 



S93 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



event; and it is our fervent wish and prayers, that 
be may long live to tread the footsteps of his 
illustrious father, in being' the friend of the dis- 
tressed, and the 'advocate for the liberties of man- 
kind. 

In hopes that your excellency will enjoy health 
and happiness, while you reside among us, and on 
return to your native country, may you be rewarded 
by your sovereign, in proportion to your merits and 
services— we remain, with sentiments of gratitude 
and esteem, on behalf of the merchants of Balti. 
more, your excellency's most obedient servants, 
SAMUEL PURVIANCE, 
RICHARD CURSON, 
SAMUEL SMITH, 
MARK PRINGLB, 
WILLIAM PATTERSON. 

BiLTiMouE, July 29, 1782. 
To which bis excellency was pleased to return the 
following answer: 
To the merchants of the totvn of Baltimore. 
Gehtlemeh — The intentions of the king, my 
master, towards his faithful allies, being that his 
auxiliary troops should not only protect the liber- 
ties of the United States, but watch over their 
commercial interests, as often and as much as it 
would be in their power, I have felt a peculiar 
pleasure to have been able to render some ser- 
vices to your state: The noblest reward for me 
is, without doubt, the approbation of such a re- 
apectable body of citizens. 

The praises which you are pleased to bestow on 
my conduct, and that of the officers and soldiers 
ander my command, are due, in a great measure, 
to his excellency general Washington, and his 
army, to whose exertions we have had the honor 
to co-operate, in the reduction of the British army 
at York-Town. 

My sovereign will certainly be impressed with 
a grateful sense of the general joy which has been 
diffused among the people of all ranks in the Unit- 
ed States, upon the birth of an heir to hia king- 
dom. 1 shall not fail to make him acquainted with 
your patriotic and generous wishes. 

I embrace with pleasure, gentlemen, this oc- 
casion, to render you my sincere thanks for the 
readiness with which you have taken in your houses 
our staff-officers and others, whose duty and station 
renders the convenience of a house absolutely ne- 
cessary to them. 



I flatter myself that they will maintain, with 
you, that good understanding, and harmony of sen- 
timents, which we have been happy enough to ex- 
perience, till now, from your fellow-citizens in the 
different states, LE CTE DE KOCHAMBEAU. 

Annapolis, .Avgutt 15, 1782. 
On Saturday last arrived in this city, on a visit 
to our governor, his excellency Count Rochambeau, 
commander in chief of the auxiliary army in the 
United States, accompanied by the Count Dillon, 
and several other French officers of distinction, and 
on Monday morning set out on his return to balti> 
more. 

To hit excellency Cooht Rochambeau, commander in 

chief of the auxiliary army in the United States. 

The address of the governor and council of the 

state of Maryland. 

Annafolis, Jlugutt 11, 1782. 
Sin — It is with singular pleasure, that the execu. 
tive of Maryland embrace the opportunity afford- 
ed by your arrival in this city, of offering your 
excellency every mark of esteem and respect. 

Accept, sir, our warmest thanks for the distin- 
guished part you sustained in the reduction of 
York; to the wisdom of your counsels, the vigour 
of your conduct, the bravery of the troops undeir 
your command, and to the judicious exertions of 
the Count de Grasse, the success obtained by thie 
allied army is, in a great degree, to be attributed. 

We are happy to assure your excellency, that 
the people of this state, deeply interested in every 
event which can promote the felicity of your 
illustrious monarch, or his kingdom, received, with 
the most lively demonstrations of joy, the account 
of the birth of a Dauphin: That the young prince 
may emulate the virtues, and inherit the dominions 
of his royal father, and that the union, founded on 
the most generous equality, and cemented by the 
blood of both nations, may endure forever, is our 
fervent wish; the incidents of war have only more 
strongly united our affections, and we doubt not, 
that the ancient spiril of France, with her numerous 
resources, will soon humble the pride of our com^ 
mon enemy- 

The ready protection afforded by your excellency 
to the commerce of Maryland, demands our grate. 
ful acknowledgments; the decorum and exemplary 
discipline observed by your troops, on their march 
through the slate, have given entire satisfaction to 
our citizens; our duty and inclination will prompt 
us to do eviery thing in our power for their COU' 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



569 



veniencej and we requesi your excellency to com- 
municate to the generals and other officers of your 
army, the high sense we entertain of their merit, 
and the affection and regard we have for their per- 
sons and characters. 

In behalf of the executive, 

THOiMAS S. LEE. 

To his excellency the governor, and the honorable 
council of the. state of Maryland. 

AwwAPOLis, August 11, 1782. 
I am very sensible of the marks of friendship and 
affection that I receive from his excellency the go- 
vernor, and the honorable council of the state of 
Maryland. 

If we have been happy enough to contribute to- 
wards the success of their arms, under our com- 
mander in chief, his excellency general Washing- 
ton, we receive the most flattering marks of ap- 
probation, by the very cordial reception the French 
army meet with from all the inhabitants of this 
state. 

The great joy and interests they have been 
pleased to show, on account of the birth of the 
Dauphin, will, undoubtedly, be very agreeable to 
the king my master; he will be equally flattered 
at the warmth with which the state of Maryland 
support their alliance, and wish it to be lasting. 

The strict discipline of the troops, is the least 
mark of gratitude that we could give to a state 
from which we receive so many proofs of attach- 
ment and friendship. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient and most 
bumble servant, 

l.E COMPTE DE ROCHAMBEAU. 

EXTRACTS FROM AN ORATION 
Delivered before his excellency the governor of 
South Carolina, and a numbeir of other gentlemen, 
on Monday, the fourth of July, 1785, being the 
celebration of American independence — by the 
late Dr. Ladd. 

"Tell ye your children of it, and let your cliilJreD tell their chil- 
dren, and their children another generation." 

A prophet divinely inspired, and deeply impres- 
sed, with the importance of an event which had 
just taken place, breaks into this exclamation — 
an exclamation happily adapted to the present oc- 
casion; tending to perpetuate the remembrance of 
an event which is written upon the heart of every 
true American — every friend to his country. 

When we consider this as the natal anniversary 
of our infaat empire, we shall ever be led to call 



into grateful recollection the fathers of our inde- 
pendence: those to whom (under God) we are in- 
debted for our political existence and salvation . 
A short eulogiura upon them, their merits, and 
their honors, will be the subject of the present dis- 
course; for what more happy subject can be chosen 
on this day, than the great authors of our liberty? 
they! who "digged it out with their swords!"— 
who, in the grim face of death, amidst perils innu- 
merable, gave the purchase of their blood— who 
built it upon their tombs, and whose spirits, bend- 
ing from the sky, point with pleasure to its foun- 
dation. But where ami? Fairy scenes open around 
me, and I seem to press the ground of enchantment. 
Behold yon vast structure, which towers to the 
very heavens! Is it not cemented with blood, and 
built upon the slaughtered carcase of many a gal- 
lant soUliep? on its broad front, AMERICAN IN- 
DEPENDENCE shines conspicuous, in characters 
of crimson! — surrounding nature appears animated! 
the very tombs accost the traveller, and seemingly 
repeat — 

"How beautiful is death when earn'd by virtue! 
Who would not sleep with those? what pity is it 
That we can die but onee to save our c«untry!" 

Add. C^c. 
» » » ♦ » 

The eventful history of our great revolution, is 
pregnant with many a source of sublime astonish- 
ment! Succeeding ages shall turn the historic 
page, and catch inspiration from the era of 1776; 
they shall bow to the rising glory of America; and 
Rome, once mistress of the world, shall fade on 
their remembrance. 

The commencement of our struggles, their pro-- 
gress, and their periods, will furnish a useful les- 
son to posterity — they will teach them that men- 
desperate for freedom — united in virtue— and as- 
sisted by the God of armies, can never be subdued. 
The youthful warrior— the rising politician, will 
tremble at the retrospect, and turn pale at the 
amazing story. America— the infant America, all 
defenceless as she is, is invaded by a most powerful 
nation; her plains covered by disciplined armies, 
her harbors crowded with hostile fleets. Destitute 
of arms; destitute of ammunition; with no discipline 
but their virtue, and no general but THEIR GOD, 
behold our brave countrymen arising to resistance 
—see the first encroachments of hostility withstood 
at Lexington; and O Britain! write that page of thy' 
history in crimson, and margin it with black, for 
thy troops fled!— routed with stones, with clubs, 
and every ignominious weapon— they fled from 
our women; they were defeated by our children. 



400 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



this,, what mortals could withstand? for it i; written . 
in the volumes of eternity, that even Britain, tsat 
hardy, that gallant nation, was unequal to the 

conflict. 



At this very tinrje, a member of the British par- 
liament could assert in open day, that a single re- 
giment of disciplined troops would march thro' 
America, and crush the rebels to subjection. The 
experiment was tried; it was reiterated, and the 
success was everyway worthy of the rash attempt. 
Such has the inconsistency been of theory and 
p!-;>ctice, relative to American subjugation. 

But were freemen— were Americans to be inti- 
midaied by the military parade of hostile regi- 
men.s? Answer, ye Britons! for by a bloody expe- 
rience, have ye been taught the reverse; by a blooily 
experience were ye taught never to oppose men 
desperate for their country; and by that bloody 
experience will your children, and your children's 
children acquire in.structien. They will learn wisdom 
from the history of defenceless Americans, who A'hen 
threatened with the loss of their liberties, (liber- 
ties! which were coeval with their existence, and 
dearer than their lives) arose in resistance, and 

were nerved by desperation! what was the conse- brave man, that he has died for his country. Quite 
quence.' the ii.vaders were repulsed, their armies 
captured, their strong works demolished, and their 
fleets driven back. Behold the terrible flag, that 
glory of Great Britain, drooping all tarnished from 
the mast, bewails its sullied honors. 



Yet, while we justly admire the valor and suc- 
cess of our veteran armies, let us shed one tear to 
the memory of those "unfortunately brave," who 
« ere martyrs in common cause; and, while we cele- 
brate tlieir actions — wiiile we glory in their vir- 
tues — let us deplore the catastrophe, and lament 
their misfortunes. 

What catastrophe? what misfortunes? Pardon 
me, my respected auditors. Let your indulgent 
(losoms plead in my favor; and re.nember, that the 
timid perturbation of a young orator, before s» 
august an assembly, must lead him into frequent 
improprieties. I said we should lament their mis- 
fortunes. I beg leave to correct that too hasty 
expression; for surely it is so misfobtusk to the 



This, my countrymen, by assistance superhuman, 
have we at length accomplished— I say superhu- 
man assistance, for one of us has ^'chased a thou- 
sand, and ten put ten thousand to fiffht. The Lord of 
hosin -was on our side, the God of the armies of Israel,-'' 
and at every blow we were ready to exc!aim with 
glorious exultation, "'J'he sword of the lord and of 
Washington.'* 

• • « » » 

Yet how did even America despair, when the 
protecting hand of her GREAT LKADERwas one 
moment withheld! Witness our veteran army re- 
treating through the Jerseys; an almost total with- 
ering to our hopes, while America treinbled with 
expectation — trembled! tho' shielded and protect- 
cd by the KING OF KINGS, and her beloved 
Wasuingtos. 

But brilliant, rapid, and successive have our con- 
quests been: while the gloomy "times that try men's 
aouls" were few, and of short duration. America, 
born to be independent, gathered strength amidst 
surrounding difficulties. She rose, like Antaeus, 
vigorous from every fall. Her resentment was ac- 
companied by the winged bolt of destruction. It 



the reverse: it is the highest acme of military am- 
bition, and plays around the soldier's character 
with a sun -beam of never ending glory. 

"The gallant man though slain in fight lie be, 
Yet leaves bis country safe, bis nation free; 
Entails a debt on all the grateful state, 
His own brave friends shall glory in his fate, 
His wife live honor'd, all his race succeed; 
And late posterity enjoy the deed." 

Pope'i Homer. 
• » » » * 

The/rtWof the brave man is by no means the 
death of the vulgar: it is ihe birth-day oT his glory, 
and opens to a blessed immortality. There the 
hoary warrior who has learned the rudiments of 
his profession under Washington or Wolfe, Mont- 
calm or the great Montgomery, shall then com- 
mence his soldiership; then, enlisted in the armies 
of MICHAEL, that arckangelic chieftain, he shall 
fight the battles of the Lord: nor shall his earthly 
fame beunremembcred, but, when the historic leat 
shall shiver in the blaze— when all human work , 
the great IlHad itself, receive their finish from the 
fire, the soldier's memory must survive, for it is re* 
gistercd in heaven. 

Yes! ye shall live in fame, ye shades of Warren, 
of Mercer, of Laurens, and the brave Montgomery? 
and when in remotest ages, posterity shall call 
forth every distinguishing characteristic of human 
excellence, the genius of your country shall bend 
his drooping head, and one tear, one grateful tear 



flashed, like lightning from heaven, against herj tie shed to your remembrance. Then the young 
enemies, and blasted as it smote. Opposition like j warrior, emulous of your fates and your fame, shall 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



4t)l 



in speculation. It contradicts our habits and opi- 
nions in every other transaction of life. Do we 
feel his burning soul— and while he unsheaths the 
patriotic blade, he shall exclaim with transport— 
"How beautiful is death when earn'd by virtue." 
But peace to your manes, ye dear departed 
brethren! ye have trodden the path of honor before 
US; and obtained the crown of glory. Brethren, 
St is all your own, for bravely did ye obtain it. 
May the green sod lie light on your breasts, and 
eweet your sUimbera be in the dark house appoint- 
ed for all living. 

So sleep the brave who sink to rest, 
With all their country's wishes blest; 
When spring, with dewy fingers cold, 
Returns to deck their hallow'd mould, 
She there shall dress a sweeter sod 
Than fancy's feet have ever trod. 
By fairy hands their knell is rung; 
By forms unseen their dirge is sung; 
There honor comes, a pilgrim grey. 
To bless the turf that wr.ips their clay. 
And freedom shall a while repair, 
To dwell a weeping hermit ti>evt."—Collint. 

But we turn to take a view of those worthy au- 
thors of o\ir independence, who have survived the 
contest.— A hvitig patriot/ Where is the bosorri 
that does dot vibrate with pleasure at the sound? 
The dead CAO oidy receive the tribute of remem- 
brance; and long shall the? possess it: but the living- 
axe entitled to our warmest thanks, our united 
benedictions. — Here words must fail; for who cw 
duly praise the living patriots of America.'' Alas! 
barely to recount their names, their merit.s, and 
their honors, would i-xhaust the powers of language; 
to do them justice is above all Ciceronian rhetoric, 
and calls for the eloquence of angels. 

You, and you, with a very respectable part of my 
audience, have fronted danger in the bloody field. 
—With a truly m.isonic fortitude have we assisted 
in the structure of our independence; and ye will 
tell the stnry to your children, and your children shall 
tell their children, and their children another genera- 
tion. Thus shall your honors succeed with undi- 
toinished lustre to jjoslerity: and future writers 
shall praise the brave man, and crown their eulo- 
gium with — "his father -was an .American." 

Allow me, ray auditors, one claim on your atten- 
tion to the beloved name of Washington; for how, 
upon a celebration like this, can the name of Wash- 
ington be distant.? he, whose unbiassed virtue, firm 
patriotism, unequalled abilities, and steady perse 
yerance, are written upon the hearts of his breth- 
ren — Though retired from the theatre of action, ' 
51. 



in the full splendor of meridian glories, he can 
never be lost to his country— we see him in onr li- 
berties, and shall forever see him, while that OPUS 
\I AGXUM, the independence of America, remains 
in existence. 

Where are those who admire the unexampled 
patriot, and "in whose ears the name of a soldier 
sounds like the name of a friend?" O that upoa 
this day ye wo^ild join your friendly voices wth 
mine, to eternize the name of Washiugto ! — The 
august veteran of Prussia has himself led tlie way, 
wnd left, it upon everbsting record, that "Frederic 
■WIS the oldest general in Europe, -when Wathington 
loas the greatest general upon earth." 

But I proceed to pay that attention due to the 
memory of another distinguished character: For' 
to what is America more indebted than to the gal- 
lant exertions of her beloved Greene? in whose 
a-Tiiable c'laracier the great soldier and the good 
citizen are so conspicuously blended — Long shall 
this country in particular retain his memory — long 
as the pal.Tietto, that emblematic tree, shall flourish 
in Carolina. 

'•To thee, O Greene, each muse her tribute pay«, 
Great chiL-ftaiii! crown'd with neverfadiig bays; 
Thy worth thy country, ever grateful, owns, 
Her fiist of warriors and her best of sons." 

# » » • • 

But see the long list! upon which the names of 
Gates, Lincoln, the brave Stark, and the gallant 
Wayne are conspicuously lettered! Men whose 
names shall descend to posterity with co-eternal 
honor; among them shall the brave Sullivan be of- 
ten mentioned; and the name of St. Clair, though 
sullied by malign censure, will shine untarnished 
there; and there shall the venerable name of Put- 
nam be found, that hoary chieftain, who, 

•'The fame of battle spread, 

When fourscore years had blanch'd his laurel'd head." 

But there is no end of this! the list of deserv- 
ing characters is swelling to my view, and I shall 
grow hoarse in repeating it; I will therefore quit 
the attempt, and hasten to conclude: 

"For ahould I strive to mention ev'ry name, 
With which my country swells the list of fame, 
Amidst thelaborof the arduous tale. 
My time, my periods, and my voice would fail.' ' 

Previous to my quitting this subject, permit me, 
gentlemen of South Carolina, to observe, that the 
very raan who fills the seat of your government 
for the present year, must long remain high in his 
country's bonors~-honor8, wlllch be has most brave- 



4&2 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTiOfv. 



ly acquired.-The gallant defence of Fort MouUrie, Most of the present difficulties of this c .i.ntry 
will decorate the page of many a future history, j «nse from the weakness and other defects of our 
and give at once immortal fame to the hero and governments, 
liistoriau. 



And now, my most respected a«ditors, having 
in some measure paid our debt of acknowledgment 



My business at present shall be only to soggest 
the defects of tbe confederation. These consist— 
1st. In the deficiency of coercive power. 2d. In 
to the visible authors of our independence, let w- j a defect of exclusive power to issue paper m»ney, 
lay our bands upon our hearts in humble adoration and regulate commerce. 3d. In vesting the sove. 
of that MONARCH, who (in the place of George reign power of the United States in a. single 'egis- 
the Third) was this day chosen to reign over us: ' Jature: and, 4th. In the too frequent rotaiion of 
let us venerate the great generalissimo of our ar-; its members, 
mies, from whom all triumphs flow: and be it our 

glory that not George the Third, but JEHOVAH A convention is to sit soon for the purpose of de- 
the first and the last, is king of /America-He who vising means of obviating par^Df "he two first defect, 
dwelleth in the clouds, and whose palace is the that have been mentioned. But I wish they may 
heaven o«^ heavens:-For, independent as we areUdd to their recommendations to each state, to sur. 
with respect to the political systems of this world, j render up to congress their power of emitting mo- 
we are sliU a province of the great kingdom, and "ey. In this way. a uniform currency will be pro 



fellow subject with the inhabitants of heaven. 

' ihe people of the United Stat 
jamm liush, M. D- 1787 — 

There is nothing more common, than to confound 
the terms of .American revolution with those of the 
late .American \oar. The American war is over: but 
this is far from being the case with the American 
revolution. On the contrary, nothing but the first 



duced, that will facilitate trade, and help to bind 

the states together. Nor will the states be deprived 

I- I TT -^ t vt„t^„ B./ »^n oflaree sums of money by this mean, when sudden 
Jlddress to the penplo of the Umted States.— Uy Jien- h . . 



emergencies require it; for they may always bor- 
row them, as they did during the war, out of the 
treasury of congress. Even a loan office may be 
better instituted in this way, in each state, than in 
any other. 

The two last defects that h.-^ve been mentioned. 



act of the great drama is closed. It remains yet are not of less magnitude than the first. Indeed, 



to establish and perfect our new forms of govern- 
ment; and to prepare the principles, morals, and 
manners of our citizens, for these forms of govern 
tnent, after they are established and brought to 
perfection. 

The confederation, together with most of our 
State constitutions, were formed under very unfa 
vorable circumstances. We had just emerged 
from a corrupted monarchy. Although we under- 
stood perfectly the principles of liberty, yet most 
of us were ignorant of the forms and combina 
tions ofpower in republics. Add to this, the Bri- 
tish army was in the heart of our country, spread- 
ing desolation wherever it went: our resentments, 
of course, were awakened. We detested the Bri- 
tish name, and unfortunately refused to copy some 
things in the administration of justice and power, 
in the British government, which have made it the 
admiration and envy of the world. In our opposi- 
tion to monarchy, we forgot that the temple of ty- 
ranny has two doors. We bolted one of them by 
proper restraints; but we left theother open, by ne 



the single legislature of congress will become 
more dangerous, from an increase ofpower, than 
ever. To remedy this, let the supreme federal 
power be divided, like the legislatures of most of 
our states, into two distinct, independent branches. 
Let one of them be styled the council of the stales 
and the o'her the assembly of the states. Let the 
first consist of a single delegate— and the second, 
of two, three, or four delegates, chosen annually 
by each state. Let the president be chosen an- 
nually by the joint ballot of both houses; and let 
him possess certain powers, in conjunction with a 
privy council, espe'ially the power of appointing 
most of the officers of the United States, The 
officers will not only be better, when appointed 
this way, but one of the prinaipal causes of faciioB 
will be thereby removed from congress. I appre- 
hend this division of the power of congress will 
become more necessary, as soon as they are invest- 
ed with more ample powers of levymg and expend- 
ing public money. 

I The custom of turning men oat of power or of- 



glecting to guard against the effects of our own|fice, as soon as they are quu.ified for it, has been 
ignorance and Jiceotiousness. [found to be as absurd in practice, as it is virtuoua 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



m 



dismiss a genei-al — a physician — or even a domes- 
tic, as soon as lliey have acquired knowledge suf- 
iicient to be useful to us, for the sake of increas- 
ing tlie number of able generals— skilful physi 
cians— and faithful servants? We do not. Govern- 
ment is a science, and can never be perfect in 
America, until we encourage men to devote not 
only three years, but their whole lives to it. I be- 
lieve the principal reason why so many men of 
abilities object to serving in congress, is owing to 
their not thinking it worth while to spend three 
years in acquiring a profession, which their coun- 
try immediately afterwards forbids them to fol- 
low. 

There are two errors or prejudices on the sub- 
ject of government in America, which lead to the 
mpsl dangerous consequences. 

It is often said, "that the sovereign and all 
other power is seated in the people." This idea 
is unhappily expressed. It should be — "all power 
V derived from the people," they possess it only 
on the days of their elections. After this, it is the 
property of their itilers; nor can they exercise or 
resume it, unless it be abused. It is of importance 
to circulate this idea, as it leads to order and 
good government. 

The people of America have mistaken the mean-, 
ingofthe word sovereignty; hence each state pre- 
tends to be sovereign. In Europe, it is applied 
only to those states which possess the power of 
making war and peace — of formii\g treaties, and 
the like. As this power belongs only to congress, 
they are the only sovereign power in the United 
States. 

We commit a similar mistake in our ideas of the 
word independent. No individual state, as such, 
has any claim to independence. She is indepen- 
dent only in a union with her sister states in con- 
gress. 

To conform the principles, morals and manners 
of our citizens, to our republican forms of govern- 
ment, it is absolutely necessary, that knowledge of 
every kind should be disseminated through every 
p^rt of the United States. 

For this purpose, let congress, instead of laying 
out half a million of dollars, in building a federal 
town, appropriate only a fourth of that sum, in 
founding a federal university. In this university, 
let every thing connected with government, such 
as history — the law of nature and nations — the civil 
law— the municipal laws of our country— and the 



principled of commerce — be taught by ro'-:ipetent 
professors Let masters be employed, likewise, to 
teach gunnery — fortification — and every thing con- 
nected with defensive and offensive wsr. Above 
all, let a professor of, what is called in the Eu- 
ropean universities, economy, be established in 
this federal seminary. His business should be to 
unfold the principles and practice of agriculture 
and manufactuies of all kind, and to enable him to 
make his lectures more extensively useful, con- 
gress should support a travelling correspondent 
for him, who should visit all the nations of Europo, 
and transmit to him, from time to time, all ihe dis- 
coveries and improvements that are made in agri- 
culture and manufactures. To this seminary, young 
men should be encouraged to repair, al'cer com.! 
pleting their academical studies in the colleges of 
their respective stales. The honours and offices 
of the United States should, after a while, be con- 
fined to persons who had imbibed federal and re- 
publican ideas in this university. 

For the purpose of diffusing knowledge, as well 
as extending the living principle of government to 
every part of the United States— every state— city 
—county — village — and township in the union, 
should be tied together by means of the post-office. 
This is the true non-electric wire of government, 
tt is the only means of conveying heat and light to 
every individual in the federal commonwealth. 
"Sweden lost her liberties," says the abbe Raynal, 
"because her citizens were so scattered, that they 
had no means of acting in concert with each other." 
It should be a constant injunction to the post-mas- 
ters, to convey newspapers free of all charge for 
postage. Theyarenot only the vehicles of know, 
ledge and intelligence, btit the centinels of the li- 
berties of our country. 

The conduct of some of those strangers, who 
have visited our country, since the peace, and who 
fill the British papers with accounts of our distres- 
ses, shews as great a want of good sense, as i 
does of good nature. They see nothing but the 
foundations and walls of the temple of liberty} and 
yet they undertake to judge of the whole fabric. 

Our own citizens act a still more absurd patt, 
when they cry oat, after the experience of three or 
four years, that we are not proper materials for re- 
publican government. Remember, we assumed 
these forms of government in a hurry, before we 
were prepared for them. Let every man exert 
himself in promoting virtue and knowledge in oup 
country, and we shall soon become good republi- 
cans. Look at the steps by which governueuts 



404 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



have em c'-anged, or rendered stable in Europe. 
R ad the history of Great Britain. Her boasted 
government has risen out of wars, and rebellions, 
tbii listed above six hu'idred years. The United 
States are tf ivellin^^ peaceably into order and good 
gove 'nrient. Th^y k'.o v no strife — but what arises 
from the collision of opinions; and, ia three years, 
thevhav" advanced farther in the road to stability 
and hjppi'iess, than most of the nations in Europe 
have done, in as many centuries. 

There is bu<^ one path that can lead the United 
States 'o destruction; and that is, their extent of 
territory. It was pvobably to effect this, that Grea' 
Britain ceded to «s so much waste land. But even 
this paih nsay be avoided. Let but one new state 
be exposed to sale at a time; and let the land of- 
fice be sYiXiX up, till every part of this new state be 
sealed. 

I »',!> extremely sorry to find a passion for retire 
ment so universal among the patriots and heroes 
of tlie war. They resemble .skilful mariners who, 
»fter exerting themselves to preserve a ship from 
sinkins;: in a storm, in the middle of the ocean, drop 
asleep, as soon as the waves subside, and leave 
the cure of their live* and property, during the 
remainder of the voyage, to sailors, without know- 
ledge or experience. Every man in a republic is 
pubi:c property. His time and talents — his youth 
■ — his mani ood — hi» old age-7-nay more, his life, 
bis all, belong to his country. 

Patriots of 1774, 1775, 1776— heroes of 1778, 
1779, 1780' come fortvard! your country demands 
your s-ervices! — Philosophers and friends to man- 
kind, come forward! your country demands your 
studies and speculations! Lovers of peace and 
ord«T, who declined taking part in the late war, 
come forward! your country forgives your timidit}.' 
and demands your influence i.nd advice! Hear her 
proclaiming, in sighs and groans, in her govern- 
ments, in her finances, in her trade, in her manu- 
fact'U'es, in her morals, and in her manners, 
♦•THE ilEVOLUTlONIS NOT OVEU!" 

JPart of Judge Perifjlatoii's charge to the grand jurors 
of Gagetotun, Chevaxvs, and Cumdsn districts, in 
the slate of South Carolina, 1787. 

Gentlemen of the grand jttry — Is this fatal passion 
for sudden riche.s, so generally prevalent among 
us, io extinguis.h every sentiment of political and 
moral duty.' Is it to be expected, that one assem- 
bly after another will be on the side of the debtor? 
Ko, gentlemen: the period is not far distant, when 
ike kwa of ttx8 st^ie must be voluaturily obeyed^ 



or executed by force. No society ever long en 
dured the miseries of anarchy, disorder, and liaen- 
tiousficss. The most vile despotism will be em- 
braced in preference to it. The nations, from 
which we derive our origin, alTord innumerable 
examples of this. I will, however, mention but 
one. When the parliament of England had de- 
throned and beheaded that faithless tyrant, Charles 
the first — subdued all their enemies at home and 
abroad — and changed their monarchy into a re- 
P'lblic — one would have supposed, that an assem- 
blage of as great talents as ever adorned human 
mture, which so highly di.siing'jis'.ied the patriots 
of that time, could r;ot fail of forming a wise and 
just government, and of transmitting it to their 
p jsterity. But the event shewed that the disor- 
derly temper of the people, occasioned by the civil 
war, would not bear the .strong curb of legal au- 
thority. Expedient after expedient was tried: and 
government assumed many difierent shapes to hu- 
mour their passions and prejudices, and lead thena 
to a willing obedience: but all to no purpose. 
The public disorders daily increased. Every little 
club of politicians were for making laws for the 
wjiole nation. The fair form of equal and legal li- 
berty became defaced by a thousand fanciful and 
impraciicable whimsies, until the general distress 
became insupportable. What followed.' The very 
people, who, a ttvf years before, had daazled the 
world with the splendor of their actions, invited 
back, and enthroned the son of that king, wliom 
they had formerly put to death; gave him carte 
blanche to do as he pleased; and seemed to have 
forgotten, that they iiad ever lost a drop of blood, 
or spent a shilling, in defence of their liberty. 

Gentlemen, let us not lose sight of this awful 
precedent. To acquire freedom, is nothing, in 
comparison to a wiise and profitable use of it. 
Nothing can be more certain, than that Great 
Britain would eagerly seize any favorable oppor- 
tunity to compass our destruction. She would, 
to-morrow, pour her fleets and armies into this 
country, particularly the southern states, if the 
great powers of Europe could be so allied and con- 
nected, as to secure her from a hostile confederacy. 
The history of those nations every where shews 
us, what trivial causes occasion themjst important 
changes in their political systems. Surely, then, 
it is wise to be on our guard, and in the iirst place 
to secure a free and just, but, at the same time, 
a strong government at horns. Without this, the 
ci'.izens are insecure in their persons and estates: 
that insecurity produces murmuring and discon- 
tent; Rtid UiRt discontent will ever prudu-s a Jis- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



4(}S 



position favorable for trying new changes. Irs such 
a state, to be attacked by a formidable enemy, 
without soldiers or military stores, and without au 
thority to cotnpel even our own citizens to obey 
the laws, vre must fall a prey to any foreign power, 
who may tiiink it worth the cost to subjugate us. 

I have heard, gentlemen of the grand jury, 
great complaints against the illiberal and monopo 
lizing spirit of the British government, en the sub- 
ject of commerce with America — iier numerous 
duties on American produce — and her refusal to 
enter into treaties for mutual benefits in trade. 
It must surely be liighly ridiculous to abuse one 
nation for profiting by the follies of another. Do 
we expect that Great Britain, as a trading nation, 
will not exert every nerve to hold fast the com- 
mercial adi'antages, which our avidity for her ne 
groes and manufactures hath given her.' Is it not 
the steady policy of every nation in Europe, to 
promote and extend their own commerce by every 
' possible means, let it be at the expense of whorh- 
aoever it will.' Yes, gentlemen: and let us act 
with such caution and punctuality, as to mak6 
it her interest to solicit, and we shall soon find 
her courting, with douceurs, those commercial 
compacts, which she now so contemptuously de- 
clines. At the close of the war, indeed, she stood 
trembling with apprehension, lest our two allies, 
France and Holland, should monopolize our trade. 
A treaty, pressed at that moment, and properly 
Hrged — the sine qua noti of all future amity and in- 
tercourse, v/ould, in all probability, have produced 
•n inlet of American built vessels into her islands, 
and an exemption from many other injurious re- 
straints. But the favorable moment slipt through 
our hands unimproved, and (I fear) never to re- 
turn. The only possible way left us to recover it, 
is, to live within our income; to secure a balance 
of trade in our favor; and to urge the federal go- 
vernment to such general regulations, as shall se- 
cure us from the infamous vassalage into which we 
are hurrying. If three or four thousand pounds 
sterling worth of merchandise, (annually) which 
sum will include a great many luxuries, be suffi- 
cient foi* all our rational wants, when our exports 
greatly exceed that sum, and are aiinually increas- 
ing — is it not obvious to the meanest capacity, thai 
« large balance must yearly return to us in gold 
and silver.' which, in spite of all the paper-money 
casuists in the world, is the only wholesome politi. 
cal blood that can give union, health, and vigor] 
to the bc*Jy politic. 

Jif we do not Burtail our e.'jpenses, and export' 



m^re than we import, a general bankruptcy must 
be the inevitable consequence. 

Many people call for large emis-sions of paper 
money. Fcr what?— To shift the burdens, wbicii 
they have incurred by their avarice and folly, rroia 
themselves to t!)eir better, and more deserving, 
creditors, whose property they choose to hold fast. 
Can anything be more fraudulent or astonishing.' 
No, gentlemen: paper medium and sherifib' s.^le 
bills, are only temporary expedients, a repetition 
of which, in a very short time, would be insup> 
portable. They were intended, at a singular cri- 
sis, to open a ro treat even to the foolisii and ex- 
travagant, as well as the unfortunate debtor, by af- 
fording an opportunity to retrieve, but net to give 
impunity to the one, or a release to the other. The 
honest and Indus'.rious man will seize the opportu- 
nity to lay up against the day of account and pay- 
ment, while nothing will correct or reclaim the 
indolent and fraudulent knave. But, as I said, the 
period is at hand, when the punctual payment of 
taxes and debts must take place voluntarily; or the 
uninterrupted recovery of them, in^ithe courts of 
justice, be enforced. Palliatives are exhausted'. 
We must either relinquish government, resign our 
independence, and embrace a military master — 
or execute our laws by force of arm's, if no alterna* 
tive is left us. But, before we are compelled to re- 
sort to this disgraceful and painful ultimatum, let us 
all exert ourselves, and support each other, as free 
citizens, acknowledging no master but the laws, 
which we ourselves have made for oMr comaica 
good— obeying those, laws, and enforcing tbera, 
when and where we can. Let no man say, this or 
that is not my business. Whatever materially af- 
fects the honor and interest of the state, is every 
man's business; beeause he must, in common with 
all others, share the good or evil brought upon his 
country. The man who refuses or evades the pay- 
ment of taxes imposed by his immediete represen- 
tative, or excites or co-operates in the resistance 
of lawful authority, is the parricide of his countr_v, 
as well as the voluntary assassin of his own in- 
terest; since it is impossible he can be tranquil op 
happy, or enjoy t>is property in peace and security, 
while his country is convaised and distracted. 

As grand jurors, gentlemen, the laws have se- 
lected you, as their principal auxiliary and most 
responsible guardians. On you, then, it is pecu- 
liarly inciinibent to interest yourselves in the con- 
duct of all around you. You have the greatest 
property to lose: and your example, therefore, 
must be of the greatest weight. Investigate the 



406 



PRrNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



foVxre f your district: aT>d, wherever any person 1 thence clothed with the noblest of titles, with 



has .'\ccep''='d a o'lbl'c trust, ■'nd neglects or abuses 
it, dr sr him for'h, let his office, fortune, or cha 
racter be whit it may If keepers of ferries, high 
ways, or- bridges, do not discharge their duty — if 
the officers of justice violate the trust reposed in 
in thenn— you are bound, in duty to your country, 
to yoiirselves and to your children, as well as by 
the solemn oath you hav; just taken, to name them 
in your presentments, togiethsr with the names of 
such v/itnesses as can prove the charge. Even in 
your private capacity, as citizens, ta inform against 
and prosecute all such offenders, is highly me- 
ritorTCiis. The malevolence which may, for a 
time, be directed against an honest, spirited, and 
patriotic citizen, is like the harmless hissing of 
serpents, that cannot bite. He will soon triumph 
over their impotent clamour, and obtain the es- 
4eem and support of all good men. 

I have been actuated in the plain and pointed ob» 
servations you have just heard, by an ardent zesl 
for the honor and prosperity of my country. This 
is not a time to lessen or extenuate the terror, 
which the present dangerous crisis must inspire. 
To know our danger, to face it like men, and to 
triumph over it by constancy and courage, is a cha- 
racter this country once justly acquired. Is it to 
be sacrificed in the hour of peace, with every in- 
centive to preserve it? I repeat again, that, with- 
out a change of conduct, and an union of all the 
good men in the state, we are an undone peopU; 
the government will soon tumble about our heads, 
and become a prey to the first bold ruffian, who 
shall associate a few desperate adventurers, and 
seize upon it. 

I confesss the subject very deeply affects me. 1 
shall, therefore pursue it no farther. I do not, 
however, despair of the republic. There are ho- 
nest and independent men among us, to retrieve 
every thing, whatever may be opposed by the vi- 
cioMs and unprincipled, if they will but step forth, 
and act with union and vigor. If they will not, 
the miseries resulting to their country from the 
utter destruction of all public and private credit, 
a bankrupt treasury, and the triumph of all man- 
ner of fraud, rapine, and licentiousness, together 
with the scorn and derision of our enemies, if we 
should have any left, be on their heads! 

fioBToN, December 3, 1778. 
.J declaration, addressed, in the name af the king of 
France, to all the ancient French in J^orth Ame 
rica. f Translated from the French. J 



that which effaces all others; charged, in the name 
of the father of his country, and the beneficent 
protector of his subjects, to offer a support to those 
who were born to enjoy the blessings of his govern, 
ment — 

To all his countrymen in JVorth America. 
You were born French; you never could cease to 
be French. The late war, which was not declared 
but by the captivity of nearly all our seamen, and 
the principal advantages of which our common ene- 
mies entirely owed to the courage, the talents, 
and the numbers of the brave Americans, who are 
now fighting against them, has wrested from you 
that which is most dear to all men, even the namd 
of your country. To compel you to bear the arms 
of parricides against it, must be the completion 
of misfortunes: With this you are row threaten- 
ed: A new war may justly make you dread being 
obliged to submit to this most intolerable law of 
slavery. It has commenced like the last, by de- 
predations upon the most valuable part of our 
trade. Too long already have a great number of 
unfortunate Frenchmen been confined in Amerieaa 
prisons. You hear their groans. The present war 
was declared by a message in March last from the 
king of Great Britain to both bouses of parliaments 
a most authentic act of the British sovereignty, 
announcing to all orders of the state, that to trade 
(with America) though without excluding others 
from the same right, was to offend; that frankly to 
avow such intention, was to defy this sovereignty; 
that she would revenge it, and deferred this only 
to a more advantageous opportunity, when she 
might do it with more appearance of legality than 
in the last war: For she declared that she had 
the right, the will, and the ability to revenge; and 
accordingly she demanded of parliament the sup- 
plies. 

The calamities of war thus proclaimed, have 
been restrained and retarded as much as was possi- 
ble, by a monarch whose pacific and disinterested 
views now reclaim the marks of your former attach- 
ment, only for your own happiness. Constrained 
to repel force by force, and multiplied hostilities 
by reprisals which he has at last authorised, if 
necessity should carry his arms, or those of his 
allies, into a country always dear to him, you have 
not to fear either burnings or devastations: And 
if gratitude, if the view of a flag always revered 
by those who have followed it, should recall to the 
banners of France, or of the United States, the 
Indians who loved us, and have been loaded with 



The undersigned, authorised by his majesty, snd'preseots by him, whom they also Call their Fathers 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



iDf 



faz aaifa.::; 



ii€ver, no never shall they employ against you, body would be more considered, or have more 
their too cruel methods of war. These they mustlpower to do good than that of the priests, taking 
renounce, or they will cease to be our friends. « part in the government; since their respectable 



It is not by menaces that we shall endeavor to 
avoid combating with our countrymen; nor shall 
Wre weaken this declaration by invectives against 
a great and a brave nation, which we know how, 
to respect, and hope to vanquish. 

As a French gei^leman, I need not mention to 
those among you who were born such as well as 
myself, that there is but one august house in the 
oniverse, under which the French can be happy, 
and serve with pleasure; since its head, and those 
who are most nearly allied to him by blood, have 
been at all times, thro' a long line of monarchs, 
and are at this day more than ever delighted with 
bearing that very title which Henry IV. regarded 
as the first of his own. I shall not excite your 
regrets for those qualifications, those marks of 
distinction, those decorations, which, in our man- 
n«r of thinking, are precious treasures, but from 
which, by our common misfortnnes, the American 
French, who have known so well how to deserve 
them, are now precluded. These, 1 am bold to 
hope, and to promise, their zeal will very soon 
procure to be diflTused among them. They will 
merit them when they are to become the friends of 
cur allien. 

I shall not ask the military companions of the 
Marquis of Levi; those who shared his glory, 
who admired his talents and genius for war, who 
loved his cordiality and frankness, the principal 
characteristics of our nobility, whether there be 
other names in other nations among which they 
would be better pleased to place their own. 

Can the Canadians, who saw the brave Montcalm 
fall in their defence, can they become the enemies 
'of his nephews? Can they fight against their 
former leaders, and arm themselves against their 
kinsmen? At the bare mention of their names, the 
weapons would fall out of their hands. 

I shall not observe to the ministers of the altars, 
that their evangelic efforts will require the special 
protection of Providence, to prevent faith being 
diminished by example, by worldly interest, and 
by sovereigns whom force has imposed upon them, 
and whose political indulgence will be lessened 
proportionably as those sovereigns shall have less 
to feiir. I shall not observe, that it is necessary 
for religion that those who preach it should form 
a body in the state: and tliat in Canada no other 



conduct has merited the confidence of the people. 

I shall not represent to that people, nor to all 
my countrymen in general, that a vast monarchy, 
having the same religion, the same manners, the 
same language, where they find kinsmen, old 
friends and brethren, must be an inexhaustable 
source of commerce and wealth, more easily ac- 
quired, and belter secured, by their union, with 
powerful neighbors, than with strangers of another 
hemisphere, among whom every thing is different, 
and who, jealous and despotic sovereigns, would 
sooner or later treat them as a conquered people, 
and doubtless much worse than their late country, 
men, the Americans, who made them victorious. 
I shall not urge to a whole people, that to joiir 
with the United States, is to secure their owa 
happiness; since a whole people, when thoy acquire 
the right of thinking and acting for themselves, 
must know their own interest; But I will declare, 
and I now formally declare in the name of his ma- 
jesty, who has authorised and commanded me to 
do it, that all his former subjects in North Ame- 
rica, who shall no more acknowledge the supremacy 
of Great Britain, may depend upon his protection 
and support. 

Done on board his majesty's ship the Languft- 
doc, in the harbor of Boston, the 28th day 
of October, in the year 1778. 

ESTAING. 

FionEL BE GnAWDCLos, secretary, appointed by the 
king to the squadron commanded by the Couht 

D'ESTAIKO. 

Printed on board the Languedoc, by P. P. De.uauck, 
Printer to the king and the Squadron. 

TO THE ISHABITASTS OF TUB 03SITSD STATES OF AXE. 

nicA. 

Friends and countrymen— The present sitaatioB 
of public affairs demands your most serious atten- 
tion, and particularly the great and increasing 
depreciation of your currency requires the imme- 
diate, strenuous, and united efforts of all true 
friends to their country, for preventing an exten- 
sion of the mischiefs that have already flowed from 
that source. 

America, without arms, ammunition, discipline, 
revenue, government, or ally, almest totally stript 
of commerce, and in the weakness of youth; as it 
were, with a "staff and a sling," only dared, "in the 
name of the Lord of Hosts," to engage a gigantic 



408 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



adversary, prepared at all points, bcasting of his 
strength, and of whom even mighty warriors "were 
greatly afiaid." 

For defraying the expenses of this uncommon 
■war, your representatives in congress were obliged 
to emit paper money; an expedient lliat you knew 
to have been before generally and successfully 
practi-ied on this coutinent. 

They were very sensible of the inconveniences 
tviih which too frequent emissions would be attend- 
ed, and endeavored to avoid iliem. For this pur- 
pose they established loan-officts so early as in 
October 17T&, wi have, from that time to this, 
repeatedly and earnestly solicited you to lend 
them money on the faith of United States. The 
sums received on loan have nevertheless proved 
inadequate to the public exigencies. Our enemies 
prosecuting the war by sea and land with implaca- 
ble fury and with some success, taxation at home 
und borrowing abroad, in the midst of difficulties 
and dangers, were alike impracticable. Hence the 
continued necessity of new emissions. 

But to this cause alone we do not impute the 
evil before mentioned. We have too much reason 
to believe it has been in part owing to the artifices 
of men who have hastened to enrich themselves 
by monopolizing the necessaries of life, and to the 
misconduct of iaferior officers employed in the pub 
!ic service. 

The variety and importance of the business 
entrusted to your delegates, and their constant 
attendance in congress, necessarily disables them 
from investigating disorders of this kind. Justly 
apprehensive of them, they, by their several resolu- 
tions of the 22d of Nsvember, and 20th of Decem- 
ber, 1777, and of the 3d and 9lh of February, 1773, 
recommended to the legislative and executive 
powers of these states a due attention to these 
interesting affairs. How far those recommenda 
tions have been complied with we will not under- 
take to determine, but we hold ourselves bound 
in duty i@ you to declare, that we are not con- 
vinced there has been as much diligence used in 
detecting and reforming abuses as there has been 
in committing or complaining of them. 

With regard to monopolizers, it is our opinion, 
that taxes, judiciously laid on such articles as 
become the objects of engrossers, and those fre- 
quently collected, would operate against the per- 
nicious tendency of such practices. 



As to inferior officers employed in the public 
service, we awxiodslt desire to call your most 
vigilant attention to their conduct with respect 
to every species of misbehavior, whether proceed- 
ing from jgnorance, negligence or fraud, and to the 
making of laws for iriflicting exemplary punish- 
ments on all offenders of this kind. 

We are sorry to hear that som? persons are so 
slightly informed of their own interests, as to sup- 
pose that it ia advantageous to them to sell the 
produce of t^Tcir farms at enormous prices, when a 
liitle reflection might convince them that it is 
injurious to those inleres's and the generel wel* 
fare. If they expect thereby to purchase imported 
goods cheaper, they will be agregiously disappoint- 
ed; for the merchants, who know they cannot obtain 
returns in gold, silver, or bills of exchange, but 
that their vessels, if loaded here at all, must be 
loaded with produce, will raise the price of what 
they have to sell, in proportion to the price of 
what they have to buy, and consequently the land- 
holder can purchase no more foreign goods, for 
the same quantity of his produce, than he could 
before. 

The evil, however, does not stop at this point. 
The landholder, by acting on this mistaken calcula- 
tion, is only Liboring to accumulate an immense 
debt, by increasing the public expenses, for the 
payment of which his estate is engaged, and to 
embarrass every measure adopted for vindicating 
his liberty, and securing his prosperity. 

As the harvests of this year, which, by the Divine 
Goodne.ss, promise to be plentiful, will soon be 
gathered, and some new measures relating to your 
foreign concerns, with some arrangements relating 
to your domestic, are now under consideration, from 
which benefieial effects are expected, we entcrtaia 
hopes that your affairs will acquire a much greater 
degree of regularity and energy than they have 
hitherto had. 

But we should be highly criminal if we did not 
plainly tell you, that those hopes are not founded 
wholly upon our own proceedings. These must be 
supported by your virtue, your wisdom, and your 
diligence. Prom the advantage of those seats in the 
national council with which you have honored us, we 
have a pleasing prospect of many blessings approach- 
ing this our native land. It is your patriotism must 
introduce and fix them here. 

In vain will it be lor your delegates to form 
plans of economy; to strive to stop « continuation 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



409 



of emissions by taxation or loan, if you do not 
zealously co-operate with them in promoting their 
designs, and use your utmost indus'try to prevent 
the waste of money in the expenditure, which your 
respective situations, in the several places where 
it is expended, may enable you to do. A discharge 
of this duty, a compliance with recommendations 
for supplying money, might enable congress to 
give speedy assurances to the public that no more 
emissions shall take place, and iherebj close that 
source of depreciation. 

Your governments being now established, and 
your ability to contend with your invaders as- 
certained, we have, on the most mature delibera- 
tion, judged it indispensably necessary to call up- 
on you for forty-five millions of dollars, in addition [ 



To our constituents we submit the propri'ity 
;i'id purity of our intentions, \vr U kno-.v ing they 
will not forget, that we lay no burthens upon them, 
but those in which we participate wilu them — a 
happy sympathy, that pervades societies formed 
on the basis of equal liberty. Mmy cares, many 
labors, and may we not adfl, reproaches — are 
peculiar to us. These are the emohiments of our 
unsolicited statians; and with these we are content, 
if you approve our conduct. If you do not, v/e 
shall return to our private condition, with no o;her 
regret than that which will arise from our not 
having served you as acceptably and esssntiully as 
we wished and strove to do, though as cheerfully 
and faithfully as we could. 

Think not we despair of the commonwealth, or 



to the fifteen millions required by a resolution of Lnjeavor to shrink from opposing diOicuUies. Xo. 



congress, of the 2'1 of January last, to be paid into 
the continental treasury before the 1st day of Janu- 
ary next, in the same proportion, as to the quotas 
of the several states, with that for the said fifteen 
millions. 

It appeared proper to us to fix the first day of 
next January for the payment of the whole; but, 
as it is probable that some states, if not all, will 
raise part of the sums by instilments, or otherwise, 
before that time, we recommend in the strongest 
manner the paying as much as can be collected as 
soon as possible into the continental treasury. 

Though it is manifest that moderate taxation, 
in times of peace, will recover the credit of your 
currency, yet the encouragement which your ene- 
mies derive from its depreciation, and the present 
exigencies, demand great and speedy exertions. 

We are persuaded you will use all possible care 
to make the promotion of tlie general welfare 
interfere as little as may be with the ease and 
comfort of individuals; but though the raising 
these sums should press heavily on some of your 
constituents, yet the obligations we feel to your 



Your cause ia /^oo good, your objects too sacred, 
to be relinquished. AV^a tell you truths, because 
you are freemen who can bear to hear thsin, and 
may profit by them; and when they reacli your 
enemies, wc fear not tha consequences, because 
we are not ignorant of their resources or our own. 
Let your good sense decide upon t!ie comparison. 
Let even their prejudiced understandings decide 
upon it, and you need not be apprehensive of the 
determination. 

Whatever s.ipposed advantages from plans of 
rapine, projects of blood, or dreams of do nination, 
may heretofore have amused their inflamed fancies, 
the conduct of one monarch, the friend and pro- 
tector of the rights of mankind, hiis turned tha 
scale so much against them, that their visionary 
schemes vanish, as the unwholesome vapours of the 
night before the healthful influence of the sun. 

An alliance has been formed between Iiis most 
Christian majesty and these states, on the basis of 
the most perfect equality, for the direct end of 
maintaining effectually their liberty, sovereignty 
and independence, absolute and unlimite.I, as well 



venerable clergy, the truly helpless widows and ;„ mUters of govenimsnt as of commerce. The 
orphans, your most gallint, generous, meritorious L-onduct of our good and great ally towards us, in 



officers and soldiers, the public faith and the com 
mon weal, so irresistibly urge us to attempt the 
appreciation of your currency, that we cannot with 
hold obedience to those authoritative sensations 

On this subject we v/ill only add, that, as the 
rules of justice are most pleading to our infinitely 
good and gracious Creator, and an adherence to 
them most likely to obtain his favor, so they will 
ever be found to bs the best and safest maxims of, 
human policv. ' 
52! 



t'.is instance and others, has so fully manifested 
his sincerity and kindness, as to excite on our part 
correspondent sentiments of confidence and affec- 
tion. 

Observing the interests of his kingdom, to wliich 
duiy and inclination prompted his attention, to be 
connected with those of America, and the combjaa- 
tion of both clearly to coincide with the bensiicent 
designs of the Author of Nature, who, unqi!?sliona- 
b'y, intended men to partake of certain rif^hls and 



410 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIO^^, 



portions of happiness, his majesty perceived the 
attainment of these views to be fovmded on the 
single proposition of a separation between America 
and Great Britain. 

The resentment and confusion of your enemies, 
will point out to you the idess you s'lould entertain 
of the magnanimity and consummate wisdom of his 
most Christian majesty on this occasion. 

They perceive, that selecting this grand and just 
idea from all those specious ones that might !»ave 
confused or misled inferior judgment or virtue, and 
satisfied with the advantages whicii must result 
from that event alone, he has cer-Kented the har- 
mony between himself and these states, not only 
by establishing a reciprocity of benefits, but by 
eradicating every cause of jealousy ;md suspicion. 
They also perceive, with similar enfiotions, that the 
moderation of our ally, in not desiring an acquisi- 
tion of dominion on this continent, or an exclusicn 
of other nations from a share of its commercial 
advantages, so useful to them, has given no alarm 
to ihose nations, but, ia fact, has ij. r eiiestka them 
in the accomplishment of his generous undertak- 
ing, to dissolve the monopoly thereof by Great 
Britain, which has already contributed to elevate 
her to her present power and haughtiness, and 
threatened, if continued, to raise both to r height 
insupportable to the rest of Europe. 

In short, their own best informed statesmen and 
writers confess, that your cause is exceedingly 
favored by courts and people in that quarter of the 
world, while thet of your adversaries is equally 
reprobated; and from thence draw ominous and 
v/ell-grounded conclusions, that the final event 
must prove unfortunate to the latter. Indeed, we 
have the best reason to believe that we shall soon 
form other alliances, and on principles honorable 
and beneficial to these states. 

Infatuated as your enemies have been from the 
beginning of this contest, do you imagine they can 
now fiatier themselves with a hope of conquering 
you, unless you are false to yourselves? 

"When unprepared, undisciplined, and unsupport- 
ed, you opposed their fleets and armies in full 
conjoiRed force: then, if at any time, was conquest 
to be apprehended. Yet, what progrcbs towards 
it have their violent and incess-nt efforts made? 
Ju 'ge from their own conduct. Having devoted 
you to bondage, and, after vainly wasting theirl 
blood and treasure in the dishonorable enterprise,! 
theyd«igned, at length, to offer tems ofaccom-l 



modaiion, with respectful addresses, to that once 
despised body, the congress, vr'ioae humBle sup- 
plications, owtT for peace, liberty and safety, they 
had corstemptiiously rfjecied, under pretence of 
its being an unconstituiional assembly. Nay mere; 
desirous of sed\icing you into a deviation from the 
paths of rectitrtde, from which they had so far and 
so rashly wandered, they made most specious 
ofl'ers to tempj; you into a violation of your faith 

given to your illustrious ally. T eir arts were 

as unavailing as their arms. Foiled again, 

[and stung v/ith rage, embittered by envy, they 
had no alternative, but to renounce the inglorious 
and ruinous controversy, or to resume their former 
modes of prosecuting it. They chose the latter. 
Again the savages are stimulated to horrid massa- 
cres of women and children, and domestics to the 
murder of their masters. Agsin our brave and 
unhappy brethren are doomed to miserable deaths 
in gaols and prison-ships. To complete the 
sanguinary system, all the "extiiemities of war" 
are, by authority, denounced against you. 

Piously endeavor to derive this consolation from 
their remorseless fury, that "the Father of Mercies" 
looks down with disapprobation on such audacious 
defiances of his holy laws; and be further comforted 
with recollecting, that the arms assumed by you, 
in your righteous cause, have not been sullied by 
any unjustifiable severities. 

Your enemies, despairing however, as it seems, 
of the success of their united forces against our 
main army, have divided them, as if their design 
was to harass you by predatory, desultory opera- 
tions. If you are assiduous in improving opportuni- 
ties, Saratoga may not be the only spot on this 
continent to give a new denomination to the baiHed 
troops of a nation, impiously priding herself in no- 
tions of her omnipotence. 

Rouse yourselves, therefore, that this campaigti 
may finish the great work you have so nobly carried 
on for several years past. What nation ever 
engaged in such a contest under such a complica- 
tion of disadvantages; so soon surmounted many 
of them, and in so short a period of time had so 
certain a prospect of a speedy and happy con- 
clusion? We will venture to pronounce, that so 
remarkable an instance exists not in the annuls 
of mankind. We well remember what you said 
at the commencement of this war. You saw the 
immense difference between your circumstances 
and those of your enemies, and you knew the 
quarrel must decide on no less than your lives, 
Ubevties aad estRtes. All these you greatly put 



PRINCIPLE? AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTrON. 



411 



to every hazard, resolving rather to die freemen 
than to live slaves; and justice will oblige the 
impartial world to confess you have uniformly 
acted on the same generous principle. Considi^r 
how much you have done, how comparatively little 
remains to be done, to crown you with success. 
Persevere, and yoa ensure peace, freedom, safety, 
glory, sovereignty, ;ind felicity to yourselves, your 
children, and your childrens' children. 

Encouraged by favors already received from 
infinite goodness, gratefully acknowledging them, 
earnestly imploiir.g their continuance, constantly 
endeavoring to draw them down on your heads by 
»n amendment of your lives, and a conformity to the 
Divine Will, humbly confiding in the protection 
so often and wonderfully eitperienced, vigorously 
employ the means placed by Providence in your 
hands, for completing your labors. 

Fill up your battalions — be prepared in every 
part to repel the incursions of your enemies — place 
your several quotas in the continental treasury — 
lend money for public uses — sink the emissions 
of your respective states — provide effectually for 
expediting the conveyance of supplies fer your 
armies and fleets, and for your allies — prevent the 
produce of the country from being monopolized — 
effectually superintend the behavior of public offi- 
cers — diligently promote piety, virtue, brotherly 
love, learning, frugality, and moderation — and may 
you be approved before Almighty God worthy of 
those blessings we devoutly wish you to enjoy, 

Done in congress, by unanimous consent, this 
twenty -sixth day of May, one thousand seven 
hundred and seventy-nine. 

JOH^ J\Y, president. 

Attest. 

Ghabies Thomson, secretary. 

ANNAPOtTS, July 7, 1780. 

TO THE PEOPLE OF MAHTtAND. 

Friends and covntrymen/ A free people, from 
whom the trust and powers of government are 
delegated to a representative council, for the 
better management of the public interests, have 
a right to be informed at all times, but more 
especially in great emergencies, of the true situa- 
tion of their affairs. Duty, therefore, as well as 
inclination, prompts us to lay before you the 
exigencies and the danger of this, in common 
with our sister states; to disclose our wants, our 
resources, and the means of calling them forth in 
support of the justest cause and noblest ends a 
people can contend for. The enemy, convinced 



by fatal experience, that force and artifice alone 
will never subdue the stubborn spirit of liberty, 
have long depended on the failure of our oublic 
credit to accomplish their views of conquest: the 
rapid depreciation of our paper currency, princi- 
pally owing to the not imposing taxes in due time, 
as somewhat adequate to the public demands, 
and the abilities of the people to pay, had given 
foundation to the opinion, that these states, from 
the want of money to support the war, would at 
length give up the contest, and bend to the galling 
yoke of Britain. The event, however, we trust will 
discover this opinion to be as vain and delusiv«, 
as many others entertained by our inveterate foe. 
The congress has recommended to the states a 
plan for calling in their bills of credit, by taxes or 
otherwise, which has been adopted by this and 
several other of the states. Taxes, equally laid, • 
quickly collected, and faithfully applied, are neces- 
sary to give efficacy to the plan, and to restore, 
and when restored, to preserve public credit.—. 
Experience has taught us the necessity of taxation: 
a free people, seeing that necessity, and the im- 
portance of victory, on which their liberty depends, 
needs no exhortation to submit, even with cheer- 
fulness, to the heaviest taxes: reflect, that these 
will be but temporary, and the benefits result- 
ing from them most extensive and permaroent; if 
adequate and timely exertions are made, the war, 
probably, may be speedily ended, and will not leave 
us incumbered with a load of debt, under which »>■ 
the present and future generations must otherwise 
inevitably labor; by timely and due exertions we 
shall avoid the evils inseparable from a great na- 
tional debt. The taxes hitherto imposed cannot 
be complained of as very burthensome: our pre« 
sent debt, when compared with our probable 
resources in peace, is far from being alarming; a 
lingering war, however, besides consuming our 
inhabitants, wasting our resources, accumulating 
expense, will subject our country to the cruel and 
wanton devastations of an enemy, who never yet 
used even transient victories with moderationi 
What strong incentives to the most vigorous and 
spirited efforts are deducible from these reflec- 
tions! Rise then into action with that ardor which, 
despising, overcomes all difficulties, and which 
led you, destitute of money, of allies, of arms and 
soldiers, to encounter one of the most powerful 
nations in Europe. Single, and unsupported, raw 
and undisciplined, you baffled for three succesive 
years the repeated attacks of numerous and veteran 
bands. Shall we now, whea strengthened by a 
mighty alliance, droop and desert the field, to 



41£ 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



which honor, the stongest ties, the dearest interests 
of hi(7i.r!;\ point; to which victory itself invites 
us? A wa-like, potent, and magnanimous nation, 
has espoused our cause with all that warmth of 
friendship, and is determined to yield us power- 
ful aid, a respectable land and naval force may be 
daily expected on our coust from P'rance, ready to 
act under the orders of our patriotic general. How 
disgraceful would it be to this state, were it any 
Ways accessary in laying that great, and good man, 
under the humiliating necessity of avowing to our 
allies an inability to undertake any enterprise of con 
sequence against the common enemy; particularly, 
if that weakness should proceed, not from the real 
inability of tliis, and the other states, but from 
the supineness, or the want of spirit in their peo 
pk! We have hitherto done our duty, the gene- 
ral has acknowledged our exertions, and we entreat 
you, by all that is dear to freemen, not to forfeit 
the reputation you have so justly acquired; let us 
set an exa-nple of f jrtitude, perseverance and dis- 
interestelness: these virtues form the character of 
true republicans: beware, lest an iiordinate love 
of riches should mark too strongly ours-, remem- 
ber, t!iat you entered upon this war, not through 
choice, but necessity; not to acquu-e wealth, or 
power, but to preserve liberty and property: re- 
member, that your cause is righteovis, that you 
had not recourse to arms, until the bayonet ui)lifted 
to your breasts, a discretionary surrender of all that 
5s valuable to man, was demanded with menaces of 
hostile force, and with all the ipsolence of conscious 
power: remember too, that ^^ i >iave pledged to 
each othe.' jour lives, your fortunes, and your 
sacred honor, in defence of those rights, without 
the enjoyment of which, life is but misery, and go- 
vernment a curse. 

The general has called upon us to complete our 
battalions, and for a reinforcement of 2205 militia, 
to join him with all expedition. Considering the 
•approach of harvest, and attentive to your ease and 
convenience, we have offered to raise an additional 
battalion, in lieu of the militia, and we have the 
satisf>»ction to inform you, that the general has 
approved the offer, on condition that this battalion 
be ready at the place of rendezvous by the last 
of ibis month at farthest. By the law, printed for 
your information, and with which we intreat your 
ready compliance, you will perceive that we have 
held out the most libcril encouragment for re- 
cruits, upon principles of equality and justice. 
If, from negligence, indifference, or the dread of 
danger and fatigue, motives too degrading to be 
iroput<id to freemen, or from any other cause, this 



battalion should not be raised in time, we have 
directed the militia to be called out in classes, to 
supply the place of regular troops: your duty, 
your interest, and no doubt your inclination, will 
impel you to second the views of your representa- 
tives; without your co-operation, in vain may we 
make laws, or concert plans for the general cause; 
these must remain as dead letters, unless inspirit- 
ed by your zeal and activity. We have the honor 
to represent men who, sensible of the blessings of 
liberty, must know, that the continuance of them 
rests altogether on the successful issue of this war. 
You feel not, indeed, at present, those distresses, 
which our brethren, whose country is the imme- 
diate scene of action, are exposed to; their calami- 
ties, therefore, possibly may make a lighter im- 
pression on your minds. Contemplate, we beseech 
you, the ravages committed by the British forces on 
the plains of Jersey; behold the dwellings of the 
poor and I'ich in flames, or reduced to ashes; tlie 
fruits of a long and laborious industry swept in- 
stantly away as by a torrent; view the helpless 
infant, the aged parent, the tender virgin, victims 
to the savage fury, and unbridled lusts of an 
insolent soldiery; view these scenes of horror and 
dismay; rouse, avid revenge these wrongs, for these 
we too in our turn shall feel, if we refuse our aid 
to drive these spoilers and invaders from our land: 
emulate the conduct of the brave militia of our 
sister states; the proofs of courage and patriotism, 
which they have exhibited, you cannot but applaud, 
and therefore must wish to imitate, and, if possi- 
ble, surpass. 

The prize we are contending for is inestimable; 
the blood of tliose heroes, which has been shed 
in this just and glorious cause, the inviolable ties 
of plighted faith, the necessity of conquering, 
gratitude to our illustrious general, and to the 
brave men under his command, all, conspiring, call 
aloud for our redoubled efforts. Our army is 
weak, and reinforced it must be, to act on the 
defensive, or offensively, as circumstances may 
require; reinforcements, proportionable to those 
demanded from this, are to be furnished by the 
other stales. The fall of Charlestown, and the 
distress of our brave friends in that quarter, have 
infused fresh vigour into the councils of America; 
let us, like the Romans of old, draw new resources 
and an increase of courage, even fi-om defeats, and 
manifest to the world, that we are then most to be 
dreaded, when most depressed. 

By order of the general assembly, 

DAN. of St. TIIO. JENIl'ER, I'rcs. SCH. 

JOSIAS BEALL, Spr. Ho. J)^l. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



4IS 



COMMODORE TUCKEH. 

From the Eastern Argus, published at Portland, 
Maine, of Dec. 12, 1820. 
It is with great satisfaction that we have it in 
our power to state, that the venerable commodore 
Tucker has been appointed, by the unanimous 
votes of the elec'oral college of this state, a spe- 
cial messenger to carry the votes for president and 
\ice president to the seat of government. And a 
gratifying event it must be to this war-worn vete- 
ran, now in the seventy-fourth year of his age, to 
be the bearer of the unfaought suffrages of a free 
people for another revolutionary worthy to fill the 
bighest office ia their gift. Connmodore Tucker 
was among the most distinguished naval comman- 
ders in the war of the revolutioa. Though it is not 
our intention, at this time, to give an outline of the 
interesting adventures of this officer through our 
eight years struggle for independence, it may not 
be unacceptable to our readers to be reminded of 
some of the important benefits which our country 
derived from his skill and courage in the time of j 
her greatest need. We are apt, in the unbroken 
flow of prosperity, to forget the merits and achieve- 
ments of those to whom we are indebted for it. 

In March, 1776, after the British army had been 
driven from Boston in shameful flight, and were 
lying with the fleet at Long Island point, a trans- 
port, loaded with powder, for the use of the troops, 
Vas captared by a vessel under the orders of com- 
modore Tucker, and commanded by one of his of- 
ficers, just before she arrived within the protection 
of the British guns. The merits of the arrange- 
ments for the capture belonged to the commodore, 
and he received, if we are not mistaken, the thanks 
of general Washington. Though Boston was then 
evacuated, it will be recollected by those who are 
conversant wiih that period of our history, that the 
enemy had been driven from his post by a band of 
freemen, armed only with fowling pieces, and iviih- 
out po-wder or ball. The ammunition at the dispo- 
sal of the American commander at one time, was 
not more than sufficient to furnish his army with 
more than four or five rounds to eacii man. The 
capture of this vessel, though not an event calcu- 
lated to attract attention by the dazzling lustre 
of military glory, was, in fact, one of the most im- 
portant naval occurrences of the war. 

Another event, of superior interest, and which 
displayed the gallantry of the commodore in a 
stronger light, was the preservation of the Eustatia 
fleet in 1779. The American agents had contract- 
ed in Holland for a large <juamity of clolUing for 



the army. It was deposited by the Dutch ni^r 
cliants in Eustatia, and put on board a fleet of mer- 
chantmen to be transported to our ports. Com- 
modore Tucker was ordered to sail with the lios- 
ton frigate and Covfederacy, to meet this fleet f<iid 
convoy it safe, at all events, into port. The salva- 
tion of the army and of the country, depended on 
the safe arrival of these supplies, the soldiers be- 
ing not only without pay, but destitute of cloth- 
ing, and, as soldiers always will be in such cases, 
irritated, refractory, and mutinous. The moment 
of the commodore's meeting this fleet was most 
critical. Two British frigates were then in the 
pursuit, and were now within gun-shot of the hind- 
ermost vessels, when two strange sail were seen 
bearing down upon them directly ahead. A sig- 
nal was made for the fleet to disperse, and soon 
after, Tucker having come within hailing distance 
of one of the foremost vessels, discovered that it 
was the fleet of which he was in the pursuit. He 
instantly made a signal for the Confederacy to bear 
down upon and attack the windward sail, while he 
wore ship and prepared to engage the vessels at 
the leeward. The enemy, however, though supe- 
rior in force, declined meeting him. He fled to 
New- York, where the commander, after a sham 
trial, was acquitted on tlie excuse that his crew 
was mutinous; and the American commodore led 
his fleet in triumph into the hirbor of Philadel- 
phia, without the loss of a ship. The safe arrival 
of this fleet was a most important event to the 
country. 

Soon after, the British commander fitted oat a 
vessel for the express purpose of cruising for Tuck- 
er, and bringing the rel?el into the harbor of New- 
York. His ship was again somewhat superior to 
the Boston, and manned with fifty chosen men, in 
addition to the usual crew. He soon had the good 
or ill fortune to meet with Tucker. Such was the 
skill and adroitness with which the American com- 
mander mancEUvred, that he brought his ship with- 
in half pistol shot under the quarters of the British 
vessel, before the captain discovered that it wa.s 
an enemy, the commodore having Englisli colors 
flying. He then sent up the stars and stripes, and 
summoned the enemy to surrender. Sucli was the 
commanding position tiiat the American frigate 
had obtained, that the British capl&in thouglit it 
prudent to surrender before a gun was fired ou 
either side. 

Commodore Tucker's enterprise and naval ta- 
lents were in constant requisition, and he was in 
active service during the whole war. lie took from 



414 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



the enemy seventy five prizes, and more than six 
auMDRED ANB FiFTT mountcd cannoii, a greatei* 
number, we believe, than was captured by any other 
naval commander. 

(Tj" When the venerable patriot arrived at Wash- 
ington with the electoral votes, it was contemplat- 
ed to pass a reaolui'ion to admit him within the bar 
of the bouse of representatives. But it is a stand- 
ing rule of the house, that all persons to whom a 
vote of thanks has been passed, may use that pri- 
vilege, and it was found that commodore Tucker 
might claim it from a vote of the old congress— 
and the house had too much sensibility on the sub- 
ject, in any manner to depreciate so hoaorable a 
claim, by acting on the case, except to permit him 
to take a seat as z matter of right. 

His presence at Washington gave rise to a pub- 
lication of the following correspondence — 

QuiMCT, January 18, 1816. 

Sia— Samuel Tucker, esq. a member of our Mas- 
Bachusetts legislature, has a petition to govern- 
rnent,for justice or customary favor to meritorious 
officers, which will be explained before the proper 
judges. I cannot refuse his request to certify what 
I know of his character and history. My acquain- 
tance with him commenced early in the year 1776, 
when he was first appointed to a command in the 
navy, in which he served with reputation and with- 
out reproach, to the end of the year 1783. 

His biographhy would make a conspicuous figure 
even at this day, in the naval annals of the United 
States. I can be particular only in one instance. 
In 1778, he was ordered to France in the Boston 
frigate. He sailed in February, and scon fell in 
with three British frigates, sent from Rhode Island 
expressly to intercept him. I'igbting of one against 
three was out of the question. In a chase of three 
days and three nights, he baffled all the inventions, 
and defeated all the manceuvres of the enemy, and 
was separated from him, at last, in the Gulph 
Stream by a furious hurricane, which, for three days 
more, threatened him with immediate destruction. 
Uor was this his last danger from seas or from ene- 
mies. He had two other Btorms, and two other 
detachments of British men of war to encounter; 
one in the English channel, and another in the Bay 
ef Biscay. He arrived in Bordeaux in April. 

Nothing but vigilance, patience, and persever- 
ance, added to consummate nautical skill, could 
have preserved that ship through so many dangers 
at that equinoxial season, and such a succession of 
irresistible enemies. 



I heartily wish captain Tucker success; and beg 
the favor of you, sir, to communicate to any com- 
mittee, who may b« charged with the cxaminaiion 
of his application, this letter from your friend and 
humble servant, 

JOHN ADAMS. 
Hon. Mr. Crowriinshieul, 

Secretary of the navy of t fie U. S. 

The foregoing is a true copy of the original now 
in my possession. 

MARK L. HILL. 

Connected with this letter is an anecdote of the 
now venerable writer, which we do not recollect 
to have before seen in print. From the unafl'ected 
simplicity with which the letter is written, it would 
not appear that Mr. Adams was on board the ves- 
sel commanded by captain Tucker, in the cruise ©f 
which he speaks; but this was the fact. Captain 
Tucker then commanded the Boston frigate, and 
was charged with the important duly, at that diffi- 
cult time, of carrying Mr. Adams out as ambassa- 
dor to France. About fifteen days befare their ar- 
rival at Bordeaux, there hove in sight a large Eng- 
lish ship, showing a tier of guns. Turker imme- 
diately held a conversation with Mr. Adams, assur- 
ed him he could take her, and wished to obtain bias 
consent to run down for her; this was grarted.— 
The Boston bore down: Mr. Adams being a non- 
cornbatant, was desired to retire into the cock pit, 
below water. He descended, at this request, into 
the cabin. Tucker returned immediately to his 
duty, and in fifteen minutes the Boston was within 
hail of the En»jlish ship, which proved to be the 
Martha, and had been lying too to meet her ene- 
my. Upon Tucker's hailing the British ship, she 
answered by a broadside, which shot away a piece 
of the mizen yard of the Boston, which fell upon 
Tucker's shoulder, and brought him flat on the 
deck. This, for a moment, prevented the order to 
return the fire; but as he leaped from the deck and 
gained his legs, he found the colors of the Martha 
hauled down; and looking forward, observed Mr. 
.9dains among the marines, -with a mnsket in his bandf 
having privately applied to the officer of the marine* 
for a gun, and taken his station among them. At 
this sight, captain Tucker became alarmed; for he 
was responsible for the safety of Mr. Adams; and 
walking up to the ambassador, desired to know 
how he came there' upon which the other smiled-, 
gave up his gun, and went immediately below. 

COMMODORE BARNEY. 
By a misprint, we presume, the late commodore 

liarnj was said to have captured the British ship 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



415 



"General Monk," in 1782. The error brought 
forth, in the Washington City Gazette, of June 
— , 1820, the following explanation and remarks, 
in a letter addressed to the editor: 

I have observed in your Gazette, taken from a 
Philadelphia paper, an account of a gallant action 
performed by the late commodore Barney, during 
the revolutionary war. I allude to the action be- 
tween the American vessel Hyder Ally, captain 
Barney, and his Britannic Majesty's sloop of war 
General Monk, captain Rogers, in 1782. — "Honor 
to the brave." My anly object in addressing you j 
this letter, is to correct an error as to the narae of 
the commander of the Hyder Ally. It was not 
captain Barry, as is erroneously stated in the pa 
pers. It was the late commodore Barney who com- 
manded the Hyder Ally; the same who received a 
severe wound at the battle of Bladensfaurg, and 
who lately died at Pittsburg, in Pennsylvania. I 
was then in Philadelphia, quite a lad, when the ac- 
tion took place. Both ships arrived at the lower 
part of the city with a leading wind, immediately 
after the action, bringing with them all their killed 
and wounded. Attracted to the wharf by the sa- 
lute which the Hyder Ally fired, of thirteen guns, 
%vhich was then the custom, (one for each state) I 
saw the two ships lyiiig in the stream, anchored 
near each other. In a short time, however, they 
warped into the wharf to land their killed and 
wounded, and curiosity induced me, as well as ma- 
ny others, to go on board each vessel. The Hyder 
Ally was, as stated, a small ship of 16 six pound- 
ers. The Monk, a king's ship of large dimensions, 
of 18 nine pounders. The difference in the size 
and equipments of the two ships was matter of as- 
tonishment to all the beholders. The Gen. Monk's 
decks were, in every direction, besmeared with 
blootl, covered with the dead .ind wounded, and 
res(=mbled a charnel house. Several of her bow 



tunate— when we were about te engage, it was the 
opinion of myself, as well as my crew, that sh© 
would have blown us to atoms; but we were deter- 
mined she should gain her victory dearly. One of 
the wounded British sailors observed— "Yes, sir, 
captain Rogers observed to our crew, a little be- 
fore the action commenced, «Now, ray boys, we 
shall have the Yankee ship in five minutes;* and so 
we all thought, but here we are."— You will find, by 
a recurrence to the journals of the old congress, 
that a sword was voted to captain Joshua Barney^ 
for the gallantry displayed in the action -zUth his Sri- 
tannic Majesty^s ship General Monk. 

I can readily account why the name of captain 
Barry should have been inserted instead of captain 
Barney.— Capt. Barry, about the same time, com- 
manded a brig of 16 six poanders, called the Hi- 
bernia, and was fortunate in capturing several Bri- 
tish ariped vessels. He afterwards commanded the 
frigate United States, now in our service, and then 
on the West India station, and was very successful 
during our short war with the French republic. — 
He died m Philadelphia in 1803. I feel the more 
disposed to set this matter right, as commodore 
Barney was an intimate friend of mine. If you think 
these items of information worthy of insertion in 
your Gazette, they are at your service. 

I am, respectfully, yours, &c. Co. 

WILLIAM ELLERY, 

ONB op THE SIGNERS OF THE SSCIABATIOIT OF IHDE- 
PERDEWCE, 

Extract of a letter, dated J^eivport, R. I. March 14, 
1820. 
"Old Mr. Ellery died like a philosopher. In 
truth, death, in its common form, never came near 
him. His strength wasted gradually for the last 
year, until he had not enough left to draw in his 



„„,.„ . .„ „ 1 w J • , I • J c breath, and so he ceased to breathe. The day on 

ports were knocked into one — a piam evidence of ' ■' 



the well directed fire of the Hyder Ally. She was 
a kind's ship, a very superior vessel, a fast sailer, 
and coppered to the bends. 1 was on board durinj; 
the lime they carried on sluvre the killed and 
wounded, which they did in hammocks. 

I Was present at a conversation which took place 
on the quarter deck of the General Monk, between 
capUm Barney and several r lerchants in Philadel 
phia. I remember one of tliem observing, "why, 
capcain Barney, you have been truly fortunate in 
cap luring this vessel, considering she is so far su- 
perior to you in point of si/:e, j,uns, men and me- 



which he died he got up as usual and dressed 
himself, took his old flag bottomed chair, without 
arms, in which he bad sat for more than half a 
century, and was reading Tully's Offices, in the 
Latin, without glasses, though the print was as fine 
as that of the smallest pocket bible. Dr. W. 
stopped in on his way to the hospital, as he usually 
did; and, on perceiving the old gentleman could 
scarcely raise his eyelids to look at him, took his 
hand, and found that his pulse was gone. After 
drinking a little wine and water, Dr. W. told him 
his pulse beat stronger. "O yes, doctor, I have a 
charming pulse." But, he continued, "it is idle to 



tal=" Yes sir, he replied, I do consider myself for- ' talk to me in this v/ay. I am going off the stage 



416 



PIIINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



of life, and it is a great blessing that I go free 
from sickness, pain and sorrow." Some time after, 
his daughter, finding him become extremely weak, 
v/ished him to be put to bed, which he at first 
objected to, saying he felt no pain, and there was 
no occasion for his going to bed. Presently after, 
however, fearing he might possibly fall out of his 
thair, he told them they might get him upright 
in the bed, so that he could continue to read. 
They did so, and he continued reading Cicero very 
quietly for some time; presently they looked at him 
and found him dead, sitting in the same posture, 
with the book under his chin, as a man who become 
drowsy and goes to sleep." 

GENERAL CROPPER. 

Died — At his seat on Rowman's Folly, at sixteen 
miii'jles past two o'clock on the morning of Mon- 
day, 15th of January, 1821, general John Cropper, 
in the 66tb year of his age, after an illness of eleven 
days. He embarked early in the cause of his coun- 
try, and was chosen a captain in the 9th Virginia 
regiment en continental establishment, when only 
rineteen or twenty years of age, and marched in 
December, 1776, to the north to join the army un- 
der the command of the illustrious Washington. 
Genen-il Cropper was promoted from a ci.ptaincy 
in the 9th Virginia regiment to a major in the 5ib 
Virginia regiment. Gen C. was at the battle ofi 
Brandywine, when the 5th Virginia regiment was 
nearly cut to pieces, and from which, during the 
action, his colonel and lieutenant colonel both 
ranaway. Gen. C. then retreated with the remain 
der of the regiment, and lay concealed in some 
bushes on the battle ground, until near day-break 
of the same night of the engagement — between 
mid-night and day-break, he stole off and marched 
lo Chester, with a red handkerchief lashed to a 
ramrod for colors. On Chester Bridge, general C. 
was met by the illustrious George Wusldngton and 
general Woodford. The latter alighted from his 
horse, embraced gen. Cropper, and pressed him 
to his bosom and said, "He whom we thought was 
lost, is found." — Gen. C. was then promoted to a 
lieutenant colonel m the 7th Virginia regiment, 
and was at the battles of Germantown and Mon- 
mouth Courthouse. From the 7>h Virginia regi- 
xnent he was promoted to the command of me 
eleventh Virginia regiment, by the Marquis Dt La 
Fayette, which regiment he commanded until his 
return to Virginia, on the 30th of November, 1782. 
Tbe day on which the preliminary articles of peace 
were signed at Paris, gen. Cropper was engaged 
with com. Whaley, in the barge Victory, in the 1 



C :es<pi^ake Bi^y, against five B. itisli barj^fs, under 
the command of com. Perry. At the commence- 
ment of this engagement, there were attached to 
com. Whaley's squadron three other American 
barges, all of which ran off as soon as the engage- 
ment commenced, and left com. Whaley alone to 
contend with five British barges, full manned. — 
Com. W. had on board his barge 69 men, princi- 
pally citizens of the counties of Accon?ack and 
Northampton. About the middle of the engage^ 
ment, coin. V/'s magazine took fire, at which time 
several of his men were overboard hanging by the 
rigging— 29 men out of 69 were killed on board 
com. W's barge, together with the commodore 
himself. In this engagement, general Cropper had 
to contend with two white men and one negro, all 
armed with cutlasses and boarding pikes, and de- 
fended himself with a musket and bayonet. — One 
of the general's antagonists struck him with a 
cutlass on the head, which nearly brought him 
down. In the middle of this individual conflict, 
the negro discovering his young master to be the 
person with whom he and the two white men were 
engaged, cried out, "Save him— he* is my young 
master!" — Gen. Cropper afterwards set this faith- 
ful man free, and settled him in the city of Balti- 
more. — General John Cropper was in the service of 
his beloved country about 45 years. Those who 
were acquainted with him, know how he discharg- 
ed his duty in every station in which he was placed. 
Gen. C. retained to the last hourof his life the venera- 
tion and love he bore for the illustrious Washing' 
ton, the saviour of his country. He tried to imitate 
him in his conduct as a soldier and citizen. The 
deeds of this great, good, and illustrious Ameri- 
can was the theme of general Cropper at all 
times. He could not bear to hear the least whisper 
derogatory to the character of the best of men — 
and more than once has gen. Cropper been per- 
sonally engaged to defend his fame. Gen. C. had 
tiie honor to die possessed with a written document, 
from the pen of this illustrious personage, which 
evidenced the high opinion he entertained of the 
worth of the deceased as an officer. This docu- 
ment was treasured «p as a miser would treasure 
iiis gold, and but few persons were permitted to 
read it, or hear it read. It was the more highly 
prized, because this illustrious general and states- 
man was cautious in discovering his opinions, er 
shewi; g his attachment toindividHais — Gen. Crop- 
per was the soldier's friend. — The deceased has 
left a widow and seven children, and ten grand 
ciiildren, to deplore his loss. The writer of this 
is one who was well acquainted with the deceasc(?. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



417 



FEMALE PENSIONER. 
From the Dedham fjMass.J Register of Dec. 1820. 
We were much gratified to learn that during 
the sitting of the court in this town the past week, 
Mrs. Gannett, of S;.aron, in this county, presented 
for renewal, her claims for services rendered her 
country as a soldier in the revolutionary army. The 
following brief sketch, it is presumed, will not be 
uninteresting. This extraordinary woman is now 
in the 62d year of her age; she possesses a clear 
understanding, and a general knowledge of passing* 
events; fluent in speech, and delivers her senti- 
ments in correct language, with deliberate and 
measured accent; easy in her deportment, affable 
in her manners, robust and masculine in her ap- 
pearance. She was about eighteen years of age, 
when our revolutionary struggle commenced. The 
patriotic sentimeiUs which inspired the heroes of 
those days and urged them to battle, found their 
way to a female bosom. Tlie news of the carnage 
which had taken place on the plains of Lexington 
had reached her dwelling — the sound of the can- 
non at the battle of Bunker Hill, had vibrated on 
her ears; yet instead of diminishing her ardor, it 
only served to increase her enthusiasm in the 
sacred cause of liberty, in which cause she beheld 
her country engaged. She privately quitted her 
peaceful home and the habiliments of her sex, and 
appeared at the head quarters of the American 
army as a young man, anxious to join his efforts 
to those of his countrymen, in their endeavors to 
oppose the inroads and encroachments of the com- 
mon enemy. She was received and enrolled in the 
army by the name of Robert Sliurtliffe. For the 
space of three years she performed the duties and 
endured the hardships and fatigues of a soldier; 
during which time, she gained the confidence of 
her officers by her expermess and precision in the 
manual exercise, and by her exemplary conduct. 
She was a volunteer in several hazardous enter- 
prises, and was twice wounded by musket balls. 
So well did she contrive to conceal her sex, that 
her companions in arms had not the least suspicion 
that the "blooming soldier" fighting by their side;* 
was a female; till, at length, a severe wound, which 
she received in battle, and which had well nig!. 
closed her earthly campaign, occasioned vhe dis- 
covery. On her recovery she quitted the army and 
became intimate in the families of gen. Washing- 
ton, and other disiinguished officers of ihe revolu- 
tion. A few years afterwards she was married to 
her present husband, and is now the mother q\ 
several children. Qi these facts there can be no 

' 53. 



doubt. There are many living witnesses i ; this 
county, who recognized her on her appearance at 
the court, and were ready to attest to her services. 
We often hear of such heroines in other countries, 
but this IS an instance in our own country and witU< 
in the circle of our acquaintance. 

TBEASOW. 

An ordinnnce of the slate of Pennsy'vania, declaring 
■what shall be treason, and for punimi'ig the same^ 
and other crimes and practices against the state. 

Whereas, government ought at all times, to take 
the most eftectual measures for the safety and se- 
curity of the state. Be it therefore ordained and 
declared, and it is hereby ordained and declared, 
by the representatives of the freemen of tiie state 
of Pennsylvania, in general convention met. That 
all and every person and persons, (except prison- 
ers of war) now inhabiting or residing within the 
limits of the state of Pennsylvania, or that shall 
voluntarily come into the same hereafter, to inha- 
bit or sojourn, do, and shall owe and pay allegiance 
to the state of Pennsylvania. 

And be it further ordained, by the authority 
aforesaid. That all and every such person and per- 
sons, so owing allegiance to the state of Pennsyl- 
vania, who, from and after the publication hereof, 
shall levy war against this state, or be adherent to 
the king of Great Britain, or others 

or to the enemies 
of the United States of America, by giving him or 
them aid or assistance within the^ limits of this 
state, or elsewhere, and shall be thereof duly con- 
victed in any court of oyer and terminer liereafter 
to be erected, according to law, shall be adjuged 
guilty of high treason, and forfeit his lands, tene- 
ments, goods and chatties, to the use of the state, 
and be imprisoned any term not exceeding the du- 
ration of the present war with Great Britain, at 
the discretion of the judge or judges. 

And be it farther ordained and declared, by the 
authority aforesaid. That any person or persons 
(except as before excepted) residing, inhabiting, 
or soiourning in this state, who shall hereafter 
kao V of such treason, and conceal the same, or 
tiiat shall receive or assist such traitor, knowing 
him to be such, and shall be thereof dtjly convict- 
ed, as aforesaid, sh^U be adjudged guilty of mis- 
prison of treason, and suffer the forfeiture of one 
third of his goods and chattels, lajids and tene- 
ments, to the use of the state, and be imprisoned 
any term not exceeding the duration of the pre* 



41B 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



sent war wilh Great Britain, at the discretion of 
the judge or judges. 

And be it Rirther ordained and declared. That 

in all convictions for high treason, the judge or 

judges, before whom the trial is had, may, out of 

the estate forfeited by virtue of this act, mhke . • .u u • i i 

■^ , . , -r ^ easy to allay a storm in the ocean, by a single wore, 

such provision fov the wife or children, if any, of ua ,u r ■ •. r a ■ -^u > 

^ - , • J as to subdue the free spirit of Amerrcans, without 

the criminal, as he or they, in his or their discre- ^ , . . 

lue criiimiai, <»» >^ }, a total redress of their grievances. May a spu-it 

tion may e y. i ^ wisdi)m descend at last upon our ministry, and 

And be it farther ordained and declared. That rescue the British empire from destruction! We 



province of Pennsylvania will follow their example 
in a few weeks. Our militia will amount to not 
less than 60,000 men. Nothing but a total repeal 
of the acts of parliament of which we complain, 
can prevent a civil war in America. Our opposi- 
tion has now risen to dc sparation. It would be as 



this ordinance shall be in force, till the end of the 
first session of the first assembly that shall meet 
under the new constitution of this state, and no 
longer. 

Passed in convention, September 5, 1776, and 
signed by their order. 

B. FRANKLIN, President, 

ATTEST. 

JOHN MORRIS, Jun. Sec. 



MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES. 

FROM VARIOUS SOURCES. 

PuiLAUBLPHiA, Dec. 24, 1774. 
The following letters from agentlensan in Ame- 
rica, to a member of the British parliament, may 
be depended upon as authentic: 

"The proclamation forbidding the exportation 
of gunpowder and fire arms to America, seems in- 
tended to take away from the colonies the power 
of defending themselves by force. I think it my 
duty to inform you, that the said proclamation will 
be rendered ineffectual by a manufactory of gun- 
powder, which has lately been set on foot in this 
province, the materials of which may be procured 
in great perfection among ourselves, and at an 
easier rate than they can be imported from Great 
Britain. There are moreover gun-smiths enough 
in this province, to make one hundred thousand 
stand of arms in one year, at 28 s. sterling a-piece, 
if they should be wanted. It may not be amiss to 
make this intelligence as public as possible, that 
oar rulers may see the impossibility of enforcing 
the late acts of parliament by arms. Such is the 
wonderful martial spirit which is enkindled among 
us, that we begin to think the whole force of Bri- 
tain could not subdue us. We trust no less to the 
natural advantages of our country than to our num- 
bers, and military preparations, in the confidence 
and security of which we boast. The four New 
England colonies, together with Virginia and Mary 



tremble at the thoughts of a separation from Great 
Britain. All our glory and happiness have been 
derived from you. But we are in danger of being 
shipwrecked upon your rocks. To avoid these, 
we are willing to be tossed, without a compass or 
guide, for a while, upon an ocean of blood. "Wish- 
ing you success in your disinterested labours to 
promote the happiness of this country, I am, sir, 
with much esteem for your firmness, your most 
obedient humble servant." 

[.^/mo7j's Remembrancer. 



January 21, 1775. 
A letter from a gentleman in the province ofAIassa- 
chusetts, to his friend in London. 
"You have, no doubt, long before this time, heard 
the particulars of the general congress, and that 
the court and the couiitry have digested their 
thoughts upon them, if not adopted their conse- 
quent plans of conduct. God grant that the nation 
and parliament may think favorably of them, and 
grant the prayer of our petition to the king. — 
Britain and America are made to be friends; and 
it is the most unnatural, detestable quarrel be- . 
tween them that ever happened in the world. ■ 
Britons and Americans may write or say what they 
will, but this quarrel never will, and never can be 
made up, but by restoring us to the state we were 
in, in 1763. It is as certain as that London or Bostoa 
exist, that no other plan or scheme of policy that 
ever can be invented, will keep the two countries 
together, but that which nature dictated, and which 
experience found useful for 150 years. It is in 
vain, it is delirium, it is frenzy to think of dragoon- 
ing three millions of English people out of their 
liberties, at the distance of 3000 miles. It is still 
more extravagantly wild for a nation to think of 
doing it, when itself is sinking down into a bot- 
tomless gulph of debt, in order to make the con- 
quered lift her out of it. • 

"The congress have drawn a line by the banks 



Itiud, are completely armed and diicipiined. Thej oi'the ocean. They have claimed their ownexclu- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTfOK. 



419 



sive jurisdiction in all interior concerns, and in all | "There is a spirit prevailing here, such as I ne- 
cases of taxation. They have left to Great Britain ver saw before, I remember the conquest of Lou- 
the exclusive sovereignty of the ocean, and over igburg in 1745; I remember the spirit here when 



their trade. They have placed both upon consti- 
tutional principles; and if Britons are not content 
with all we have but our liberty, we say as the cor- 
poration of London said to the king in 1770, "We 
•all God and men to witness, that as we do not 
owe our liberty to those nice and subtle distinc- 
tions which pensions and lucrative employments 
have invented, so neither will we be deprived of it 
by them; but as it was gained by the stern virtue 
of our ancestors, by the virtue of their descendants 
it shall be preserved." 

"The congress consisted of the representatives 
of twelve colonies. Three millions of free white 
people were there represented. Many of the mem- 
bers were gentlemen of ample fortunes and emi- 
nent abilities. Neither corruption nor intrigue had 
any share, ( believe, in their elections to this ser- 
vice, and in their proceedings you may see the 
sense, the temper and principles of America, and 
which she will support and defend, even by force 
of arms, if no other means will do. 

"The state of this province is a great curiosity: 
I wish the pen of some able historian may trans- 
mit it to posterity. Four hundred thousand peo- 
ple are in a state of nature, and yet as still and 
peaceable at present as ever they were when gov- 
ernment was in full vigor. We have neither legis- 
lators nor magistrates, nor executive officers. We 
have no officers but military ones. Of these, we 
have a multitude, chosen by the people, and exer- 
cising them with more authority and spirit than 
ever any did who had cocamissions from a gov- 
ernor, 

"The town of Boston is a spectacle worthy of 
the attention of a deity, suffering amazing distress, 
yet determined to endure as much as human na- 
ture can, rather than betray America and posterity. 
General Gage's army. is sickly, and extremely ad- 
dicted to desertion. What would they be, if things 
were brought to extremities.' Do you think such 
an army would march through our woods and thick- 
ets, and country villages, to cut the throats of hon- 
est people contending for liberty.' 

"The neighboring colonies of New-Hampshire, 
Rhode Island, and Connecticut, are arming and 
training themselves with great spirit, and if they 
must be driven to the last appeal, devoutly pray- 
ing for the protection of heaven. 



the duke d'Anville's squadron was upon this coast, 
when forty thousand men marched down to Bos- 
ton, and were mustered and numbered upon the 
common, complete in arms, from this province on- 
ly in three weeks; but I remember nothing like 
what I have seen these six months past." 

[Mnon's Remembrancer. 

Anecdote of general Putnam. — During the late 
war, when general Amherst was marching across 
the country to Canada, the army coming to one of 
the lakes, which they were obliged to pass, found 
the French had an armed vessel of twelve guns 
upon it. He was in great distress; his boats were 
no match for her; and she alone was capable of 
sinking his whole army in that situation. While 
he was pondering what should be done, Putnam 
comes to him, and says, "general, that ship must be 
taken." Aye, says Amherst, I would give the world 
she was taken. "I'll take her," says Putnam.— 
Amherst smiled, and asked how? "Give me some 
wedges, a beetle, (a large wooden hammer, or 
maul, used for driving wedges) and a few men of 
my own choice." Amherst could not conceive how 
an armed vessel was to be taken by four or five 
men, a beetle, and wedges. However, he granted 
Putnam's request. When night came, Putnam, 
with his materials and men, went in a boat under 
the vessel's stern, aj^ in an instant drove in the 
wedges behind the rudder, in a little cavity be- 
tween the rudder and ship, and left her. In the 
morning, the sails were seen fluttering about: she 
was adrift in the middle of the lake; and being 
presently blown ashore, was easily taken. 

The Rev. Mr. Payson, of Chelsea, near Boston» 
a gentleman of the mildest manners, soundest 
learning, and most amiable character, who has ever 
been so warm on the side of government, that par- 
son Treadwell, and others, on the side of the peo- 
ple, have repeatedly refused to let him preach in 
their pulpits; being at Lexington, and with his own 
eyes seeing that the king's troops had fired first, 
and committed murder — and, being himself a wit- 
ness of other of their barbarities, could not endure 
the sight without taking vengeance; he therefore 
put himself at the head of a party, and with his 
musket, led them on to the attack — engaged, and 
killed, or wounded, and took prisoners, the whole 
party mentioned in one of the accounts, as going 
up with provisions and ammunition for the main 



420 



PHINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



body. Wlaat will government say to this desertion 
of one among many of their warmest friends? — It 
Bcems as if the cause was such, that no honest man 
could appear in it. 

From the J^'etv-Tork Journal. 

Newport. M,r 22, 1775. 
T'-ie people of New Jersey have taken possession 
of the treasury of that province, in which was the 
amount of between twenty and thirty thousand 
pounds; which money is to be appropriated to the 
payment of the troops now raised in that province, 
for the defence of the liberties of America. 

WoHCESTisn, .Mjy 17. 
A great number of governor Hutchinson's let- 
ters have lately fallen into the hands of our people. 
A correspondent at Rnxbury has favored us with 
the following extract from one of them to general 
Gage, then at New York, dated at Boston, J<jly 20, j 
1770. "it appears to me to be a ma»ter of great j 
importance to his majesty's general service, and to 
the real interest of the colonies, that the discord 
beginning between New York and us should be en- 
couraged: I wrote some time ago to Mr. C 

upon this subject, but he rather declined concern- 
ing himself in it; h.e certainly has a strange aver- 
sion, which nothing but the confederacy against 
Great Britain could have conquered- tliis has too 
much the appearance of Machiavelian policy; but 
it is justifiable, as it has the most obvious tenden- 
cy to save the colonies ruining themselves, as well 
as preventing them destroying the mother country. 
If P.°T>nsylvania could be brought to take part with 
New Y;>rk, I think the business luonld be done. I 
Tnust beg the favor of you not to let this letter 
come under any other than your own observation." 

Phtiadelphia, June 9, 1775. 
The following paragraphs are taken from the 
Pennsylvania Mercury: 

The ladies in Bristol township have evidenced a 
laudable regard to the interest of their country. 
At their own expense, they have furnished the re- 
giment of that county with a suit of colours and 
drums, and are now making a collection to supply 
muskets to such of the men as are not able to sup- 
ply themselves. Ws hear the lady, who was ap 
pointed to present the colors to the regiment, gave 
in charge to the soldiers, never to desert the colors 
of the ladies, if they ever wished that the ladies 
should list under their banners. 

The spirit ot oppbsition to the arbitrary and ty- 



rannical acts of the ministry and parliament of Eri. 
tain, hath diffused itself so universally throughout 
this province, that the people, even to its most ex- 
tended frontiers, are indefatigable in training them- 
selves to military discipline. The aged, as well as 
the young, daily march out under the banners of 
liberty, and discover a determined resolution to 
maintain her cause even until death. In the town 
of Reading, in Berks county, there had been some 
time past three comoanies formed, and very for- 
ward in their exercise; since, however, we are well 
informed, a fourth company have associated under 
the name of the Old Man's company. It consists 
of about eighty Germans, of the age of forty and 
upwards. Many of them have been in the military 
service in Germany. The person who, at their first 
assembling, led them to the field, is 97 years of 
age, has been 40 years in the regular service, and 
in 17 pitched battles, and the drummer is 84. In 
lieu of a cockade, they wear in their hats a black 
crape, as expressive of their sorrow for the mourn- 
ful events which have occasioned them, at their 
late time of life, to take arms against our brethren, 
in order to preserve that liberty which they left 
their native country to enjoy. 

In the Uisemhly of Pennsylvania, .Tune 29, 1 775. — 
The house taking into consideration, that many of 
the good people of this province are conscientious- 
ly scrupulous of bearing arms, do hereby earnestly 
recommend to the associators for the defence of 
their country, and others, that they bear a tender 
and brotherly regard towards this class of their 
fellow subjects and countrymen; and to these con- 
scientious people it is also recommended, that they 
cheerfully assist, in proportion to their abilities, 
such persons as cannot spend both time and sub- 
stance in the service of their country without great 
injury to themselves and families. 

Extract of a letter from Philadelphiai dat^ed .htly 10, 
177 5, from a gentleman of consideration and fortune. 

"Travel through whatever part of this country 
you will, you see the inhabitants training, making 
firelocks, casting mortars, shells and shot, and 
making saltpetre, in order to keep the gunpowder 
mills at v/ork during the next autumn and winter. 
Nothing, indeed, is attended to but preparing to 
make a defence that will astonish the whole world, 
and hurl destruction on those who, to preserve 
themselves in ofiice, have advised measures so fa- 
tal both to Britain and America.. At least two hun- 
dred thousand men are now in arms, and well traiji- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



42J 



ed, ready vo ni«rch whenever wanted for the s- p' 
port of ADierican freedom and property. In shor.. 
a spirit of enthusiasm for war is gone Jorth, that 
has driven away the fear of death; and mag^azi' es 
of provisions and anr)munition,by order of the state? 
general of America, ('or the t-3L<elve United Colonies J 
are directed to be made in all proper places, against 
the next campaign." 

The Synod of ./Vew York and Philadelphia, pub- 
lished a pastoral letter, which was read in the 
churches under their care on Thursday, June 29, 
1775, being the day of the general fust. This let- 
ter begins with intreating all ranks of people to 
acknowledge their sins, and turn from the errors 
of their ways; and "as the whole continent, with 
hardly any exception, seem determined to defend 
their rights by force of arms, it becomes the pecu- 
liar duty of those who profess a willingness to 
hazard their lives in the cause of liberty, to be 
prepared for death, which to many must be a cer- 
tain, and to every one is a possible or probable 
event. It is well known to you, (otherwise it would 
be imprudent thus publicly to prjfess) that we 
havenot been instrumental in inflamingthe minds of 
the people, or urging them to acts of violence and 
disorder. Perhaps no instance can be given on so 
interesting a subject, in which political sentiments 
have been so long and so fully kept from the pul- 
pit, and even malice itself has not charged us with 
laboring for the press; but things are now come 
to such a height, that we do not wish to conceal 
our opinions as men. Suffer us therefore to ex- 
hort you, by assuring you, that there is no army so 
formidable as those who are superior to the seat 
of death. Let therefore every one who, from ge 
nerosity of spirit, or benevolence of heart, offers 
himself as a champion in his country's cause, be 
persuaded to reverence the Lord of Hosts, and walk 
in the fear of the Prince of the kin^s of the earth, 
and then he may, with the most unshaken finnness, 
expect the issue even in death or victory." 

LORD EFFIMOHAM. 

Ilie follo-ving is a copi/ of lord Effin^ham^s resigna- 
tion of his commission in the British army. 

To Lord Bahrtngtow, secretary at war. 

Mx lord: — I beg the favor of your lordship to 
lay before his majesty the peculiar embarrassment 
of my present situation. 

Your lordship is no stranger to the conduct 
which I have observed in the unhappy disputes 
with our American colonies. 



The king is too just and too generous not to be- 
lieve, that the votes I have given in parliament 
have been given according to the dictates of my 
conscience. Whether I have erred or not, the. 
course of futwre events must determine. In the 
mean time, if I were capable of such duplicity, as 
to be any way concerned in enforcing those mea- 
sures of which I have so publicly and solemnly ex- 
pressed my disapprobation, I should ill deserve 
what I am most ambitious of obtaining, the esteem 
and favorable opinion of my sovereign. 

, My request therefore to your lordship is this, 
that after having laid those circumstances before 
the king, you will assure his majesty, that he has 
not a subject who is more ready than I am with 
the utmost cheerfulness to sacrifice his life and 
fortune in support of the safety, honor, and digni- 
ty of his majesty's crown and person. But the 
very same principles which have inspired me with 
these unalierable sentiments of duty and affection 
to his majesty, will not suffer me to be instrumen- 
tal in depriving any part of his people of those 1;. 
berties which form the best security for their fi- 
delity and obedience to his government. As I can- 
not, without reproach from my own conscience, 
consent to bear arms against my fellow subjects in 
America, in what, to my weak discernment, is not 
H clear cause; and as it seems now to be finally re- 
solved, that the 22d regiment is to go upon Ame- 
rican service, I desire your lordship to lay me in 
the most dutiful manner at his majesty's feet, and 
humbly beg that I may be permitted to retire. 

Your lordship will also be so obliging to entreat 
that as I wave what the custom of the service would 
entitle me to the right of selling what I bought, I 
may be allowed to retain my rank in the army, that 
whenever the envy or ambition of foreign powers 
should require it, I may be enabled to serve his 
majesty and my country in that way, in which alone 
I can expect to serve them with any degree of 
effect. 

Your lordship will easily conceive the regret and 
mortification I feel at being necessiated to quit the 
military profession, which has been that of my an- 
cestors for many generations, to which I Lave been 
bred almost from my infancy, to which I have de- 
voted the study of my life; and to perfect myself 
in which, I have sought instruction and service in 
whatever part of the world they were to be fouud. 

I have delayed this to the last moment, lest any 

wrong construction should be given to a conduct 

* which is influenced only by the purest motives, i 



4^2 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



complain of nolhing; I love my profession, and 
sliouM think it highly blameable to quit any course 
of life, in which I might be useful to the public, so 
.long as ray constitutional principles, and my no 
tions of honor, permitted me to continue in it. 



I have the honor to be, with great respect, your 
lordship's most obedient, and most humble ser- , 
vant. 



mon hall assembled, with the most unfeigned res- 
pect, beg leave to ofTer to your lordship the just 
t'-ihute of our thanks for your noble and spirited, 
though hitherto ineflfectual exertions in the cause 
of liberty and of your country, fully evinced in 
your opposition to the oppressive and unconstitu- 
tional proceedings of a corrupt administration. 



Effinsham. 
Melphi Biiildwgs, April 12, 1775. 

DrBH!», August 25, 1775. 
At Guildhall, Dublin, the 17th of July, 1775, being 
quarter-day of the Gu Id of merchants of the said 
city, the following resolutions were agreed to: 

"Resolved, unanimously. That the sincere thanks 
of this Guild be presented to the right honorable 
the earl of Effinguam, in testimony of our sppro- 
bation of his public conduct, particularly exempli- 
fied in his refusing to draw that sword which had 
been employed to the honor of his country, against 
the lives and liberties of his fellow subjects in 
America; and honestly and spiritedly resigning a 
commission which he could no longer hold consist- 
ent with the principles of a true Englishman, or of 
a real friend to the interest of Britain." 

"Resolved, That the sincere thanks of this Guild 
be presented to the right honorable Johh Whkes, 
lord mayor of the city of London, for the essential 
services which he has rendered his king and coun- 
try, by his strenuous efforts in the cause of free- 
dom; and for his able, spirited, and judicious de- 
fence of the right of the people to petition the 
Uirone" 



There was to the last resolution a single nega- 
tive given by a Stotchman, who has an employment 
in our stamp office. 

** Resolved unammoiisly, That an address of thanks 
from the Guild be presented to the several peers, 
who (in support of our constitution, and in opposi 
lion to a weak and wicked administration) protest 
id against the American, restraining bills."— And 
the following gentlemen were appointed, with the 
masters and wardens, a committee to prepare the 
same: 

James Napper Tandy, I Samuel Gamble, 
Henry Hawison, | Samuel Stephens, 

Sir Ed*. Newenharo, j Hugh Crolhers, 
John Pere, I 

Who prepared the following: 



"With equal grief and indignation, we have for 
years beheld repeated innovations on the free con- 
stitution of these realms, and daily invasions of the 
dearest rights and immunities of the subject. We 
have seen with astonishment popery established by 
law in one, and encouraged in every part of the 
empire, in the reign of a Protestant prince; and 
despotism and arbitrary power promoted by every 
insidious machination and open violence, by the 
servants of the crown, in the reign of a monarch 
who, from the throne, declared he glorified in being 
a Briton born; and whose family was called to the 
throne of these kingdoms to protect the Protestant 
religion, and preserve that constitution inviolate^ 
for which our ancestors so freely bled, and for the 
invading of which, a tyrant was expelled the throne. 

"But while we contemplate with horror the uni- 
versal ruin and devastation in which the empire is 
nearly involved by the wicked devices of evil men, 
we with pleasure survey the steady, incorruptiblCj, 
and patriotic virtues which adorn you and shield 
us; while we boast of such a noble band of patri- 
ots, while we see united in the cause of freedom 
such a number of the true hereditary gua^-dians of 
liberty, and of the principles of the glorious revo- 
lution, we cannot, we will not despair of seeing 
once more the valuable constitution of these coun- 
tries restored to its primitive purity. 



"Permit us therefore, to offer your lordship our 
warmest, our most grateful acknowledgements as 
Protestants, for your steady opposition to the es- 
tablishment of popery and slavery in Canada; as 
freemen, for your manly and spirited opposition to 
the several restraining bills; and your noble efforts 
in the support of American liberty, and in the cause 
of our suffering and much oppressed brethren and 
fellow subjects there; and we have the fullest reli- 
ance on your steady perseverance in the same prin- 
ciples which have so strongly endeared you, not 
only to us, but to every real friend of the British 
empire and its constituents." 

In testimony whereof, we have caused the seal 
of our corporation to be hereunto aflixed, this 17th 



"We, the masters, wardens, and brethren of the day of July, in the year of our Lord, 1775. 
(5uild of merchants in the city of Dublin, in com- 1 (Seal.) 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



425 



Midsummer Assembly, Jidy 21, 1775. 
"Resolved, That the thanks of the sheriffs and 
commons be presented to lord Effingham, for hav- 
ing chosen gloriously to resign his commission, ra 
ther than imbrue his hands in the blood of his in- 
nocent and oppressed fellow subjects." 

Which being enclosed to his lordship by the 
proper officer, the following answer was received: 

Sir:— "I have been favored with your letter of 
the 21st of July last, enclosing the copy of a reso 
lution of the sheriffs and commons of the city of 
Dublin. 

"Next to the testimony of a man'sown conscience, 
is, in my opinion, his greatest happiness to have 
the approbation of the wise and honest among his 
fellow subjects. 

"The former of these can, 1 think, be no other 
way enjoyed, than by a strict adherence to those 
principles, which, at the revolution, established 
our civil and religious liberties; and it is easy, sir, 
for you to conceive, but beyond iny abilities to ex- 
press what I felt, at my conduct's being judged, 
by so independent and respectable an assembly as 
tha sheriffs and commons of the city of Dublin, de- 
serving of the latter. 

"I am, with truth and respect, sir, your most 
obedient humble servant, EFFINGHAM. 

The Holmes, Aug. 14, 1775. 

New York, July 31, 1775. 
Instructions for the officers of the several regi- 
ments of the Massachusetts Bay forces, who are 
immediately to go upon the recruiting service. 

You are not to enlist any deserter from the min- 
isterial army, nor any stroller, negro, or vagabond, 
or person suspected of being an enemy to the li- 
berty of America, nor any under eighteen years of 
age. 

As the cause is the best than can engage men of 
courage and principle to take up arms, so it is ex- 
pected that none but such will be accepted by the 
recruiting officer; the pay, provision, &c. being so 
ample, it is not doubted but the officers sent upon 
this service, will without delay, complete their 
respective corps, and march the men forthwith to 
the camp. 

You are not to enlist any person who is not an 
American bom, unless such person has a wife and 
family, and is a settled resident in this country. 

The person you enlist, must be provided with 
i;ood and complete arms. 



Given at the head quarters at Cambridge, this 
loth day of July, 1775. 

HORATIO GATES, Mj. Gen. 

Extract of a letter from Charlestoivn, South Caroli- 
na, August 5, 1775. 
"Be assured, peace will never be firmly estab- 
lished between Great Britain and America, until 
the latter receives an ample recognition of her 
rights, and a full satisfaction for the blood that has 
or may be shed. The inhabitants of this vast con- 
tinent would give up all their sea-cost towns, re- 
tire into the interior country, and contentedly sub- 
sist on the bare necessaries of life, rather than sub- 
mit to the implicit subjugation of a British parlia- 
ment. But don't apprehend they will suffer this 
distress like docile animals. No: depend, they 
will jjTotect their property to the last extremity, 
and although they have hitherto acted only on the 
defensive, believe me, unless there is an evident 
prospect of accommodation this winter, hostilities 
will commence on their part, by and with the as- 
sistance of a foreign power, and with a spirit that 
will alarm all Europe. And then farewell to Great 
Britain." 

Fragment of a vpeech made in the general congress of 
America, by one of the delegates in 1775 — author 
unknown. From Alnwn's Remembrancer. 
The great God, sir, who is the searcher of all 
things, will witness for me, that I have spoken to 
you, from the bottom and purity of ray heart. We 
have heard that this is an arduous consideration. 
And surely, sir, we have considered it earnestly. 
I may think of every gentlemen here, as I know of 
myself, that, for seven years past, this question has 
filled the day with anxious thought, and the night 
with care. The God to whom we appeal, must 
judge U3. If the grievances, of which we com- 
plain, did not come upon us unprovoked and un- 
expected — when our hearts were filled with re- 
spectful affection for our parent state, and with 
loyalty to our king — let slavery, the worst of hu- 
man ills, be our portion. Nothing less than seven 
years of insulted complaints and reiterated wrongs, 
could have shaken such rooted sentiments. Unhap- 
pily for us, submission and slavery are the same; and 
we have only the melancholy alternative left— of 
ruin or resistance. 

The last petition* of this congress to the king, 
contained all that our unhappy situation could 
suggest. It represented our grievances; implored 



*In 1774, presented last Christmas. 



424 



PRti>^CIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



redress, and professed our readiness to coniributc 
for the general want, to the utmost of our abilities, 
when constitutionally required. 

The apparently gracious reception it met with, 
promised us a due consideration of it; and that 
consideration relief. But, alas! Sir, it seems at 
that moment the very reverse was intended. For 
it now appears, that in a very few days after this 
specious answer to our agents, a circular letter 
was privately written by the same secretary of 
state; to the governors of the colonies, before par- 
liament had been consulted, pronouncing the con- 
gress illegal, our grievances pretended, and vainly 
commanding them to prevent our meeting again. 
Perhaps, sir, the ministers of a great nation, never 
before committed an act of such narrow policy and 
treacherous duplicity. They found parliament, 
however, prepared to support every one of their 
measures. 

I forbear, sir, entering into a detail of those acts, 
which, from their atrociousness, must be felt and 
remembered forever. They are calculated to carry 
tire and sword, famine and desolation, through 
these flourishing colonies. They cry, "havoc, and 
let slip the dogs of war." The extremes of rage 
and revenge, against the worst of enemies, could 
not dictate measures more desperate and destruc- 
tive. 

There are some people who tremble at the ap- 
proach of war. They fear, that it must put an 
inevitable stop to the further progress of these 
colonies; and ruin irretrievably those benefits, 
which the industry of centuries has called forth, 
from this once savage land. I may commend the 
anxiety of these men, without praising their judg- 
ment. 

War, like other evils, is often wholesome. The 
waters that stagnate, corrupt. The storm that 
works the ocean mto rage, renders it salutary. — 
Heaven has given us nothing unmixed. The rose 
is not without the thorn. War calls forth the great 
virtues and efforts, which would sleep in the gentle 
bosom of peace. "Paulum sepulta: distat inertia celaia 
virtus.'* It opens resources which would be con- 
cealed under the inactivity of tranquil times. It 
rouses and enlightens. It produces a people of 
animation, energy, adventure, and greatness. Lev 
us consult history: Did not the Grecian republics 
prosper amid continual ivarfare? Their prosperity, 
their power, their splendor, grew from the all-ani 
mating spirit of war — did not the cottages of shep- 
herds, rise hito imperial Rome, the mistress of the 



world, the nurse of lieroe-i, the delight of Gods! 
thnvugh the invigorating operation of unceasing 
wars! — "Per damna, per ccedes,ab ipso Juxit opes 
animumque ferro." How often has Flanders been 
the theatre of contending powers, conflicting hosts, 
and blood! Yet what country is more flourishing 
and fertile? Trace back the history of our parent 
slate. Whether you view her arraying Angles 
against Danes; Danes against Saxons; Saxons against 
Normans; the Barors against the usurping princes, 
or the civil wars of the red and white roses, or 
that between the people and the tyrant Stuart — yoii 
see her in a state of almost continual warfare. In 
almost every reign, to the commencement of that 
of Henry the Vllth, her peaceful bosom (in her 
poet's phrase) was gored with iron war. It was 
in the peaceful reigns of Henry VII. Henry VIII. 
and Charles 11. that she suffered the severest 
extremities of tyranny and oppression. But amid 
tier civil contentions, she flourished and grew 
strong, trained in them, she sent her hardy legions 
forth, which planted the standard of England upon 
the battlements of Paris; extending her commerce 
and her dominion. 

" Tliose noble English, who could entertain 
■\Vitli half their forces, the full power of France, 
And let anotlier half, stand laughing by. 
All out of work, and cold lor action." 

The beautiful fabric of her constitutional liberty 
was reared and cemented in blood. From this 
fullness of her strength those scions issued, which 
taking deep root in this delightful land, have reared 
their heads, and spread abroad their branches like 
the cedars of Lebanon. 

Why fear we then, to pursue, through apparent 
evil — real good,' The war, upon which we are to 
enter, is just and necessary. "Justvm est bellum, ubi 
necessarium; et pia urma, qxdbus 7iulla, nisi in armis, 
relinquittir spes." It is to protect these regions, 
brought to such beauty through the infinite toil 
and hazard of our fathers and ourselves, from be- 
coming the prey of that more desolating cruel 
spoiler, than war, pestilence, or famine, — absolute 
rule and endless extortion. 

Our sufterings have been great— our endurance 
long. Every effort of patience, complaint, and. 
supplication, has been exhausted. They seem only 
to have hardened the hearts of the ministers who 
oppress us, and double our distresses. Let us 
therefore consult only how we shall defend our 
liberties with dignity and success. Our parent 
slate will then think us worthy of her, when she 
sees that with her liberty we inherit her rigid 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



425 



We look forward with pleasure to ihat day, not 
far remote (we hope) when the inhabitants of Ame- 
rica ehall have one sentiment, and the full enjoy- 
ment of the blessings of a free government. 

Incited by these motives, and encouraged by the 
advice of many friends of liberty among you, the 
grand American congress have sent an army into 
your province, under the command of general 
Schuyler — not to plunder, but to protect you — to 
animate, and bring forth into action those senti- 
ments of freedom you have disclosed, and which 
the tools of despotism would extinguish through 
the whole creation. To co-operate with this 
design, and to frustrate those cruel and perfidious 
schemes, which would deluge our frontiers with 
the blood of women ijnd children, I have detached 
colonel Arnold into your country, with a part of 
the army under my command. I have enjoined 
upon him, and I am certain that he will consider 
himself, and act as in the country of his patrons 
and best friends. Necessaries and accommoda- 
tions of every kind which you may furnish, he will 
thankfully receive, and render the fullvalue. 1 invite 
you therefore as friends and brethren, to provide 
him with such supplies as your country affords; 
and I pledge myself not only for your safety and 
security, but for an ample compensation. Let no 
man desert his habitation — let no one flee as be- 
fore an enemy. The cause of America, and of li- 
berty, is the cause of every virtuous American citi- 
zen; whatever may be his religion or his descent, 
the United Colonies know no distinction but such 
as slavery, corruption, and arbitrary dominion, may 
create. Come then, ye generous citizens, range 
yourselves under the standard of general liberty — 
against which all the force and artifice of tyranny 
will never be able to prevail. 

G. WASHINGTON. 

A letter fTom general Lee to general Burgoyne, dated 
■ camp on Prospect Hill, December 1, 1775. 
«'Deaii sir — As 1 am just informedyou are ready 
to embark for England, I cannot refrain from once 
more trespassing on your patience. An opportunity 
is now presented of immortalizing yourself as the 
Saviour of your country. Tlie whole British em- 
pire stands tottering on the brink of ruin, and 
you have it in your power to prevent the fatal 
catastrophe, but it will admit of no delay. For 
Heaven's sake avail yourself of the precious mo- 
ment; put an end to the delusions; exert the voice 
of a brave virtuous citizen, and tell the oeople at 
!\ome that they must immediately rescind ail their 



vesolution of mainti'.ining it against all invaders 
Let us give her reason to pride herself in the rela- 
tionship. 

And thou, great liberty! inspire our soul's. 
Make our lives happy in thy pure embrace. 
Or our deaths gloiious in tliy just defence! 

The following address luas pubHsheJ in Canada, on 
the arrival there of colonel Aimold, with the troops 
■under his command. 

By his excellency George Washington, esq. com- 
mander in chief of the army of the United Colo- 
nies of North America. 

TO THB INdABITAKTS OV CAITASA. 

Friends and brethren— T\\e unnatural contest be- 
tween the English Colonies and Great Britain, lias 
now risen to such a height, that arms alone must 
decide it. Tha •clonics, confiding in the justice 
of their cause, and the purity of their intentions, 
have reluctantly appealed to that Being, in whose 
hands are all human events. He has hitherto smiled 
upon their virtuous efforts — the hand of tyranny 
has been arrested in its ravages, and the Britisii 
arms, which have shone with so much splendor in 
every part of the globe, are now tarnished with 
disgrace and disappointment. Generals of approv- 
ed experience, who boasted of subduing this great 
continent, find themselves circumscribed within the 
limits of a single city and its suburbs, suffering all 
the shame and distress of a siege, while the free- 
born sons of America, animated by the genuine prin- 
ciples of liberty and love of their country, with in- 
creasing union, firmness and discipline, repel every 
attack, and despise every danger. 

Above all, we rejoice, that our enemies have been 
deceived with regard to you — they have persuaded 
themselves, they have even dared to say, that tlie 
Canadians were not capable of distinguishing be- 
tween the blessings of liberty, and the wretched- 
ness of slavery; that gratifying the vanity of a 
little circle of nobility— would blind the people of 
Canada. By such artifices they hoped to bend you 
to their views, but they have been deceived; instead 
of fitlding in you that poverty of soul and baseness 
of spirit, they see with a chagrin, equal to our joy, 
that you are enlightened, generous, and virtuous — 
that you will not renounce your own rights, or serve 
as instruments to deprive your fellow-subjects of 
theirs. Come then, my brethren, unite with us in 
an indissoluble union, let us run together to the 
same goal. We have taken up arms in defence of 
our liberty, our properly, our wives, and our child- 
ren; we are determined lo preserve them, or die. i impolitic acts; that they mu«t Gverturn the whole 
— 5i. 



4?i6 



PRINCJPLES ANB ACTS OF IHE REVOLUTIOiN^. 



frantic system, or that they are undone. You) the natural tenderness of a mother, and acts the 
ask me, in your letter, if it is independence at I part of a cruel step-dame, it must naturally be 
U'hich the Americans aim? I answer, no! the idea i expected that their aUections cease; the ministry 
never entered a sing-le American's head until a | leave them no allernaiive, flj^; servire, aut alienari 
jpost intolerable oppression forced it upon them, \jnbent; it is in human nature, it is a moral obliga- 
All they required was to remain masters of their |tion to adopt the latter; but the fatal separation 
own property, and be governed by the same equita- ' has not yet taken place, and yourself, your single 
ble laws which they had enjoyed from the first [self, my friend, mny perhaps prevent it. Upon 



formation of the colonies. The ties of connection, 

which bound them to their parent counti-y, were 

8S0 dear to them, that he who would have ventured \ 

to have touched them, would Lave hee!> considered 

as the most impious of mortals; but these sacred 

ties, the same men who have violated or baffled i n„, ;f „„,. ,. ■., „^ „„„^ k,.»„i, ^rr „u ^^„„-.«<°^^« 
' I Hui ir you Will at once break on all connections 



some persons, I am af:aid, you can make no im- 
pression; for to repeat a hackneyed quotation, 

"Tlicy are in blood 
"Stpp'd in so far, tliat should they wade in more, 
"To return would be as tedious as go o'er." 



the most precious laws and rights of the people at 
home, dissipated or refused to account for their 
treasures, tarnished the glory, and annihilated the 
importance of the nations; Ihese sacred ties, I 
say, so dear to every American, are now rending 
suiunder. 

•'Yeu ask, whether it is the weight of t;ises of| 

which they complain? I answer no; it is the prin- i 

ciple they combat, and they would be guilty in 

the eyes of God and man, of the present world | 

and all posterity, did they not reject it; for if il I 

were admitted, they would have nothiug that Ihey ' 

could call their own. They wjuld ba in a worse j 

condition than ihe wretched slaves in the West ,...,,,, ,. r .x. . c .i. 

, ,. . , an height: but at the same time I avow, that if the 

India Islands, whose little peculium has ever been I ,. , ,.,,,, , , 

'parliament and people should be depraved enough 
esleenried inviolate. But wherefore should I dwell , • .. • . 

Ito support anv longer some persons in their scheme, 
on th's, IS not the case of Ireland the same with i , j ' /. .u • i . r u 

jmy zeal and reverence for the rights or humanity 
theirs? They are subordinate to the British em- ! , . e x c 

1 are so much greater than my fondness tor any 
pire, thayare subordinate to the parliament ofj . , .u i r *■ •* .k «. 

* . "^ narticular spot, even the place or my nativity, that 

Great Britain; but they tax themselves. Why, as!, , , . ^ ... •, r a " • w 

•' 'had I any influence m the councils or America, 1 
the case is similar, do not you begin with them? ,ii- ^.t .^ •i»..u<l 

•' ... would advise not to hesitate a single instant, but 

decisively to cut the Gordii*n knot now besmeared 

with civil blood. 



v.'ith these men, if you will wave all consideration 
but the salvation of your country. Great Britaia 
may stand as much indebted to general Burgoyne 
as Rome was to her Camilliis. Do not I entreat 
j'ou, my dear sir, think this the mad rhapsody of 
fin enthusiast, nor the cant of a factious designing 
man, for in these colors, I am told, I am frequently 
p-iinted. I swear by all that is sacred, as I hope 
for comfort and honor in this world, and to avoid 
misery in the next, that 1 most earnestly and 
devoutly love my native country; .that I wish the 
same happy relation to subsist tor ages, betwixt 
her and her children, which has raised the wide 
arch of her empire to so stupendous and enviable 



But you know, Mr. Burgoyne, the ministry dare 
not attempt it. There is one part of your letter 
which, I confess, I do not understand. If I recol- 
lect right, for I unfortunately have not the letter 
by me, you say, that if the privilege of taxing 
themselves is what tlie Americans claim, the con- 
test is at an end; you surely cannot allude to the 

propositi ans of N . It is impossible that you 

should not think with me, and all mankind, that 
these propositions are no more or less than adding 
to a most abominable oppression, a more abomina- 
ble insult. But to recur to the question of Ame- 
ricans aiming at independence? Do any instruc- 
tions of any one of the provinces to their repre- 
sentatives, or delegates furnish the least ground 
for the suspicion? On the contrary, do they not 
all breathe the strongest attachment and filial piety 



"This I know is strong, emphatic language, and 
might pass with men, who are strangers to the 
flame which the love of liberty is capable of light- 
ing up in the human breast, for a proof of my 
insanity; but you, sir, you, unless I have mistaken 
yoia from the begininng, will conceive that a man 
in his sober senses, may possess such feelings. In 
my sober senses, therefore, permit me once more, 
most earnestly to entreat and conjure you to exert 
your whole force, energy, and talents, to stop 
certain persons in this, their headlong career. IP 
you labor in vain (as I must repeat I think will be 
the case) address yourself to the people at large; 
by adopting this meihod, I am so sanguine as to 



far their parent country? Cut if she discard all 'assure myself of your succesa; and your public 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



497 



character will be as illtfstrious as your personal j and AJmighty God, that I will neither directly or 
qualities are amiable to all who intimately know | indirectly convey any intelligence, nor give any 
you. By your means, the colonists will long con- advice to the aforesaid enemies described; and 
tinue the farmers, planters, and shipwrights of that I pledge myself, if I should by any accident 



Great Britain; but if the present course is persisted 
in, an eternal divorce must inevitably take place. 
As to the idea of subduing them into servitude, 
and inr5emnifying yours^elves for the expense, you 
must be convinced, before this, of its absurdity. 



"I should not, perhaps, be extravagant, if I 
advanced that all the ships of the world would be 
too few to transport force sufficient to conquer 
three millions of people unanimously determined 
to sacrifice every thing to liberty; but if it were 
possible, the victory would be rot less rtiinous 
than the defeat. You would only destroy your own i help me God: 
strength. No revenue can possibly be extracted j 
out of this country. The army of placement might 
be increased, but her circui'ons commerce, found- 
ed on perfect freednm, wliich alone can furnish 
riches to the metropolis, would fall to the ground. 
But the dignity, of Great Britain it seems is at 
stiike. Would you, sir, if in the heat of passion 
you had struck a simple drummer of your regi- 
ment, and afterwards discovered it unjustly, think 
it any forfeiture of your dignity to acknowledge 
the wrong? No (I am well acquainted with your 
disposition) you would ask his pardon, at the head 
©f your regiment. 



get knowledge of such treasons, to inform imme- 
diately the committee of safety: and as it is justly 
allowed that when the rights and sacred liberties 
of a nation or community are invaded, neutrality 
is not less base and criminal than open and avowed 
hostility: I do further swear and pledge myself, 
as I hope for eternal salvation, that I will v/hen- 
ever called upon by the voice of the continental 
congress, or by that of the legislature of this par- 
ticular colony under their authority, to take arms 
and subject myself to military discipline in defence 
of the common rights and liberties of America. So 



"I shall now conclude (if you will excuse the 
pedantry) witli a sentence of Latin: "Jia-tum est 
bellum, qiiibiis necessarium,- et pia arma quibus miHa 
nisi in armis, relinquiter spes." I most sincerely 
wish you a quick and prosperous voyage; and that 
your happiness and glory may be equal to the idea 
1 have of your merits, as I am, with the greatest 
truth and affection, your's 

C. LEE." 

Thefollo^ving is said to be a copy of the oath exacted 
by general Lee of the people of Rhode Island, on his 
arrival there— Dec. 1775. 

"I— here, in the presence of Almighty God, as I 
hope for ease, honor, and comfort in this world, 
and happiness in the world to come, most earnestly, 
devoutly and religiously swear; that I will neither 
directly or indirectly assist the wicked instruments 
of ministerial tyranny and villainy, commonly called 
the king's troops and navy, by furnishing them with 
provisions and refreshments of any kind, unless 
authorised by the continental congress or legisla- 
ture at present established in this particular colony 
of Rhode Island: I do also swear by the Tremendous 



MEMENTO TO THE AMERICANS. 

from the PeJinsylvania Journal — JVIarch, 1776. 

'Remember the stamp act, by which immense 
sums were to be yearly extorted from you. 

Remember the declaratory act, by which a pow- 
er was assumed of binding you, in all cases whatso- 
ever, without your consent. 

Remember the broken promise of the ministry,* 
never again to attempt a tax on America. 

Remember the duty act. 

Remember the massacre at Boston, by British 
soldiers. 

Remember the ruin of that once flourishing city 
by their means. 

Remember the massacre at Lexington. 

Remember the burning of Charlestown. 

Remember general Gage's infamous breach o"f 
faith with the people of Boston. 

Remember the cannonading, bombarding, and 
burning of Falmouth. 

Remember the shrieks and cries of the women 
and children. 

Remember the cannonading of Stonington and' 
Bristol. 

Remember the burning of Jamestown, Rhode 
Island. 

Remember the frequent insults of Newport. 

Remember the broken charters. 

Remember the cannonade of Hampton. 

Remember the act for screening and encourago 
iwg your murderers. 

Remember the cannonade of New-York. 

Remember the altering your established jury 
laws. 

Remember the hiring foreign troops against you. 



*In lord Hillsborough's circular letter. 



428 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Remember the rejecting of lord Chatham's, Mr. 
Hartley's and Mr. Burk's pluns of conciliation. 

Remember the treatment of Franklin and Tem- 
ple. 

Remember the rejecting of all your numerous 
humble petitions. 

Remember the contempt with which they spoke 
of you in both houses. 

Remember the cowardly endeavor to prevent 
foreign nations supplying you with arms and 
ammunition, when they themselves knew they 
intended coming to cut your throats. 

Remember their hiring savages to murder your 

farmers with their families. 

Remember the bribing negro slaves to assassinate 
their masters. 

Remember the burning of Norfolk.* 

Remember their obliging you to pay treble du 
ties, when you came to trade with the countries 
you helped them to conquer.f 

Remember their depriving you of all share in 
the fisheries, you equally with them spent your 
blood and treasure to acquire. 

Remember their old restrictions on your woollen 
manufactories, your hat making, your iron and steel 
forges and furnaces 

Remember their arbitrary admiralty courts. 

Remember the inhuman treatment of the brave 
colonel Allen, and the irons he was sent into Eng- 
land. 

Remember the long, habitual, base venality of 
British parliaments. 

Remember the corrupt, putrified state of that 
nation, and the virtuous, sound, healthy state of 
your own young constitution. 

Remember the tyranny of Mezentius, who bound 
living men, face to face, with dead ones, and the 
effect of it.t 

Remember the obstinacy and unforgiving spirit 

Qf the , Evident in the treatment of his own 

b s. 

Remember that an honorable death is preferable 
to an ignominious life; and never forget what you 
owe to yourselves, your families, and your posterity. 



*This and all the beforementioned, were open, 
defenceless towns, which, by the laws of war, should 
alivays be spared. 

■j-Act of parliament, 14 George IIT. laying a duty 
of three pence per gallon on all spirits imported 
into Canada from Britain; and nine-pence, if from 
any of the North American colonies. 

j^The corruption of the one poisoned the other, iof these: it is an ordinance of Heaven to restram 



FROM THE PENX9TI.VAKIA JOURWAl,. 

Enclosed I send you the speech of an honest, sensible, 
ajid spirited farmer of this county, addressed to an 
assembly of his neighbours, on his engaging in the 
continental service. 

My rniENDs anb counthi^ew — I have observed 
that some of you are a little surprised that I, with 
so many inducements as I have to remain at home, 
rthould have resolved to quit my family, and my 
farm for the fatigues and dangers of war, I mem 
you should be perfectly satisfied as to my motives.. 
I am an American: and am determined to be free. 
I was born free: and have never forfeited my birth- 
right; nor will I ever, like the infatuated son of 
Isaac, sell it for a mess of pottage. I will part 
with my life sooner than my liberty; for I perfer 
an honorable death to the miserable and despicable 
existence of a slave. 



The - who would rob mc of my property, 

because be thinks he has use for it, and is able to 
take it from me, would as soon, for the same rea- 
son, rob me of my life, if it stood in his way; but it 
is God Almighty who gave me my life, and my pro- 
perty, as a necessary means among others of pre- 
serving and enjoying it; and it is he only that hath 
an absolute and unlimited right and power to take 
either or both away. Being the Creator, the Sup- 
porter, the perfect ruler and judge of all the earth, 
he only can do no wrong: should therefore any 
creature whatsoever, or number of them, dare to 
usurp this sole prerogative of Heaven over me, I 
could neither answer it to my Maker, nor my 
conscience, nor my honor, if I did not resist, though 
it were to the last drop of my blood. It is in the 
free enjoyment of those blessings, uncontrouled by 
any human powers, (except so far as the voice of 
the society in general, of which we are members, 
may have resigned a part for the preservation of 
the whole), that that civil liberty substantially 
consisteth. Let no one therefore wonder if, of all 
earthly benefits my Creator hath bestowed on me, 
I do most esteem my liberty. Anarchy, indeed, I 
deprecate, but tyranny infinitely more. The rea- 
son is obvious; the former, like a common surfeit, 
occasioned by an irregular and intemperate indulg- 
ence of the bodily appetites, if but a little helped 
by simple medicine, will almost always, as 1 may 
say, cure itself: whereas the latter, like a devour- 
ing cancer, the longer it is let alone, without the 
applicalionof violent caustics, the faster and deeper 
it will root itself into the frame, until it gnaws out 
the very life of the body. Government is neither 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



429 



the usurpations of wicked men, to secure us the 
enjoyments of our natural rights, and to promote 
the highest political interests and happiness of 
society. The claims therefore of the British par- 
liament of a power to bind us in all cases whatso 
ever; to give away our property, in what measure 
and for what purposes they please, and to dispose 
of our lives as they tliink proper, when we have 
no voice in the legislation nor constitutional power 
allowed us to check their most violent proceed- 
ings, are not of the nature of govcr'iment, but in 
the true and strict sense of the word tyranny. 

Qf the tendency and operation of this diabolical 
system, our country hith already had too deep and 
affecting experience not to be sensible of themj and 
it requires not the spirit of supernatural prophecy 
to foretel the end of them, should they not be 
seasonably controled; controled, did I say? blest 
be the spirit of American liberty, wisdom and 
valor! they have been controled; but, my friends, 
it is evident we can never have safety, liberty, and 
peace, until, by an U'lremitiing and vigorous ap- 
plication of the axe, now laid to the root of the 
tree, we have toially overturned, in these colonies, 
the power »hat would demolish us. Not to speak 
of the unwearied art and assiduity of the j 

these twelve 
years past, to fasten on us the shackles of slavery, 
let me only remind you of the base and cruel mea 



industriously, and obstinately bent on our destruc- 
tion? in short, we have no alternative left tis, but 
to fight or die; if there be any medium, it is slavery; 
and ever cursed be the man who will submit to it! 
I will not. But who would ever have imsgined, 
that a people wlio, a few years ago, a-sisted their 
brethren of Gresit Britain, with their blood and 
treasure, to humble the power of France and Spain, 
and who, from their first existence as a people, 
have, by their trade and industry, been enriching 
and exalting them above all the naiions of the 
world; who, I say, would have imagined that this 
very peonle should, by these their very brethren, 
be now re-luced to so dreadful an alternative; yet, 
hear. O Heavens, and give ear, O Earth, and bear 
witness, this is the return we have received for all 
our love, loyalty, industry, treasure and blood! 

Had we begun this q'larrel, had we demanded 
some new privileges, unknown to the constikution. 
or some commercial licences, incompatible with 
the general mterest of the empire, had we presum- 
ed to legislate for Great Britain, or plotted with 
the Bo'trbon family, to reinstate the execrable race 
of the Stuarts, and fled to arms unprovoked to 
accomplish these designs, there would then be 
some plausible apology for the severest hostile 
treatment we have received. But what have we 
done? when alarmed, ere we had yet rested from 
the toils of the last war, by new unconstitutional 



..,.,_„ ^ , ■ ^ ■ . , ,, . demands of revenue, we asserted our rights and 

sures to subjugate us, since we have been obliged ; . . . . e -i u 



to take up arms in our defence: what stone have 
they left unturned? what device to ruin us, though i 
never so mean, barbarous and bloody, such as no 
heart, but that of a devil and a tyrant, can refrain 
shuddering at, have they not pursued? nave not 
several of the powers of Europe been meanly 
courted and bribed not to supply us with means 
of resistance? hath not the most burharotis nation 
in it been applied to, to assist them with at least 
20,000 savages to complete their intended massacre? 
have they not attempted to spirit up the Indian 
savages to ravage our frontiers, and murder, after 
their inhuman manner, our defenceless wives and 
children? have not our negro slaves been enticed 
to rebel against their masters, and arms put into 
their hands to murder them? have not the king of 
England's own slaves, the Hanoverians, been em- 
ployed? and were not the poor Canadians made 
slaves, that they might be made fit instruments, 
with other slaves and savages, to make slaves and 
more wretched beings than savages of us? 

Now, what kind of reconciliation can be reasona- 
bly expected with a so basely, so cruelly, so ! war lieth at the door of 



petitioned for justice. Was this a crime? as un- 
constitutional statutes of different forms were re- 
peatedly enacted, we repeated our petitions for 
redress; was this a crime? we suffered ourselves 
to be insulted by the introduction of an armed 
force to dragoon us into obedience; we suffered 
them to take possession of our towns and fortifica- 
tions, still waiting with decent and anxious ex- 
pectation from the wonted justice, humanity, and 
generosity of Britons: was this a crime? disposed 
to try every pacific measure which might probably 
procureour relief, we agreed to withhold our com- 
merce from them, in hopes that, feeling tlie effects 
of their injustice, they might see how ruinous their 
proceedings were to their own interests, ad return 
in time to wisdom and peace: was tliis a crime? nor 
did we once lift the sword even in our defence, 
until provoked to it by a wanton commencement 
of hostilities on their part: what then have we done 
to merit such cruel proceedings? my friends, I am 
firmly persuaded, that no truth will appear in fumre 
history, with more glaring evidence, than that the 
whole mass of guilt contracted by this unnatural 

; and so that. 



430 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



not only all future generations of nnen, but the 
Great Judge of all the earth, will finally condemn 
Ihelr measures as a scene of tyranny and murder. I 
therefore conceive myself as having taken up arms 
in defence of innocence, justice, truth, honesty, 
honor, liberty, property, and life-, and in opposition 
to guilt, injustice, falsehood, dishonesty, ignominy, 
slavery, poverty, and death; not that I have any 
fondness for the bloody profession; not that I delight 
in the carnage of my species; or sigh for an occa 
sion of proving my courage: Heaven and you are 
my witnesses, that my voice was some time, per- 
haps too long, and with too much earnestness, 
against any military preparations; but the times 
are altered; 'tis a dreadful necessity that calls me, 
and calls every nian who can be spared from bis 
«ther occupations. 



editor of that work thought it dangerous lo publish. 
The address appears to have been delivered in 
about May, 1776. It may be worthy of remark 
here, that the declaration of independence is pub- 
lished in the same work, with many such blanks.) 



I will not however fight as one who beateth the 
air. I speak plainly; I consider this year as the 
grand and final period of British administration in 
this American world; I see no probability of their 
proffering such terms as we can accept of con- 
sistently with our safety, honor, and peace; nay, 
should they grant all that our public councils have 
heretofore claimed, we should still be in a most 
dangerous situation, liable to renewed encreach- 
ments and renewed hostilities. What else can be 
supposed from such a situation, and from the views, 
temper, and prejudices that must, and will, prevail 
in the British court and parliament: besides, who 
in that case will reimburse our losses; or how shall 
our public debts be paid? 1 do solemnly declare, 
and that with respect to the best reconciliation 
that can reasonably be expected, with so corrupt, 
treacherous, and tyrannical an administration, that I 
if I thought we should again revert to a dependence 
«n Britain, I should, from this day, lay down my 
aword, and weep that I was born in America. But 
far other prospects are before us; glory, empire, 
liberty and peace, are, I am persuaded, unless we 
are lost to ourselves, very near at hand. And, on 
every consideration of the present state and pro- 
gress of our public affairs, compared with the spirit 
«f Britain, and the spirit, the interest, and the 
internal advantages of America, methinks, I hear 
a voice, as if an angel from Heaven should proclaim, 
"come out from among them, and be ye separate 
from them. Come out of her my people, that ye 
be not partakers of her sins, and ye receive not of 
her plagues." 

(^^^[The preceding is coped from Almon's Re- 
membrancer; we do not presume to supply the 
blanks. Words were waed— no doubt, which the 



List of the forces on lake Chainplatn — October 1776, 

HOTAt. 

Siiip Inflexible, lieut. Schank, 18 twelve pounds 
ers. Schooner Maria, lieut. Starke, 14 six pound= 
ers. Schooner Carleton, lieutenant Dacres, 12 six 
pounders. Radeau Thunderer, lieut. Scott, 6 twen- 
ty-four, 6 twelve pounders, 2 howitzers. Gondola 
Loyal Convert, lieut. Longcroft, 7 nine pounders. 
Twenty gun-boats, each a brass field piece, some 
twenty-fours to nines, some with howitzers. Four 
longboats, with each a carriage gun, serving as 
armed tenders. Twenty-four long boats with pro» 
visions. 



COJCTIHENTAl, 

Schooner Royal Savage, 8 six pounders, and 4 
four pounders, burnt the ll'h of October, at Vali- 
cour. Schooner Revenge, 4 six pounders, and fourSj, 
escaped to Ticonderoga the 13th Oolober. Sloop 
•, 10 four pounders, escaped to ditto the loth 



of October. Cutter Lee, 1 nine pounder in her 
bow; 1 twelve pounder in her stern, and 2 six poun- 
ders in her sides; abandoned tlie 13th of October. 
Galley Congress, 2 eighteen pounders in her bow, 
2 twelve pounders in her stern, and 6 six pounders 
in her sides; run on shore and burnt the 13th of 
October. Galley Washington, 1 eight and 1 twelve 
pounder in her bow, 2 nine pounders in her stern, 
and 6 six pounders in her sides; taken the 13th of 
[October. Galley Trumbull, like the WashingtoOj, 
escaped to Ticonderoga the 13th October. Eight 
Gondolas, carrying 1 eight pounder in the bow, 
and 2 nine pounders in the sides; some of of these 
had 4 guns in their sides — one taken the 12th, one 
sunk the 11th, four burnt the I3th; one escaped, 

and one missing. Schooner , taken from 

major Skeene, was gone for provisions. Galley 
Gates, expected to join them in a f-iw days. 

Jl list of the seamen detached from the king's ships 
and vessels in the river St. Lawrence, to serve on 
lake Champlain. 

Isis, 100 seamen; Blonde, 70; Triton, 60; Gar- 
land, 30; Canceaux, 40; Magdalen, Brunswick, Gas- 
pee 18 seamen each; Treasury, and armed brigs, 
90 men each- 

Province armed vessels— Fell, 30, lately wreck- 
ed; Charlotte, 9; volunteers from no ship, 9; ditto 



PRLNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



45r 



from the transports, 214. Total, 670; exclusive of j by ineffectual complaints and petitions for redress. 
S officers, and 19 petty officers. 

SCARCITY OF SALT. 

In convention for the ttate of Pe?insylvania, Satur- 
day, Auguit 24, 1776. 
Whereas, it appears to this convention, upon due 

enquiry and information of the circumstances, that 

,. ,, • .u- u I . 1 *i ot me treacnery and 

the salt now m this city, has been imported at low „ , . ' 

, , J . ■ * J I Scotch agamst them. 



prices, and under moderate insurance. And where- 
as, divers persons, in contempt of the just and 



He enumerated the multitude of addresses from 
every part of Scotland for the blood of the Ame- 
ricans. He stated the general zeal and alacrity 
of that people in and out of parliament, and in 
Great Britain and America, for the destruction and 
subjugation of the colonies. He reminded them 
of the treachery and uncontrolable enmity of the 
recently experienced in the 



provinces of New York, Virginia, and the Caroli- 
nas; where, in direct violation of every principle 



, .. e .X •»» «. c\"*^' wnere, m airect violation of every pnnciDle 

wholesome regulations of the committee, &.c. of . . , , ^ i'i»'".jpie 

^L-, J . L- 1 J- .• c u o« gratitude, and of their fkith expressly pledced. 



Philadelphia, under directions of congress, have 
continued to dispose of their salt at most exorbi- 
tant prices, to the great gfrievance and distress of 
their fellow subjects of this state: it is therefore 
resolved. That the said regulations be hereby con- 
firmed, and all persons whatever, are hereby strict- 
ly enjoined to pay due obedience thereto. And 
the said committees are authorized and direct- 
ed to seize, and take into their possession, the 
salt belonging to such persons as have refused, or 
shall refuse, conformity to the regulations so es- 
tablished: or shall altogether withhold, or refuse 
to sell their salt during the continuance of such 
regulations, allowing to the said persons, upon the 
sale thereof, the fixed and settled prices, first de- 
ducting the expenses incurred upon the sale. 

And whereas, it is but reasonable that every part 



they had joined the enemy, and openly attempted, 
by taking up arms, to destroy the liberties of those 
who had generously guaranteed theirs. 

To this, a southern delegate replied, after some 
general observations, nearly in the following words: 

It is impossible, sir, not to feel the justice of the 
honorable movei-'s zeal and resentment. The facts 
upon which they are founded, unhappily for hu- 
manity, are not to be denied. 1 myself stand here 
as one of the representatives of the "colony, whick 
has experienced every eflort of Scotch violence, 
perfidy, and ingratitude. They petitioned to be 
protected in a neutrality during these unhappy 
commotions. They pledged their faith, in the most 
solemn manner, that they would not aid or inform 
those who might appear in arms against us. Upon 



of this extensive state should be accommodated, as p*^^*^ *^''™*» neutrality was indulged; protection 



nearly as may be, with their proportion of this ar- 
ticle, so justly esteemed a necessary of life: 

Be it retolved. That the committee of Philadel- 
phia are hereby farther directed to distribute the 
salt, that may, as aforesaid, come into their pos- 
session, in equal quantities in the several counties, 
having regard to the reputed number of the inha- 
bitants contained in the said counties. 
Extract from the minutes, 

JOHN MORRIS, Jun. Sec. 



was given them. They enjoyed ittill our enemies 
appeared, and instantly took up arms for our de- 
struction. That Providence, in whom the justice 
of our cause inspires confidence, enabled us to da- 
feat their purposes. They remained, in conse- 
quence, at our mercy; yet we exercised no greater 
act of severity, than that which was unavoidable 
—the obliging them to quit a colony, to which it 
was plain they were irreclaimably hostile. 



In the other colonies, they have manifested a, sj- 

, milarly unprincipled enmity and rancour against 

Fragment of a speech in the general congress ofAme the lives and liberues of a people, who, in a pecu- 



rica — 1776. [cYawe of the speaker nnknoion.'\ 

Upon a motion to resolve, 'That all Scotch pri- 
soners be treated with the utmost severity, as the 
rancorous abettors of this inhuman war, which has 
originated in Scotch principles, and from Scotch 
councils:' 

The mover of this resolution prefaced and en- 



liar manner, have been profitable to them, and t» 
their conntiy. As they have thus distinguished 
themselves for ingratitude and hostility to us, they 
seem to merit a severity of treatment as distin- 
guished. 

But, sir, let us remember, that we are engaged 
in a general war. Not in a war with Scotland, 



forced it by a review of public transactions, both but with Great Brilain. To general objects, gene 
respecting England and America, since the com- ral rules are applicable. Such a selection for se 
mencemf-iit of the present reign. He shewed they J verity, would savor more of the vengeance of in- 
had been a series of violent grievaaqes, followed I dividuals, than of public justice. We are contend- 



432 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ing in the noblest cause that can enlarge and exalt 
the human heart. Let the magnanimity of our 
conduct be proportioned to the nobleness of our 
pursuits. We are now forming a national charac- 
ter. Spite of the misrepresentations ofourene 
mies, the truth will at length prevail. Like the 
glorious sun, it will be more splendid from the 
"cloud that has obscured it. Let us then take care, 
that, when it does come forth, it ipay be the won- 
der of nations. Let us mould it; not on the de- 
merits of our enemies, but on our own dignity.— 
Let generosity, justice, and humanity, be the illus- 
trious characteristics of the states of America. 

He ended with these lines from Caesar's speech, 
in Sallusl: 

Item bellis punicis omnibus, cum sxpe Cartha- 
giniensis et in pace, et per inducias, multa nefaria 
facinora fecissent, nunquam majores nostri, per 
occasionem talia fecere; magis quid se dignum 
foret.quamquid in illisjure fieri posset, qusrebant. 
Hoc idem providendum est, patres conscript!, ne 
plus valeat apud vos, Publii Lentuli et cxterorum 
scelus, quam vestra dignitas; neu magis irsc quam 
famse consulatis. 

The motion was immediately rejected. 

INSURANCE. 

London, Mov. 1776.— The great number of cap- 
tures, raised the insurance on vessels homeward 
bound, from the West Indies, to twenty-three per 
cent. The losses upon the West India trade, a- 
mount, at this time, to sixty-six per cent. viz.| 

Insurance, I- 2o 

Fall in price of rum and sugars, owing to') 
the North American demand being cut C 11 



off. 

One fourth of the shipa taken. 
Delays to market, 



25 
7 

1.66 



JV'ew London.fCon.J Aug.23, 1776.— By means 
of the great number of prizes carried into the dif 
ferent ports of ibis continent, Jamaica rum is seld 
at 4s. 4d. per gallon, by the hogshead; and sugar 
at five dollars per hundred weight, in Boston. 

Bo^oif, J\'ov. 14, 1776. 
To the Independent Sons in .Massachusetts state. 
"Our bless'd forefathers," is the grateful sound, 
From age to age, the world will echo round! 
And every future tongue that speaks your name, 
Will brighten the hours with your growing fame. 

Our losses .his year are small, w en compared 
■with the advantages we have ■•aine-^l, anM it would 
be extreme folly, even in the weakest American, 



to suppose our cause did not continue to rise.— 
The complete triumph of liberty, undoubtedly 
draws nearer every hour. When we review the 
state of America, and that of our enemy, we behold 
eminent and growing advantages on the par* of our 
country. The valor and discipline of our troops 
are constantly improving, as every late action witb 
the enemy testifies; this circumstance, considered 
with that of our -superior numbers, affords a bright 
prospect of success. It was always supposed, that 
the enemy would have the greatest advantage in 
the beginning of the war, and it must be acknow- 
ledged, (with gratitude to Heaven) that they have 
done much less, and our success has been mucli 
greater, than might have been expected. At this 
period, we have so many experienced men of tried 
valor, such magazines of warlike stores, such a 
military system formed, such a disciplined militia, 
(as no other nation can produce), and such an union 
and fervor of spirit in support of the righteous 
cause of our coun'ry, as must damp the malevolent 
spirit of our enemies, and give vigor to every vir- 
tuous mind. When we survey our naval depart- 
ment, such are our preparations, such our amazing 
progress in fitting out armed vessels, and so won- 
derful our success in taking the ships, the persons, 
and the ricbes of the enemy, that even our antago- 
nists are almost ready to exclaim, "God is on that 
side!" 

Another happy circumstance in our favor, is the 
fruitful season and plentiful harvest with which 
Heaven hath blessed our country. In truth, so nu- 
merous are the favors of Providence, and so encou- 
raging our prospect of success, that we have much 
greater cause for thanksgiving than for petitioning; 
and it is unmanly, unchristian, and unworthy of 
any free mii^d, to discover the least degree of timi- 
diiy. Our difficulties and suflf'erings, in supporting- 
the great cause of liberty, have been little, if com- 
pared with what other nations have suflTered in de- 
fence of their freedom. The Switzers fought sixty 
baitles in defending their liberties, and finally, 
drove all the murdering tyrants out of their coun- 
try, set up independent states, and have flourished 
in freedom to ihis day, in spite of all the tyrants in 
Europe. They are a striking proof of the superior 
virtue and slrengih of a free people, for their whole 
country is not larger tlian the Massachusetts state, 
not half so fruixful, nor any ways comparable for 
happiness of situ ;tio'i, and commercial advantages. 
What then may not the United States of America 
;icc;implish.' We may rationally suppose, upon a 
survey of the present state of all nations, that these 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



4%a 



United States will make swifter progress in arts 
and arms, and in all that adorns and dignifies hu- 
man society, than any people or nation ever yet 
have done. 

The tyrants of Rritain, and the abject slaves 
whom they can hire, are all the enemies we have 
to encounteri the rest of the world will be our 
friends. As we wish to injure no people, other 
nations will naturally be our friends, some from 
interest, and others, whose interest is no ways con- 
cerned, from motives of humaniiy. As America 
is so very extensive, capable of supporting so ma- 
ny millions of inhabitants, more than she has at 
present; and as the virtuous part of mankind love 
freedom, they will transplant themselves from the 
slavish dominions of Europe, to this land of liber 
ty, whereby the industry, the virtue, and the wis- 
dom of the world will centre in these free and 
independent states. Such being our field of hope, 
such our prospect of happiness, not only for our- 
selves, but for millions of others, by what name 
shall we call that folly which would abate your ar- 
dor, and discourage your efforts, to maintain the 
entire independence of America? 

The folio-wing -was thought t6 be a pretty accurate 
ttate of the provincial forces in .'Hay, 1776. 
In Canada, 9000 continental troops; commanded 
by major general Sullivan, and brigadiers Arnold 
and Wctdkle. The generals Schuyler and Wooster 
are at Albany, with a body of militia, number not 
exactly known. 

At New York, 12,000 continental, troops 11,000 
militia, and the Jersey brigade consisling of 3300 
commanded by general Washington, major gene 
rals Putnam, and Gates, and brigadiers Heath, 
Green, lord Sterling, Waterbury, and Mercer. 

In Jersey and Pennsylvania, a flying camp of 10,000 
men, commanded by brigadiers Mifflin, Deau, and 
Johnson. 

In Virginia, 8000 continental troops. In North 
Carolina 4000 ditto. South Carolina 1000 ditto. 
Commanded by major general Lee, brigadiers 
Armstrong, Howe, Moore, and Lewis. 

At Boston, 2000 continental troops, commanded 
by major general Ward, and brigadier general 
Spencer. 

By this account there were 36,000 continental 
troops, and 24,300 militia, ready for, and in the 
field; but there are 20,000 more of the miliiia, the 
stations of which are not exactly known. In all 

above 80,000 men. 

5^. 



EZrGErSS OF THE AMEIltCAIT COSTIWENTAI. AQMT. 
STiAFF — [ST£RLISa MOSBT.] 

per diem. 

1. s. d. 

Commander in chief, general^ 

Washington, ffor table J > 3 

4 Aidsde-camp, 4s. 6d. each 

1 Adjutant gen«T<»l, 

1 Quarter master general, 

1 Assistant quarter master 

general, 
1 Piiy master general, 
6 Majors brigade, 4s. 6d. 
Secretary to commander 

in clnef 
Directors of hospitals, 









18 





18 




12 




4 


6 


13 


6 


7 





9 6 



1! 



4 Surgeons, 63. 


1 4 


1 Apothecary, 


6 


2 Mates, and 1 clerk, 3s. 


9 


1 Commissary general. 


12 


2 Major generals under 




commander in chief. 




24s. 9d. 


2 9 


4 Ai '3 -de camps, 4s. 6d. 


18 


6 Bri^'adier generals, 18s. 




9(1. 


5 12 


1 Engineer, 


9 


4 Sub-engineers, 4s. fid 


18 


4 Major generals, com> 




manding separate 




armies, 49s. 6d. 


9 18 


8 aid-de camps, 4s. 6d. 


1 16 


8 Mijors brigade, 4s. 6d. 


1 16 


4 Secretaries, 4p. 9d. 


19 


4 Deputy adjutant gene- 




rals, 9.s.'4''i. 


1 17 


4 Deputy quarter master 




generals, 6s. 


1 4 


4 Deputy commissary ge- 




nerals, 6s. 


1 4 


8 Sub-engineers, 4s. fid. 


1 16 


9 Brigadier generals, 18s. 




9d.» 


8 8 



60 RKGIMKHT8. 
60 Colonels, 13s. 6d. 40 10 

60 Lieutenant colonels, 9s. 27 
60 M .jors, 6s. 18 

540 C.ptains, 4s. 6d. 121 10 

1080 Lieutenants, 3s. 162 

540 Ensigns, 2s. 54 

2160 Serjeants, Is. 3d. 135 

2160 Corporals, Is. Id. 117 

540 Drums, Is. Id. and 540 

fifes, Is. Id. 58 10 

30600 Privates, Is. 1530 

(Chaplains, surgeons, 

and surgeon's mates, 
not included) 



TLTINB CAMP. 

14 Colonels, 13s. 6d. 9 9 

14 Lieutenant colonels, 9s. 6 6 

14 Majors, 6s. 4 4 

128 Captains, 4s. 6d. 28 16 

256 Lieutenants, 3s. 3R 8 

Carried over. 



8 6 



41 17 



2265 10 
23)3 8 6 



87 3 
2400 11 7 



•Including Thompson, who is prisoner. 



454 



PRlNCfPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Brought over, 
128 Ensigns, 2s. 12 16 

512 Se:jcaiits, Is. 3d. 32 

512 t.orpor^ls, Is. Id. 27 14 

256 Drums and fifes. Is. Id. 13 7 
8692 Privates, Is 434 12 



per diem. of the minute-men were made, and ihey wers 

2400 11 6 -iAnciiM^ X a, ■> 







—520 10 


JERSET BUIGADB. 




5 Colonels, 13s. 6d. 


3 7 


6 


5 Lieutenant colonels 


9s. 2 5 




5 M.jj(.rs, 6s. 


1 lU 




42 Captains, 4s, 6d. 


9 9 




84 Lieutenants, 3s. 


. 12 12 




42 Ensigns, 2s. 


4 4 




168 Serjeants, Is. 3d. 


10 10 




168 Corporals, Is. Id. 


9 2 




84 Drusns and fifes. Is. 


Id. 4 1! 




2S56 Privates, It. 


142 16 





.200 6 6 



MILITIA (in pa}.) 
44 Colonels, 13s 6d. 29 14 

44 Lieuvenant colonels, 9s. 19 16 
44 M..jors, 6s. 13 4 

400 Captains, 4s, 6d. 90 

SOU Lieutenants, 3s. 120 

400 Ensigns, 2s. 40 

1600 Serjeap.s, Is. 3d. 100 

1600 Corporals, Is. Id. 86 13 

bOO Drums and fifes. Is. Id. 43 6 
2-000 Privates Is. 1350 



4 
8 

• 1892 14 

5014 12 

DAILT AIT.0WA5C"E OF PEOVISIOWS. 

1 lb. fresli-beel, or 1 ib. salt- 
fish; I lb. pork, or 20 oz. salt- 
beef; 1 lb. bread, fiour, 1 pint 
nriilk, 1 quart cider or spruce 
beer, /*er diem Cich — 3 lb. can- 
dles, 8 lb. hard soap, per -.veek 
for 100 men — J pints pease, 1 
pnv: Indidi': intal, 6 oz. butler, 
per man a lueek. 'i'his is about 
lOd. sterling ration per day. 

itaviojis, on an average 3 per 
da), for general and other 
officers, 4898 at 2s. 6d. 612 5 

Non-coiiiniissioned officers, 
and privates, 80,248, at lud. 3343 13 4 

3955 18 4 



Clothing for continental ar- 
my, Hying camp, and Jersey 
brigade, 49,248, 2d. per day. 

Daily expenses. 
Nothing of the navy con- 
tingencies, or army extraordi- 
naries, ate included. 



8970 10 4 

410 8 
9380 18 4 



These accouHts of the American armies were 
taken about the latter end of May, 1776. But 
when the congress were informed, that foreigners 
had been hired, and that general Howe intended 
coming to New York (from Halifax) they ordered 
the number of the continental troops to be increas- 
ed, to seventy thousand. At the same time, returns 



A PROCLAMATION. 

By his excellency general JVashington, general and 
commander in chi'f of the army of the United States 
of JVorth America. 

Whereas a bombardment and attack upon the 
cily of New York by our cruel and inveterate ene- 
my may be hourly expected: and as there are. great 
numbers of women, children, and infirm persons 
yet remaining in the city, whose continuance will 
rather be prejudicial than advantageous to the ar- 
my, and their persons exposed to great danger and 
hazard: I do therefore recommend it to all per- 
sons, as they value their own safely and preserva- 
tion, to remove with ail expedition out of the said 
lown at I his critical period — trusting that with the 
blessing of Heaven upon the American arms they 
may soon return to it in perfect security. And I 
do enjoin and require all the officers and soldiers 
in the army under my command, to forward and 
assist all such persons in their compliance with 
this recommendation. 

Given under my hand, at head-quarters, New 
York, August 17, 1776. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

In convention of the representatives of the state of 
JVc-w York, held at Harlem, Aug. 17, 1776. 
Resolved, That the women and children, and 
infirm persons in the city of New York, be imme- 
diately removed from the said city, agreeable to 
general Washington's request of this bouse, in his 

letter of this date. 

ROBERT BENSON, Sec. 



MASSACHUSETTS. 

IW PROVlHCIAt CONGHESS. 

V/aterto-wn, April 26, 1775. 

TO THE INHABITANTS OF CHEAT BHITAIW. 

Friends and fellow subjects, 

Hostilities are at length commenced in this colo- 
ny, by the troops ander command of general Gage; 
and it being of the greatest importance, that an 
early, true, and authentic account of this inhuman 
proceeding should be known to you, the congress 
of this colony have transmitted the same; and for 
want of a session of the hon. continental congress, 
think it proper to address you on this alarming oc- 
casion. 

By the clearest depositions, relative to this 
transaction, it will appear, that, on the night pre- 
ceding the 19th of April, instant, a body of the 



PRmciPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



45-5 



king's troons, under command of colonel Smith, 
were secretly landed at Cambridge, with an ap 
parent design to take or destroy the military and 
other stores, provided for the defence of this co- 
lony, and deposited at Concord; that some inhabi- 
tants of the colony, on the night aforesaid, whilst 
travelling peaceably on the road between Boston 
and Concord, were seized and greatly abused by 
armed men, who appeared to be officers of gene 
ral Gage's army; that the town of Lexmgton, by 
these means, was alarmed, and a company of the 
inhabitants mustered on the occasion;* that the re- 
gular troops, on their way to Concord, marched in. 
to the said town of Lexington, and the said com 
pany, on their approach, began to disperse; that 
notwithstanding this, the regulars rushed on with 
great violence, and /?rsi began hostilities, by firing 
on the said Lexington company, whereby, they 
killed eight, and wounded several others; that the 
regulars continued their fire until those of the ssid 
company, who were neither killed nor wounded 
bad made their escape; that colonel Smith, with 
the detachment, then marched to Concord, where 
a number of provincials were again fired on by the 
troops, two of them killed and several wounded, 
before any of the provincials fired on them; and 
/Afli these hostile measures of the troops produced 
an engagement that lasted through the day, in 
which many of the provincials, and more of the re- 
gular troops, were killed and wounded. 

To give a particular account of the ravages of 
the troops, as they retreated from Concord to 
Charles Town, would be very difficult,. if not im 
practicable; let it suffice to say, that a great num- 
ber of the houses on the road were plundered, and 
rendered unfit for use; several were burnt; women 
in child-bed were driven by the soldiery naked into 
the streets; old men, peaceably in their houses, 
were shot dead, and such scenes exhibited, as 
would disgrace the annals of the most uncivilized 
nations. 

These, brethren, are marks of ministerial ven- 
geance against this colony, for refusing, with her 
sister colonies, a submission to slavery; but they 
have not yet detached us from our royal sovereign; 
we profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects; and 
so hardly dealt with as we have been, are still rea- 
dy, with our lives and fortunes, to defend his per- 
son, family, crown and dignity; nevertheless, to 
the persecution and tyranny of his cruel ministry, 
we will not tamely submit; appealing to Heaven 



for the justice of our cause, «'we determine to die, 
or be free." 

We cannot think that the honor, wisdom, and 
valor of Britons, will suffer them to be longer in- 
active spectators of measures, in which they them- 
selves are so deeply interested; measures pursued 
in opposition to the solemn »irotests of many noble 
lords, and expressed sense of conspicuous com- 
mons, whose knowledge and virtue have long cha- 
racterized them as some of the greatest men in the 
nation; measures, executing contrary to the inter- 
est, petitions, and resolves of many large, respect- 
able counties, cities, and boroughs, in Great Bri- 
tain; meatures highly incompatible with justice, 
but still- pursued with a specious pretence of eas- 
ing the nation of its burthens; measures which, if 
successful, must end in the ruin and slavery of Bri- 
tain, as well as the persecuted American colonies. 

We sincerely hope, that the Great Sovereign of 
the Universe, who hath so often appeared for the 
English nation, will support you in ever} rational 
and manly exertion with these colonies, for saving 
it from ruin, and that, in a constitutional coniiec- 
tion with our mother country, we shall soon be al- 
together a free and happy people. 

Signed by order, 

JOS. WARREN, president. 



• There were 100 provincials, and 900 regulars. 



IS PROTIHCIAI, CONGRESS. 

Watertotun, May 5, 1775. 
Whereas, his excellency, general Gage, since his 
arrival in this colony, hath conducted, as an instru- 
ment in the hands of an arbitrary ministry, to en- 
slave this people; and a detachment of the treops 
under his command, has of late been, by him, or- 
dered to the town of Concord, to distroy the pub- 
lic stores, deposited in that place for the use of 
the colony: And whereas, by this clandestine and 
perfidous measure, a number of respectable inha- 
bitants of this colony, without any provocation giv- 
en by them, have been illegally, wantonly, and in« 
humanly slaughtered by his troops: 

Therefore, resolved, that the said general Gage 
hath, by these and many other means, utterly dis- 
qualified himself to serve this colony as a governor, 
and in every other capacity; ar.d that no obedience 
ought, in future, to be paid by the several towns 
and districts in this colony, to his writs, for calling 
an assembly, or to his proclamations, or any other 
of his acts or doings; but that, on the other hand, 
he ought to be considered and guarded against, as 
an unnatural and inveterate enemy to the country. 
JOSEPH WARREN, president P. T. 



436 



PRINCIPLKS AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



IVeterioiun, j\i'ov. 20. destruction might come upon our frontiers, have 

A pRoctAMATiON FOH A PUBLIC THAHK.30IVING. bccn almost miraculously defeated; that our un- 

Although, In consequence of the nnnatural, cru- natural enemies, instead of ravaging the country 

el, and barbarous measures, adopted and pursued with uncontroled sway, are confined within sTich 



by the Briiish administration, great and distressing 
calamities are brought upon our distressed coun- 
try, and in this colony in particular; we feel the 
dreadful effects of a civil -war, by which, America 
is stained with the blood of her valiant sons, who 
have bravely fallen in the laudable defence of our 
rights and privileges; our capital^ once the seat oj 
justice, opulence and virtue, is unjustly wrested 
from its proper owners, who are obliged to flee 
from the iron hand of tyranny, or held in the 
unrelenting arms of oppression; our seaports great- 
ly distressed, and towns burnt by the foes who 
have acted the part of barbarous incendiaries. — 
And, although the wise and Holy ©overnor of the 
world h as, in his righteous Providence, sent droughts 
into this colony, and wasting sickness into many 
of our towns, yet we have the greatest reason to 
adore and praise the Supreme Disposer of events, 
who deals infinitely better with us than we deserve; 
and amidst all his judgments, hath remembered 
mercy, by causing the voice of health again to be 
heard amon^jst us; instead of famine, affording to 
an ungrateful people a competency of the neces- 
saries and comforts of life; in remarkably preserv- 
ing and protecting our troops, v/hen in apparent 
danger, while our enemies, with all their boasted 
skill and strength, have met with loss, disappoint- 
ment, and defeat;— sind, in the course of his good 
Providence, the Father of all Mercies, hath be- 
stowed upon us many other favors, which call for 
our grateful acknowledgments: 

Therefore— We have thought fit, with the advice 
of the council and house of representatives, to ap- 
point Thursday, the 23d of November, instant, to be 
observed as a day of public thanks^rivin^, through- 
out this colony; hereby calling upon ministers 
and people, to meet for religious worship on the 
said day, and devoutlt/ to offer up their unfeigned 
praises to Almighty God, the source and benevo- 
lent bestosver of all good, for his affording the ne- 
cessary means of subsistence, though our com- 
merce has be§n prevented, and the supplies from! 
the fishery denied us;— that such a measure of 
health is enjoyed among us; that the lives of our 
officers and soldiers have been so remarkably pre- 
served, while our enemies have fallen before them; 
that the vigorous efforts, which have been used to 
excite the savage vengeance of the wilderness 
and rouse Ute Indians to arms, that an unavoidable! 



narrow limits, to their own mortification and dis- 
tress, environed by an American army, brave and 
determined; — that such a band of union, founded 
upon the best principles, unites the American co- 
lonies, — that our rights and privileges, both civil 
and religious, are so far preserved to us, notwith- 
standing all the attempts of our barbarous enemies 
to deprive us of them. 



And to offer up humble and fervent prayers to 
Almighty God, for the whole British empire; es- 
pecially for the united American colonies: — That He 
would bless our civil rulers, and lead them into 
wise and prudent measures, at this dark and diffi- 
cult day; that He would endow our general court 
witb all that wisdom whicli is profitable to direct; 
that He would graciously smile upon our endeavors 
to restore peace, preserve our rights and privi» 
leges, and hand them down to posterity; that He 
would give wisdom to the American congress, 
equal to their important station; that He would di- 
rect the generals, and the American armies, wher- 
ever employed, and give them success and victory; 
that He would preserve and strengthen the harmo- 
ny of the united colonies; that He would pour out 
his spirit upon all orders of men, through the land, 
bring us to a hearty repentance and reformation; 
purify and sanctify all His churches; that be would 
make ours, Emanuel's land; that He would spread 
the knowledge of the Redeemer through the whole 
earth, and fill the world with his glory. 

And all servile labor is forbidden on said day. 
Given under our hands, at the council chamber, 

in Watertown, the fourth day of November, ia 

the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hun^ 

dred and seventy-five. 

By their honors command, 

PEREZ MORTON, Dep. Sec. 



Jp.mes Otis, 
Walter Spooner, 
Caleb Cushing, 
Joseph Whitcomb, 
Jedidiah Foster, 
James Prescott, 
Eldad Taylor, 



Benjamin Lincoln, 
Michael Farley, 
Joseph Palmer, 
Samuel llolten, 
Jabez Fisher, 
Moses Gill, 
Benjamin White. 



GOD SAVE THE PEOPLE. 

The folloiuing test passed the assembly of Massa- 
chusetts in 1776. 
**We the subscribers do each of us severally 
for ourselves profess, testify and declare, before 
God and tbe world, that we verily believe that 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



437 



the war, resistance and opposition in which the 
United American Colonies are now eng'aged against 
the fleets and armies of Great Britain, is on the 
part of the said colonies, just and necessHry; and 
we do hereby severally promise, covenant and 
engage to and with every person of this colony, 
who has or shall subscribe tliis declaration, or ano- 
ther of the same tenor and words, that we will not, 
during the said war, directly or indirectly, in any 
ways aid, abet, or assist any of the naval or land 
forces of the king of Great Britain, or any employ 
ed by him, or supply them with any kind of pro- 
visions, military or naval stors, or hold any corres 
pondence with, or communicate any intelligence 
to any of the officers, soldiers or mariners belong 
ing to the said army or navy, or enlist or procure 
any others to enlist into the land or sea service of 
Great Britain, or take up or bear arms against Ihis 
or either of the United Colonies, or undertaking 
to pilot any of the vessels belonging to the said 
navy, or any other way aid or assist them; but on 
the contrary, according to our best power and 
abilities, will defend by arms the United American 
Colonies, and every part thereof, against every 
hostile attempt of the fleets and armies in the ser- 
vice of Great Britain, or any of tkero, according to 
the requirements and directions of the laws of this 
colony, that now or may hereafter be provided for 
the regulation of the militia thereof." 

Copy of a letter to his excellency general Oage, from 
the hon. Jonathan Trumbull, esq. governor of the 
colony of Connecticut, in behalf of the general as- 
tembly of said colony, dated 

Hartford, Jlpril 28, 1775. 
Sir — The alarming situation of public afl^airs in 
this country, and the late unfortunate transactions 
in the province of Massachusetts Bay, have induced 
the general assembly of this colony, now sitting 
in this place, to appoint a committee of their body 
to wait upon your excellency, and to desire me, 
in their name, to write to you relative to these 
very interesting matters. 

The inhabitants of this colony are intimately 
connected with the people of your province, and 
esteem themselves bound, by the strongest ties of 
friendship, as well as of common interest, to regard 
with attention, whatever concerns them. You will 
not, therefore, be surprised, that your first arrival 
at Boston, with a body of his Majesty's troops, for 
the declared purpose of carrying into execution 
certain acts of parliament, which, in their appre- 



hension, were uaconstitutional and oppressive, j even yet, find expedients to restore peace, that 



should have given the good people of this colony 
a very just and general alarm; your subsequent 
proceedings in fortifying the town of Boston, and 
other military preparations, greatly increased their 
apprehensions for the safety of their friends and 
brethren; they could not be unconcerned specta- 
tors of their suflTerings, in that which they esteem- 
ed the common cause of this country; but the late 
hostile and secret inroads of some of the troops 
under your command, into the heart of the coup.- 
try, and the violences they have committed, have 
driven them almost into a state of desperation. They 
feel now not only for their friends, but for them- 
selves, and their dearest interests and connections. 
We wish not to exaggerate; we are not sure of ev- 
ery part of our information; but, by the best inlel- 
IJgence that we have yet been able to obtain, thft 
late transaction was a most unprovoked attack up- 
on the lives and property of his majesty's subjects; 
and it is represented to us. that such outrages have' 
been committed, as would disgrace even barba- 
rians, and much more Britons, so highly famed for 
humanity, as well as bravery. It is feared, there- 
fore, that we are devoted to destruction, and that 
you have it in command and intention, to ravage 
and desolate the country. Jf this is not the case, 
permit us to ask, why have these outrages been 
committed? Why is the town of Boston now shut 
up? And to what end are ail the hostile prepara- 
tions that are daily making, and why do we conti- 
nually hear of fresh destination of troops for his 
ountry? The people of this colony, you may rely 
upon it, abhor the idea of taking arms against the 
troops of their soveriegn, and dread nothing so 
much as the horrors of civil war; but, at the same 
time, we beg leave to assure your excellency, that 
as they apprehend themselves justified by the prin- 
ciples of self defence, so they are most firmly re- 
solved to defend their rights and privileges to the 
last extremity; nor will they be restrained from 
giving aid to their brethren, if any unjustifiable at- 
tack is made upon them. Be so good, therefore, 
as to explain yourself upon this most important 
subject, as far as is consistent with your duty to 
our common sovereign. Is there no way to pre- 
vent this unhappy dispute from coming to extre- 
mities? Is there no alternative but absolute sub- 
mission, or the desolations of war? By that hu- 
manity which constitutes so amiable a part of your 
character; for the honor of our sovereign, and by 
the glory of the British empire, we entreat you to 
prevent it, if it be possible; surely, it is to be hoped 
that the temperate wisdom of the empire might. 



438 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



all parts of the etr.pire may enjoy theii- particular 
rights, honors, and immunities: Certainly, this is 
an event most devoutly to be wished for; and will 
it not be consistent with your duty to suspend the 
operation of war on your part, and enable us on 
ours, to quiet the minds of the people, at least, till 



when you are assHred, that previous to my taking 
these steps, such were tfce open threats, and such 
the warlike preparations throughout this province, 
as rendered it my indispensible duty to take every 
precaution in my power, for the protection of his 
majesty's troops under my command, against all 



the result of some further deliberations may be; hostile attempts. The intelligence you seem to 



known? The importance of the occasion will, we 
doubt not, sufficiently apologize for the earnest- 
ness with which we address you, and any seeming 
impropriety which may attend it, as well as induce 
you to give us the most explicit and favorable an- 
swer in your power. 

I am, with great esteem and respect, in behalf 
®f the general assembly, sir, 5tc. 

(Signed) JONATHAN TRUMBULL 
His excellency, Thomas Gags, esq. 

Hia excellency general Gage's answer to the forego- 
ing letter, dated 

BosTOW, May 3, 1775. 
Sib:— T am to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter of the 28lh of April last, in behalf of the 
general assembly of your colony, relative to the 
alarming situation of public affairs in this country, 
and the late transactions in this province: that this 
situation is greatly alarming, and that these trans- 
actions are truly unfortunate, are truths to be re- 
gretted by every friend to America, and by every 
well-wisher for the peace, prosperity, and happi- 
ness of this province. The intimate connection, 
and strong ties of friendship between the inhabi- 
tants of your colony, and the deluded people of 
this province, cannot fail of inducing the former to 



have received, relative to the late excursion of a 
body of troops into the country, is altogether inju- 
rious and contrary to the true state of facts; the 
troops disclaim, with indignation, the barbarous 
outrages of which they are accused, so contrary to 
theirlcnown humanity. I have taken the greatest 
pains to discovei* if any were committed, and have 
found examples of their tenderness, both to the 
young and the old, but no vestige of cruelty or 
barbarity: It is very possible, that )n firing into 
houses, from whence they were fired upon, that old 
people, women, or children, may have suffered, but 
if any such thing has happened, it was in their de- 
fence, and undesigned. I have no command to 
ravage and desolate the country, and were it my 
intention, I have had pretence to begin it upon the 
sea ports, who are at the mercy of the fleet. For 
your better information, I inclose you a narrative 
of that affair, taken from gentlemen of indisputa- 
ble honor and veracity, who were eye witnesses of 
all the transactions of that day. The leaders herft 
have taken pains to prevent any account of this af- 
fiiir getting abroad, but such as they have thought 
proper to publish themselves; and to that end, the 
post has been stopped, the mails broke open, and 
letters taken out; and, by these means, the most 
injurious and inflammatory accounts have been 

interpose their good offices, to convince the latter! spread throughout the continent, which has served 

of the impropriety of their past conduct, and to^^Q deceive and inflame the minds of the people. 

persuade them to return to their allegiance, and 

toseekredressofany supposed grievances, in those When the resolves of the provincial congress 



decent and constitutional methods in which algne 
they can hope to be successful. 

That troops should be employed for the purpose 
of protecting the magistrates in the execution of 
their duty, when opposed with violence, is not a 
new thing in the English, or any other government 
that any acts of the British parliament are uncon- 
stitutional or oppressive, I am not to suppose; if 
any such there are, in the apprehension of the peo- 
ple of this province, it had been happy for them if 
they had sought relief, only in the way which the 
constitution, their reason, and their interest, point- 
ed out. 

You cannot wonder at my fortifying the town of 



breathed nothing but war, when those two great 
and essential prerogatives of the king, the levying 
of troops, and disposing of the public monies, 
were wrested from him; and when magazines were 
forming by an assembly of men, unknown to the 
constitution, for the declared purpose of levying 
war against the king, you must acknowledge, it was 
my duty, as it was the dictate of humanity, to pre- 
vent, if possible, the calamities of civil war, by 
destroying such magazines. This, and this alone, 
1 attempted. You ask, why is the town of Boston 
now shut np? I can only refer you, for an answer, 
to those bodies of armed men, who now surround 
the town, and prevent all access to it. The hos- 
tile preparations \ou mention, are such as the con- 



Boston, or making any other military repstrations, I duct of the people of th'is province has rendered 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



459 



it prudent to make, for the defence of those under 
my command. 

You assure me, the people of you colony abhor 
the idea of taking arms against the troops of their 
sovereign; I wish the people of this province, for 
their own sakes, could make the same declaration. 
You enquire, is there no way to prevent this un- 
happy dispute from coming to extremities? Is there 
no alternative but absolute submission, or the de- 
solations of war? I answer, 1 hope there is; the king 
and parliament seem to hold oat terms of recon- 
ciliation, consistent with the honor and interest oi 
Great Britain, and the rights and privileges of the 
colonies; ihey have mutually declared their readi- 
ness to attend to any real grievances of the colo- 
nics, and to aflbrd them every just and reasonable 
indulgence, wiiich shall, in a dutiful and constitu- 
tional maimer, be laid before them; and his Majes- 
ty adds, it is his ardent wish that this disposition 
may have a happy effect on the temper and conduct 
of his subjects in America: I must add likewise, 
the resolution of the 27U) of February, on the gra:»d 
dispute of taxation and revenue, leaving it to the 
colonies to tax themselves, under certain condi 
tions; here is surely a foundation for an accommo- 
dation, to people who wish a reconciliation, rather 
than a destructive war, between countries so nearly 
connected, by the ties of blood and interest; but 1 
fear, that the leaders of this province have been, 
and still are, intent only on shedding blood. 

I am much obliged, by your favorable sentiments, 
®f my personal character, and assure you, as it has 
been my constant wish and endeavor hitherto, so 1 
shall continue to exert my utmost efforts to pro- 
tect all his majesty's liege subjects under my care, 
in their persons and property. You ask, whether 
it will not be consistent with my duty, to suspend 
the operations of war, on my part? 1 have com- 
menced no operations of war but defensive; such 
you cannot wish me to suspend, while I am sur- 
rounded by an armed country, who have already 
begun, and threaten farther to prosecute an offen- 
sive war, and are now violently depriving me, the 
king's troops, and many other of the king's sub- 
jects, under my immediate protection, of all the 
conveniences and necessaries of life, with which 
the country abounds; but it must quiet the minds 
©f all reasonable people, when I assure you that I 
have n* disposition to injure and moles', quiet and 
peaceable subjects; but on the contrary, shall es- 
teem it my greatest happiness lo defend and pro- 
tect them against every species of violence and 
oppression.— I am, sir, 8cc. 

(Signed) THOMAS GAGE. 



Letter from the commitiee of JVe-M York, to the lord 
tnayor, aldermen, and common council of London^ 
laid before the court of common council by the mayor, 
on the 2ord of June, 1775. 

COMMITTKE ChAMBEH, 7 

New-Yohk, May 5, 1775. 5 
Jify lord and gentlemen — Distinguished as you are, 
by your noble exertions in the cause of liberty, and 
deeply interested in the expiring commerce of the 
empire, you necessarily command the most re- 
spectful attention. The general committee of as- 
sociation, for the city and county of New York, beg 
leave, therefore, to address you, and the capital 
of the British empire, through its magistrates, on 
the subject of American wrongs. Born to the 
bright inheritance of English freedom, the inhabi- 
tants of this extensive continent, can never submit 
to the ignominious yoke, nor move in the galling 
fetters of slavery. The disposal of their own pro- 
perty, with perfect spontaniety, and in a manner 
wholly divested of every appearance of constraint, 
is their indefeasible birthright. This exalted bles- 
sing, they are resolutely determined to defend with 
their blood, and transfer it, uncontaminated, to 
their posterity. 

You will not, then, wonder at their early j ealausy 
of the design, to erect in this land of liberty, a des- 
potism scarcely to be parallelled in the pages of 
antiquity, or the volumes cf modern times; a des- 
potism, consisting in power, assumed by the repre- 
sentatives of a part of his majesty's subjects, at 
their sovereign will and pleasure, to strip the rest 
of their property; — and what are the engines of 
administration to execute this destructive project? 
The duty on tea; oppressive restraints on the com- 
merce of the colonies; the blockade of the port of 
Boston; the change of internal police in the Mas- 
sachusetts, and Quebec, the establishment of pope- 
ry in the latter; the extension of its bounds; the 
ruin of our Indian commerce, by regulations calcu- 
lated to aggrandize that arbitrary government; im- 
constitulional admiralty jurisdiction throughout 
ihe colonies; the invasion of oar right to a trial, in 
the most capital cases, by a jury of the vicinage; 
the horrid contrivance to screen from punishment 
the bloody executioners of ministerial vengeancej 
and not to mention the rest of the black catalogue 
of our grievances, the hostile operations of an ar- 
my, who have already shed the blood of our coua- 
trymen. The struggles excited by the detestable 
stamp act, have so lately demonstrated to the world 
that Americans will not be slaves; that we stand 
astonished at the gross impolicy of the minister. — ■ 
Recent experience had evinced, that the possessors 



440 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



of this extensive continent would never submit to 
a tax, by pretext of legislative authority in Britain; 
disgwise, therefore, became the expedient. In pur- 
suit of the same end, parliament declared their ab- 



ment to the welfare of his realm and domiiii:.>ns. 
Permit us further to assure you, that America is 
grown so irritable, by oppression, that the least 
shock, in any part, is by the most powerful and 



solate supremacy in attempting to raise a revenue, sympathetic affection, instantaneously felt through 
under the specious pretence of providing for their the whole continent. That Pennsylvania, Mary< 
good government and defence. Administration, j land, and New York, have already stopped their 



to exhibit a degree of moderation, purely ostensi- 
ble and delusory, while they withdrew their hands 
from our most necessary articles of importation, 
determined with an eager grasp to hold the duty 
on tea, as a badge of their taxative power. Zea- 
lous on our part, for an indissoluble union with the 
parent state, studious to promote the glory and 
happiness of the empire, impressed with a just 
sense of the necessity of a controlling authority to 
regulate and harmonize the discordant commercial 
interests of its various parts; we cheerfully submit 
to a regulation of commerce, by the legislature of 
a parent state, excluding, in its nature, every idea 
of taxation. 

Whither, therefore, the present machinations of 
arbitrary power infallibly tend, you may easily 
judge; if unremittedly pursued, as they were inhu- 
manly devised, they will, by a fatal necessity, ter- 
minate in a total dissolution of the empire. 



The subjects of this country will not, we trust, 
be deceived by any measures conciliatory in ap- 
pearance, while it is evident that the minister aims 
at a sordid revenue, to be raised by grievous and 
oppressive acts of parliament, and by fieeis and 
armies employed to enforce the execuiion. They 
never will, we believe, submit to an auction on the 
colonies, for the more effectual augmentation of 
the revenue, by holding it up as a lempiaiion to 
them, that the highest bidder shall enjoy the great- 
est share of government favor. This plan, as it 
would tend to sow the seeds of discord, would be 
far more dangerous than hostile force, in which we 
hope the king's troops will ever be, as they have 
already been, unsuccessful. Instead of those unu- 
sual, extraordinary, and unconstitutional modes of 
procuring levies from the subjects, should his Ma- 
jesty graciously be pleased, upon suitable emergen- 
cies, to make requisitions in ancient form, the co- 
lonies have expressed their willingness to contri- 
bute to the support of the empire — but to contri 
bute of their voluntary gift, as Englishmen; and 
when our unexampled grievances are redressed, 
our prince will find his American subjects testify- 
ing, on all proper occasions, by as ample aids as 
their circumstances will permit, the most unshak- 
en fidelity to their sovereigti, and inviolable attach- 



exporls to the fishing islands, and those colonies, 
which at this dangerous juncture, have refused to 
unite with their brethren in the common cause; 
and all supplies to the navy and army ut Boston; 
and that probably the day is at hand, when our 
continental congress will totally shut up our ports. 
The minions of power here, may now inform ad. 
ministration, if they can ever speak the language 
of truth, that this city is as one man in the cause 
of liberty; that to this end, our inhabitants are al- 
most unanimously bound by the inclosed associa- 
tion; that it is continually advancing to perfection, 
by additional subscriptions; that they are resolute- 
ly bent on supporting their committee, and the in- 
tended provincial and continental congresses; that 
there is not the least doubt of the efficacy of their 
example in the other colonies: In short, that while 
the whole continent are ardently wishing for peace 
on such terms as can be acceded to by English- 
men, they are indefatigible in preparing for the 
last appeal. That such are the language and con- 
duct of our fellow citizens, wili be further mani- 
fested by a representation of the lieutenant gover- 
nor and council of the 1st mst. to general (lage, 
at Boston, and to his Majesty's ministers by the 
packet. Assure yourselves, my lord and gentle- 
men, that we speak the real sentiments of the con- 
federated colonies on the continent, from Nova Sco- 
tia to Georgia, when we oeclare, that all the hor- 
rors of a civil war, will never compel America to 
submit to taxation, by authority of parliament. 

A sincere regard to the public weal, and the 
cause of humanity; in hearty desire to spare the 
further effusion of human blood; our loyalty to 
our prince, and the love we bear to all our fellow 
subjects in his maiesty's realm and dominions; a 
full conviction of the warmest attachment in the 
capital of the empire, to the cause of justice and 
liberty, have induced us to address you on this 
momentous subject, confident that the same cogent 
motives will induce the most vigorous exertions 
of the city of London to restore union, mutuai 
confidence, and peace to the whole empire. 

We have the honor to be, my lord and gentle- 
men, your most obedient and affectionate fellow- 
subjects, and humble servanls, 

ISAAC LOW, Chairman 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



441 



John Jay, Frederick Lewis, John Alsop, Philip 
Livingston, James Duane, E. Duyckorch, William 
Seton, William \V. Ludlow, Cornelius Clopper, 
Abm. Brinkerhoff, Henry Kemsen, Robert Ray, 
Ever. Bancker, Joscpii ToUen, Abm. P. Lott, David 
Buckman.Isaac Roosvvelt,G)ibriel H. Ludlow, Wm. 
AViilton, Daniel Phtnix, Frederick Jay, Samuel 
Broome, Jno. De Lancey, Alexander M' Don gall, Jno. 
Ileade, Joseph Bull, George Jtneway, John White, 
Gab, W. Ludlow, John Lasher, Theopli. Anthony, 
Thomas Smith, Richard Yates, Oliver Templetou, 
Jacobus Van Landb}', Jeremiah Piatt, Peter S. Cur- 
tenius, Thos. Randall, Aug. V Horne, Ab. Duryee, 
Samuel Verplanck, Rudolphus Rilzeman, John 
Morton, Joseph Helleit, Robert Benson, Abraham 
Brasher, L- onard Lisjjenard, Thomas Jlarstory, 
Nicholas H'ffman, P. V B. Livingsion, Lewis Pin- 
tar J, John Imlay.Eleazer -Miller, jun. John Broom, 
Jolm B. Moore, Nicholas Bogert, John Anthony, 
Victor Uicker, William Goforih, Hercules MuUi- 
jjen, Nich. Roosevelt, Corn. V. Low, Francis Bas- 
set, James Beckman, Thomas Ivers, William Den- 
ning, John Berrien, Banjamin ilelme, William W. 
Gilbert, Dan. Dunscomb, John Lanib, Rich. Sharp, 
Jolm Morin Scott, Jacob Vanvoorstis, Comfort 
Sands, Edward Fleiiiing, Lancaster Burling, Benj. 
Ki-sauv, Jacob Ltfreris, Ant. Van Dane, Abraharii 
Walton, Hamilton Young, Peter GoeUl, Gtrrel 
Kiiettas, Thomas Buchanan, James Desbrosses, jun. 
Petrus Byvanck, Lau;ence Enribren. 

To the I'ight honorable the lord mayor, the al- 
dermen, and common council of the city of 
Luiidon. 



Nlw Youk, July 3, 1775. 
The following address of the provincial congress 
of the colony of New York, wus presented on the 
26Lh uU. to his excellency George Washington, 
geuerihssimo of all the forces in the confederated 
colonies of America. 

"Jlay it please your excelkncy: — At a time when 
the most loyal of his majesty's subjects, from a 
regard to the laws and constiiuiion, by whicli he 
sits on the throne, feel themselves reduced to the 
unhappy necessity of taking up arms to defend 
their dearest rights and privileges; while we de- 
plore the calamities of this divided empire, we re- 
joice in the appointment of a genilema.n, from 
wiiose abilities and virtue, we are tauglit to expect j 
botlj security and peace. 

"Confiding in you, sir, and in the worthy gene- 
rals immediately under your command, we have 
the rnost flaUeriisg hop>.s uf success ia the gicii-i 



ous struggle for American liberty, and the fullest 
assurances, that whenevc^r this important contest 
shall be decided, by that fondest wish of each 
American soul, an accommodation with our mother 
country, you will cheerfully resign the important 
deposit committed into your iiands, and reassuu»e 
the ciiaracter of our worthiest citizen. 
Hy order, 

P. V. B. LIVINGSTON, Pres't. 

To the above address, his excellency returned the 
following answer: • 
"Gentlemen: — At the same time that with you- 
r deplore the unhappy necessity of such an ap- 
pointment, as that with which I am now honored, t 
cannot but feel sentiments of the highest grati- 
tude for this alTecting instance uf distinction and 
regard. 

"Miiy your warmest wishes be realized in the 
success of America, at this important and interest- 
ing period; and be assured, that every exertion of 
my worthy colleagues and myself, will be equally 
extended to the re-eslablisiiment of peace and 
harmony, between the mother country and these 
coionies: as to the fatal but necessary operations 
of war, when we assumed the soldier, we did not 
lay aside the citizen, and we shall most sincerely 
rejoice, with you, in that happy hour, when tlie 
establishment of American liberty, on the most 
firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to re- 
turn to our private stations, in the bosom of a free, 
peaceful, and happy country. 

G. WASHINGTON." 



To the honorable the delegates elected by the several 

counties and districts loithin the government of JVeio 

York, in colonial congress convened. 
The respectful address of the meclianics in union, 

for the city and county of New York, represented 

by their general committee. 

Elected delegates — With due confidence in the 
def l.,iavion which you lately made to the chairman 
uf our general committee, that you are at ail times 
ready and willing to attend to every request of 
your constituents, or any part of them; we, the 
mechanics in union, Ihougii a very inconsiderable 
part of your constituents, beg leave to represent, 
that one of the clauses in your resolve, r.espectinj 
the eslablialiment of a new form of government. 
Is erroneously construed, and for that reason ra:iy 
serve the most dangerous purposes; for it is well 
imown how indefatigable the emissaries of tlie 
Hritish parliament are in the pursuit of every 
scheme wiiicik is iikdy to bring disgrace upun our 



442 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



rulers, and ruin upon us all. At the same time 
we cheerfully acknowk'lje that the genuine spirit 
of liberty which animates the other part of that 
resolve, did not permit us to interpret it in any 
other sense than that which is the most obvious, 
and likewise the most favorable to the natural 
rights of man. We covsid not, we never can be- 
lieve you intended that the future deleg-ates, or 
yourselves, should be vested with the power of 
framing a new constitution for this colony; and 
that its inhabitants at large should not exercise 
the right which God has given them, in common 
with all men, to judge whether it be consistent 
with their interest to accept or reject a constitu- 
tion framed for that state of which they are mem- 
ber?. This is the birthright of every man to what- 
ever state he may belong. There he is, or ought 
to be by inadmissible right, a collegislator with all 
the other members of that community. 

Conscious of our own want of abilities, we are, 
alas! but too sensible that every individual is nut 
qualified for assisting in the framing of a constitu- 
tion: but, tiiat share of common sense which the 
Almighty has bountifully distributed amongst man- 
kind in general, is sufficient to quicken every one's 
feeling, and enable him to judge rightly wliat 
degree of SHfety, and what advantages he is likely 
to enjoy, or be deprived of, under any constitution 
proposed to him. For this reason, should a pre. 
posterous confidence in the abilities and integrity 
of our future delegates, delude us into measures 
which might imply a renunciation of our inaliena- 
ble right to ratify our laws, we believe that your 
wisdom, your patrio ism, your own interest, nay, 
your ambition itself, would urge you to exert all 
the powers of persuasion you possess, and try every 
method which, in your opinion, could deter us from 
perpetrating that impious and frantic act of self- 
destruction; for, as it would precipitate us into a 
state of absolute slavery, the lawful power which, 
till nov/, you have received from your constitu- 
ents, to be exercised over a free people, would be 
annihilated by that unnatural act. It might proba- 
bly accelerate our political death; but it must im- 
mediately cause your own. 

ff The continued silence of the bodies which are, 
by election, vested with an authority subordinate 
to that of your house, would strike us with amaze- 
ment, should we suppose that, in their presence, 
your resolve ever was interpreted in a sense that 
was not favorable to the free exercise of our 
inahenable rights. But we, who daily converse 
with numbers who have been deceived by such 



misconstruction, coivceive that we ought to ii.form 
you in due time, that it has alarmed many zealous 
friends to the gen ral Cf.use which the United 
Colonies are defending with their lives and fortunes 

As the general opinion of your upriglitness de- 
P'^nds, in a great measure, on yoor explanation of 
that matter; and it being self-evident that the 
political !;appiness or misery of the people under 
your government, must be deeply affected by the 
measures which they may adopt in consequence of 
such explanation, we trust that you will receive 
this respectful address with indulgence, and that 
all our brethren in this, and the other colonies in 
the union, will do us the justice to beileve, that it 
was dictated by the purest sentiments of unconfined 
patriotism. 

The resolve which contains the obnoxious clause 
already mentioned, is, together with the introduc- 
tion to it, in the following words, to wit: 

"And whereas doubts have srisen, whether this 
congrtss are invested with sufficient power and 
authority to deliberate and determine on so im- 
portant a subject as the necessity of erecting and 
constituting a new form of government and internal 
police, to the exclusion of all foreign jurisdiction, 
dominion and control whatever. And whereas it 
appertains of right, solely to the people of this 
colony to determine the said doubts. Therefore* 

"liesolveJ, That it be recommended to the 
electors in the several counties in this colony, by 
election in the manner and form prescribed for 
the election of the present congress, either to 
authorise, (in addition to the powers vested in 
this congress) their present deputies, or others 
in the stead of their present deputies, or either 
of them, to take into consideration the necessity 
and propriety of instituting such new government 
as in and by the said resolution of the continental 
congress is described and recommended: And if 
the majority of the counties, by their deputies in 
provincial congress, shall be of opinion that such 
new government ought to be instituted and estab- 
lished; then to institute and establish such a go- 
veriuncnt as they shall deem best calculated to 
secure the rights, liberties, and happiness, of the 
good people of this colony, and to continue in force 
until a future peace with Great Britain shall render 
the same unnecessary." 

We cannot forbear expressing our astonishment 
at the existence of the doubts alluded to in the in- 
troduction just quoted. But when in compassion 
to those weak minds which gave them birtb, you 



FRINCIFLES AND ACTS OF THIi REVOLUTION. 



443 



condescended to declare, that qt appertains solely 
to the people of this colony to determine the said 
doubts;' you have in the spirit of the recom- 
mendations of the general congress, demonstrated 
to your constituents, that you will on all occasions 
warn them to destroy in its embryo, every scheme 
that you may discover to have the least tendency 
towards promoting the selfish views of any foreign 
or domestic oligarchy. Your enemies never can 
persuade people of reflection, that you fully in- 
structed the most ignorant among us by such a 
positive declaration of our rights, for die purpose 
of surreptitiously obtaining oar renunciation of 
them. Human nature, depraved as it is, has not 
yet, and we hope never will be guilty of so much 
hypocrisy and treachery. 

We observe on the contrary, that your resolve 
is perfectly consistent with the liberal principle 
on which it is introduced; for after having set forth 
what relates to the election of deputies, you recom- 
mend to the electors, 'If the majority of the coun- 
ties shall be of opinion that such new government 
ought to be instituted, then to institute and estab- 
lish such a government.' 

Posterity will behold that resolve as the test of 
their rectitude. It will prove that you have fully 
restored to us the exercise of our right, finally to 
determine on the laws by which this colony is to 
be governed; a right of which, by the injustice of 
the British government, we have till now been 
deprived. But a forced and most unnatural miscon- 
struction, which is artfully put upon your resolve, 
has deceived many, who really believe that we 
will not be allowed to approve or reject the new 
constitution; they are terrified at the consequences, 
although a sincere zeal for the general cause inspire 
them to suppress their remonstrances, lest the com- 
mon enemy should avail himself of that circum- 
stance, to undermine your authority. 

Impressed with a just fear of the consequences 
which result from that error, we conceive it would 
be criminal in us to continue silent any longer; and 
therefore we beseech you to remove by a fuil and 
timely explanation, the groundless j ealousies which 
arise from a misconception of your patriotic resolve. 

As to us, who do not entertain the least doubt 
of the puri'y of your intentions; who well know, 
that your wisdom could not suffer you to aim at 
obtaining powers, of which we cannot lawfull) 
divest ourselves; which, if repeatedly declared by 
uSj to have been freely granted, would only pro- 



claim our insanity, and for that reason, be void 
of themselves; we begf leave, as a part of youi* 
constituents, to tender you that tribute of esteem 
and respect, to which you are justly entitled, for 
your zeal in so nobly asserting the rights which 
the people at large have to legislation; and in pro- 
moting their free exercise of those rights. 

You have most religiously followed the lines 
drawn by the general congress of the United 
Colonies. Their laws, issued in the stile of re- 
commendations, leave inviolate, in the conventions, 
the committees, and finally the people at large, 
the right of rejection or ratification. But though 
it be decreed by that august body, that the punish- 
ments of death shall, in some cases be inflicted, 
the people have not rejected any of their laws, 
nor even remonstrated against them. The reason 
of such general submission, is, that the wiiole of 
their proceedings is calculated to promote the 
greatest good to be expected from the circum- 
stances which occasion ihe-r resolves, and scarcely 
admit the delays attending more solemn forms. 
The conduct of their constituents in this instance, 
clearly shews, what an unbounded confidence viru- 
ous rulers may place in the sound judgment, 
integrity, and moderation of a free people. 

Whatever the interested supporters of oligarchy 
may assert to the contrary, there is not, perhaps, 
one man, nor any set of men upon earth, who, with- 
out the special inspiration of the Almighty, could 
frame a constitution, which in all its parts, would 
be truly unexceptionable, by the majority of the 
people for whom it might be intended. And should 
God bless any man, or any set men, with such 
eminent g\fts, that man, or those men, having no 
separate interest to support, in opposition to the 
general good, would fairly submit the work to the 
collective judgment of all the individuals who 
might be interested in its operation. These it is 
probable, would after due examination, unanimously 
concur in establishing tliat constitution. It would 
become their own joint work, as soon as the ma- 
jority of them should have freely accepted it; and 
by its having received their free assent, the only 
characteristic of the true lawfulness and leg-aiii/ 
that can be given to human institutions, it would 
be truly binding on the people. Any other con- 
currence in the acts of legislation is illusory a-,d 
tyrannical; it proceeds from the selfish principles 
of corrupt oligarchy: and should a system of laws 
appear, or even be good in every other respect, 
which is scarcely adimissible, yet it would be im- 
perfect. It could be lawfully binding on none but 



444 



PIUNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



the legislotors themselves, and must continue in 
that state of imperfection which disgrace the best 
laws, now and then made in govr^rnments estkblish 
ed on oligarchic principles, and deprives them of 
true legality. As such is the case with Great Bri 
tain herself, it is evident that her parlia:ment are 
so far from having a lawful clumto our obedience, 
that they have it not to that of their own con- 
s' ituents; that all our former laws have but a rela- 
tive legality, and that not onp of them is lawfully 



common conveniency, the operation of most of ihem 
be and ought to be tolerated, until a new system 
of government shall have been freely ratified by 
the collegislative power of the people, the sole 
lawful legislature of this colony. It would be an 
act of despotism to put it in force by any other 
means, wliich God avert! The people it is true 
might be awed, or openly forced to obey, but they 
would abhor the tyranny and execrate i'.s authors, 
'lliey wouKl justly think that they were no longer 
bound to submit than despotism coulil be maintain- 
eA by the same violent or artful means which would 
hiive produced its existence. 

But the free ratification of the people will not 
be sufficient to render the establishment lawful, 
unless they exercise in its fulness an unconlrokd 
p)wer to aUer the constitution in the same man- 
rrr that it shall have been received. This power 
necessarily involves that of every district, occa- 
sitmalty to resiew their deputies to committees and 
congresses when the majorlly of such district siiall 
t'iink fi ; and therefore, without the intervention 
of the executive, or any other power, foreign to 
the body of the respective clcciors, that right is 
£0 essential to our safety, that we firmly believe 
you will recon:imend to all your constituents imme 
diately to exercise it, and never suffer ils being 
vrested from theni; oihefwise the sensibility of 
our dclcgnt.es could not allow them to say that they 
liold their offices from the volur;t.iry choice of a 
liee pecjile. 

AVe likewise conceive that tl)is measure will 
more efi'eciudlly and more speeJily than any other, 
remove disaflecteU persons fioin all our councils, 
and give ova- public picoedings a much greater 
veig'it than tiicy have hitlierto obtained a;iiongsl 
our nci^^hbors. 

^Ve never did as a body, nor never will, assursie 
any authorliy whatsoever in the public transactions 
of the present limes. Common sense teaches us, 



destroy our usefulness as a body of voluntary 
associators, who are warmly attached to the cause 
of liberty; but that it would likewise expose every 
one of us to deserved derision. At the same time, 
we assure your honorable house, that on all occa- 
sions we will continue to testify our zeal in sup- 
porting the measures adopted by congresses and 
committees, in the prosecution of their grand ob- 
ject, the restoration of human rights in the United 
Colonies. And if at any future time, the silence 



binding upon us, though even now for the sake of of the bodies in power give us reason to conceive 

that our representations may be useful, we then 
will endeavor to discharge our duty with propriety, 
and rely on public indulgence for any imperfection 
which cannot affect our uprightness. 

Signed by order of the committee, 

MALCOLM M'KUEN, chairman- 
MECHANICS-nALl, Jwic 14, 1776. 

In convention of the representatives of the state of 
J^'e^a-Yurk, .August 10, 1776, 
liesolved. That if any of the militia officers in 
the service of this state shall, during the present 
invasion, resign his commission after having re- 
ceived orders to proceed upon duty from tliis con- 
vention or his superior olficer, without the per- 
mission of this state, or shall not repair witli all 
possible dispatch to such place or places, as he 
or they may be ordered' to by the convention of 
tliis state, or by his superior officer, shall, upon 
proof before a general court martial, be rendered 
incapable of holding any military employment un- 
der tills state, and his name held up as a deserter 
of his country's cause. 

ROBERT BENSON, Sec. 

IN VIRGINIA COSVENTIOU. 

Satnvday, March 25, 1775.— Resolved, as the opi- 
nion of this convention, that on account of the un- 
happy disputes between Great Britain and the co- 
lonics, and the unsettled stale of this country, the 
lawyers, suitors, and witnesses, ought not to attend 
the prosecution or defence of civil suits at the 
licxt general court: and it is recommended to tlie 
several courts of justice, not to proceed to the 
hearing or dtlermination of suits on their dockets, 
except attachments; nor to give judgment, but in 
t!ie case of sherift's, or other colleclois oi' money 
or tobacco received by them, in other cases where 
such judgment shall be voluntarily confessed, or 
upon such amicable proceedings as may become 
necessary for the settlement, division, or tlislribu- 
lion of estates: and, during the suspension of the 
■.idministration of justice, it is earnestly recom- 



tL&l the a'-surJity of the zW.m. wo'.ilJ not only Wiiended to the people, to ob.'serve a peaceable r.nd 



PRISCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



4A8 



orderly bebavi- r; to all cref^itors to be as indul- 
gent ♦o their debtors as may be; and to all debtors. 
to pay as far as they are able; and where differencps 
may arisp, wliich cannot be adjusted between the 
parties, that they refer the decision thereof to ju- 
dicious neighbors, and abide by their determina- 
tion. 

Monday, March 27, 1775.— The committee ap- 
pointed to prepare a plan for the encouragement 
of arts and manufactures, repoited the following 
resolutions, which being severally read, were unan- 
imously agreed to: 

Whereas, it hath been judged necessary, for the 
preservation of the just rights and liberties of 
America, firmly to associate against importation; 
and, as the freedom, happiness, and prosperity of 
a state greatly depend on providing within itself, 
a supply of articles necessary for subsistence, cloth, 
ing, and defence; and whereas, it is judged essen- 
tial, at this critical juncture, to form a proper 
plan for employing the different inhabitants of this 
colony, providing tor the poor, and restraining va- 
grants and other disorderly persons, v,ho are nui- 
sances to every society, a regard for our country, 
as well as common prudence, call upon us to en- 
courage agriculture, manufactures, economy, and 
the utmost industry; therefore, this convention doth 
resolve as follows: 

Resolved unanimously — That it be earnestly re- 
commended to the different magistrates, vestries, 
and churchwardens, throughout this colony, that 
they pay a proper attention and strict regard to 
the several acts of assembly, made for the re.straint 
of vagrants, and the better employing and main- 
taining the poor. 

Resolved unanimously — That from and after the 
first day of May next, no person or persons what- 
ever, ought to use, in his or their families, unless 
in case of necessity, and on no account, sell to 
butchers, or kill for market, any sheep under four 
years oLl; and where there is a necessity for using 
any mutton, in his, her, or their families, it is re 
commended to kill such only as are least profita- 
ble to be kept. 

Resolved unanimously— That the setting up and 
promoting woollen, cotton, and linen manufic.ures, 
ouglit to be encouraged in as many different 
branches as possible, especially coating, flannel, 
blankets, rugs, or coverlids, hosiery, and coarse 
cloths, both broad and narrow. 

Resolved unanimously— Tha,t all persons, having 
proper laads fjr the purpose, ought to cultivate 



and raise a quantity of flax, hemp, and cotton, suf- 
ficient not only for the use of his or her own family, 
but also to spare to others on moderate terms. 

Resolved unRnlmously — As salt is a daily and in- 
dispensible necessary of life, and the making of it 
amongst ourselves, must be deemed a valuable ac- 
quisition, it is therefore recommended, that the 
utmost endeavors be used to establish salt works, 
and that proper encouragement be given to Mr. 
James Tait, who hath made proposals, and ofl'tred 
a scheme to the public, for so desirable a purpose. 

Resolved unanimously — That saltpetre and sul- 
phur, being articles of great and necessary use, 
the making, collecting, and refinhig them to the 
utmost extent, be recommended, the convention 
being of opinion, that it may be done to great ad- 
vantage. 

Resolved unanimously — That the making of gun- 
powder be recommended. 

Resolved unanimously — That the manufacturing 
of iron into nails and wire, and other necessai'y ar- 
ticles, be recommended. 

Resdved unanimously— That the making of steel 
ought to be largely encouraged, as there will be a 
great demand for this article. 

Resolved unanimously— That the making of dif- 
ferent kinds of paper ought to be encouraged; and 
as the success of this brancli depends on a supply 
of old linen and woollen rags, the inhabitants of 
this colony are desired, in their respective families, 
to preserve these articles. 

Resolved unanimously — That, whereas, wool 
combs, cotton and wool cards, hemp and fl;.x hec- 
els, have been for some time made to advantage, in 
some of the neighboring colonies, and are necessa- 
ry for carrying on linen and woollen manufactures, 
the establishing such manufactures be recom- 
mended. 

Resolved unanimously— That the erecting full- 
ing mills, and mills fur breaking, swingling, and 
softening hemp and flax, and also that the making 
grindstones be recommended. 

Resolved unanimously — Tliat Vo.t brewing malt 
liq'iors in this colony, would tend to render liie 
consumption of foreign liquors less necessary, it 
is therefore recommended, that proper attention be 
given to the cultivation of hops and ba:Uy. 

Resolved unanimously — That it be'recommenued 
to all the inhabitants of this colony, that they use 
as the convention engageth to do, our own rnana- 



446 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



factures, and those of other colonies, in preference 
to all others. 

Resolved unanimously— That for the more speed- 
ily and effectually carrying^ these resolutions into 
execution, it be earnestly recommended, that soci- 
eties be formed in different parts of this colony; 
and, It is the opinion of this convention, that pro- 
per premiums ought to be offered in the several 
counties and corporations, to such persons as shall 
excel in the several branches of manufactories; 
and it is recommended to the several committees 
of the different counties and corporations, to pro- 
mote and encourage the same, to the utmost of 
their power. 

August 16, \77S.~Kn address from the Baptists 
in this colony was presented to the convention, 
and read; setting forth, that however distinguished 
from the body of their countrymen, by appellatives 
and sentiments of a religious nature, they never- 
theless consider themselves as members of the 
same community in respect to matters of a civil 
nature, and embarked in the same common cause; 
that, alarmed at the oppression which hangs over 
America, they had considered what part it would 
be proper to take in the unhappy contest, and had 
determined that in some cases it was lawful to go 
to war, and that they ought to make a military 
resistance against Great Britain in her unjust 
invasion, tyrannical oppressions, and repeated 
hostilities; that their brethren were left at discre- 
tion to inlist, without incurring the censure of 
their religious community; and, under these cir- 
cumstances, many of them had enlisted as soldiers, 
and many more were ready to do so, who had an 
earnest desire their ministers should preach to 
them during the campaign; that they had there- 
fore appointed four of their brethren to make 
application to this convention for the liberty of 
preaching to the troops at convenient times, with- 
out molestation or abuse, and praying the same 
roay be granted them. 

lieiohed, That it be an instruction to the com- 
manding officers of the regiments or troops to be 
raised, that they permit dissenting clergymen to 
celebrate Divine worship, and to preach to the 
soldiers, or exhort, from time to time, as the vari- 
ous operations of the military service may permit, 
for the ease of such scrupulous consciences as may 
not choose to attend Divine service as celebrated 
fcy the chaplain. 

Test in Virginia, 1776, published by order of the 
conventitn-'"!, A. B. in the presence of Almighty 



God, do solemnly swear, that I will, to the utmost 
of my power, support, maintain, and defend the 
government of Virginia, in the present just and 
necessary war, against all powers whatever, who 
do, or may levy or carry on any hostility of war 
against the same, and that I will not in any man- 
ner aid, or assist, comfort, countenance, correspond 
with or abet any person whatever, whom I know, 
or have cause to suspect, have designs to further, 
aid, or assist the tyrannical and cruel war, which 
the British parliament have levied against Ame- 
rica, and that I will, from time to time, declare 
and make known all traitorous conspiracies and 
attempts against the peace and safety of Virginia, 
which shall come to my knowledge: So help mt 
God." 

WiLHAMSBunf}, Oct. 1773. 
To colonel Andrew Lewis, and Mr John Boyer. 
Gentlemen — For your past service you have 
our thanks, and v/e presume it is ail the reward 
you desire. And as we have again committed to 
you the greatest trust we can confer (that of ap- 
pearing for us in the great council of the colony) 
we think it expedient you hear our sentiments at 
this important juncture. And first, we require 
you to represent us with hearts replete with the 
most grateful and loyal veneration for the race of 
Brunswick, for they have been truly our fathers; 
and at the same time the most dutiful affection 
for our sovereign, of whose ho.TCst heart we can- 
not entertain any diffidence; but sorry we are to 
add, that in his councils we can no longer confide; 
a set of miscF^ants, unworthy to administer the 
laws of Britain's empire, have been permitted 
impiously to sway. How unjustly, cruelly, and 
tyrannically, they have invaded our rights, we need 
not now put you in mind. We only say, and we 
assert it with pride, that the subjects of Britain 
are one; and when the henest man of Boston who 
has broke no law, has his property wrested frona 
him, the hunter on tl.e Alegany must take the 
alarm, and, as a freeman of America, he will fly 
to his representatives, and thus instruct them: — 
Gentlemen, my gun, my tomatiawk, my life 1 desire 
you to render to the honor of my king and coun- 
try; but my liberty to range these woods on the 
same terms my father has done, is not mine to give 
up; it was not purchased by me, and purchased it 
was; it is entailed on my t;on, and the tenure is 
sacred. Watch over it, gentlemen, for to him it 
must descend unviulated, if my arm can defend it; 
but if not, if wicked power is permitted to prevail 
against me, the original purchase was blood, and 
jrning shnll seal the surrender. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



44?' 



That our countrymen and the world may know| ticular, have been precipitated into measures, ex- 



our disposition, we choose that this be published. 
And we have one request to add, that is, that the 
sons of freedom who appeared for us at Philadel- 
phia, will accept our most ardent, grateful ac- 
knowledgments; and we hereby plight them our 
faith, that we will religiously observe their resolu- 
tions, and obey their instructions, in contempt of 
power and temporary interest; and should ttie mea- 
sures they have wijiely calculated for our relief 
fail, we will stand prepared for every contingency. 
We are, gentlemen, your dutiful, &c. 

The Freeholders of Botetourt. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

Extracts from the reply of the assembly of JVorth 
Carolina, to the speech of governor Martin, April, 
1775. 

To his excellency Josiah Martin, esq. captain gen- 
eral, governor, and commander in chief, in and 
over the province of North Carolina. 

Sir: — We, his majesty's most dutiful and loyal 
subjects, the members of the assembly of North 
Carolina, have taken into consideration you excel- 
lency's speech, at the opening of this session. 

We met in general assembly, with minds supe- 
rior to private dissention, determined calmly, unit- 
edly, and faithfully, to discharge the sacred trust 
reposed in us by our constituents. Actuated by 
sentiments like these, it behoves us to declare, 
that the assembly of this colony have the highest 
flense of their allegiance to the king of Great Bri- 
tain, to whom alone, as our constituuonal sovereign, 
we acknowledge allegiance to be due, and to whom 
we so cheerfully and repeatedly have sworn it, that 
to remind us of the oath was unnecessary. This 



traordinary perhaps in their nature, but warranted 
by necessity, from whence, among many other mea- 
sures, the appointment of committees, in the seve- 
ral towns and counties, took its birth, to prevent, 
as much as in them lay, the operations of .such un- 
constitutional encroachments: And the assembly 
remain unconvinced of any steps taken by those 
committees, but such as they were compelled to 
take for that salutary purpose. 

It is not to be controverted, that his majesty's 
subjects have a right to petition for a redress of 
grievances, or to remonstrate against them; and 
as it is only in a meeting of the people, that their 
sense, respecting suc'i petition and remonstrance, 
can be obtained, that the right of assembling is as 
undoubted.— To attempt, therefore, under the 
mask of authority, to prevent or forbid a meeting 
of the people for such purposes, or to interrupt 
their proceedings when met, would be a vain ef- 
fort, unduly to exercise power in direct opposition 
to the constitution. 

Far be it from us, then, sir, even to wish to pre- 
vent the operations of the convention now held at 
Newbern, or to agree with your excellency in be- 
stowing upon them the injurious epithet of an il. 
legal meeting. They are, sir, the respectable re- 
presentatives of the people, appointed for a spe- 
cial and important purpose, to which, though our 
constituents might have thought us adequate, yet, 
as our meeting depended upon the pleasure of the 
crown, they would have been unwise to have trust- 
ed to so precarious a contingence, especially as the 
frequent and unexpected prorogations of the as- 
sembly, one of them in particular,' as if all respect 



allegiance, all past assemblies have, upon every ^"^ *^^^"^'on to the convenience of their represen- 
occasion, amply expressed; and we, the present r^**'^^^ '^^^^^ ^^^" *ost, was proclaimed but two or 
representatives of the people, shall be always rea-h^^^^^^^y^ before the time which had been appoint- 



dy, by our actions, with pleasure to testify; sensi- 
ble, however, that the same constitution which es- 
tablished that allegiance, and enjoined the oath in 
consequence of it, hath bound majesty under as 
solemn obligations, to protect subjects inviolate in 
all their just rights and priviledges, wisely intend- 
ing, by reciprocal dependence, to secure the hap 
piness of both. 

We contemplate, with a degree of horror, the 
unhappy state of America, involved in the most 



ed for the meeting.s, gave the people not the least 
reason to expect that their assembly would have 
been permitted to sit till it was too late to appoint 
delegates to attend the continent»l congress at 
Philadelphia; a measure which they joined the rest 
of America in thinking essential to its interest. 

The house, sir, neither know, nor believe that 
any base arts have been practised upon the people 
in order to lead them from their duty; but we 
know with certainty, that the steps they have taken 



embarrassing difficulties and distresses, by a num- proceeded from a full conviction, that theparlia- 
ber of unconstitutional mvasions of their just rights ment of Great Britain had, by a variety of oppres- 
and privileges; by which, the inhabitants of the sive and unconstitutional proceedings, made those 
continent in general, and of this province in par- ! steps absolutely necessary. We think it, therefore. 



448 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



a duty we owe the people, to assert, that their con- 
dvict has not been owuifj to base arts, practised 
upon them by wicked and designing men; and have 
it much to lament, that your excellency should add 
your sanction to such groundless imputations, as 
it has a manifest tendency to weaken the influence 
which the united petition of his majesty's Ameri- 
can subjects might otherwise have, upon their so- 
vereign, for a redress of those grievances of which 
they so justly complain. 

We should feel inexpressible concern at the in- 
formation given us by your excellency, of your be- 
ing" authorized to say, that the appointment of de- 
legates, to attend the congress at Philadelphia, 
now in agitation, will be highly Offensive ♦o the 



We take this opportunity, sir, the first that has 
been given us, to express the warm attachment 
we have to our sister colonies in general, and the 
heart-felt compassion we entertain for the deplor- 
able state of the town of Boston in particular, and 
also to declare the fixed and determined resolu- 
tion of this colony, to unite with the other colo- 
nies in every effort to retain those just riglits and 
liberties which, as subjects to a British king, we 
possess, and which it is our absolute and indispen- 
sible duty, to hand down to posterity, unimpaired. 
JOHN HARVEY, Speaker. 

In provincial congress, JYorth Carolina, September 8, 
1775. 
Mr. Hooper laid before the house an address to 



,. , J ^ .1 u -.,(•, „A f„^„. «]>o the inhabitants of the British empire; and the same 

kmg, had we not recently been informed, trom toe r 

L . ..u ■. .u .. I ■ „ -^of , u c K»»., riaoetri' ^S'"g ^^^^ was unanimously received, and is as 
best authority, that his majesty has been pleasfccli o •' » 

1 *\ -.J ^.t*r.^ ^e follows viz. 

to receive, very graciously, the united petition or 



his American subjects, addressed to him by the 
continental delegate.s, lately convened at Philadel- 
phia. We have not, therefore, the least reason to 
suppose, that a similar application to the throne, 
will give offence to his majesty, or prevent his re- 
ceiving a petition for the redress of grievances, 
which his American subjects have a right to pre- 
sent, either separately or unitedly. 

We shall always receive, with pleasure, the in- 



Friends, and felloiu-citizens — "The fate of the con- 
test which at present subsists between these Ame- 
rican colonies and the British ministers who now 
sit at the helm of public affairs, will be ont of the 
most important epochs which can mark the annals 
of the British history. 

"Foreign nations with anxious expectation wait 
the result, and see with amazement the blind 
infatuated policy which the present administration 



formation of any marks of lojally t,j the kin-, pursues to subjugate these colonies, and reduce 
given to your excellency, by the inhabitants of them from being loyal and useful oubjects, to an 



this colony; but we ace greatly concerned, lest the 
manner in which }0u Imve thought proper to con- 
vey this information, should excite a belief, that al^'^''" of blaod, and expended millions of treasure. 



absolute dependance and abject slavery; as if the 
descendants of those ancestors who have shed ri- 



great number of the people of this province are 
disaffected to their sovereign, to prevent which, 
it is incumbent upon us, in this manner, solemnly 
to testify to the world, that his majesty has no 
subjects more faithful than the inhabitants of North 
Carolina, or more ready, at the expence of their 
lives and fortunes, to protect and support his per- 
son, crown, and dignity. If, however, by the sig- 
nal proofs your excellency speaks of, you mean 
those addresses lately published in the North Ca- 
rolina Gazette, and said to be presented to you, 
the assembly can receive no pleasure from your 
congratulations thereupon, but what results from 
the consideration that so few have been found in 
so populous a province, weak enough to be seduced 
from their duty, and prevailed upon by the base 
arts of wicked and designing men, to adopt prin- 
ciples so contrary to the sense of all America, and 
so destructive of tliose rights and privileges^ it 
was their duty to maintain. 



in fiving upon a lasting foundation the liberties of 
the British constitution, saw with ^nvy the once 
happy state of this western region, and strove to 
exterminate the patterns of those v.rtues which 
shone with a lustre which bids fair to rival and 
eclipse their own. 

"i o enjoy the fruits of our own honest industry; 
to call that our own which we earn with the labor 
of our hands, and the sweat of our brows; to re- 
gulate that internal policy by which we, and not 
they, are to be affected; these are the mighty 
boons we ask. And traitors, rebels, and every 
harsh appellation that malice can dictate, or the 
violence of language express, are the returns which 
we receive to the most humble petitions and earnest 
supplication^. We have been told that independ- 
ence IS our object; that we seek to shake off all 
connection with the parent state. Cruel suggestion! 
do not all our professions, idl our actions, uniformly 
contradict this? 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



449 



"We a^ain declare, and we invoke that Almighty 
Being who searches the recesses of the humstn 
heart and knows our most secret intentions, that 
it is our most earnest wish and prayer to be restor- 
ed, with the other United Colonies, to the state in 
which we and they were*' placed before the year 
2763, disposed to glance over any regulations which 
Britain had made previous to this, and which seem 
to be injurious and oppressive to these colonies, 
hoping that at some futare day she will benignly 
interpose, and remove from us every cause of com- 
plaint, 

"Whenever we have departed from the forir.s 
of the constitution, our own safety and self-pre- 
servation have dictated the expedient; and it in 
any instances we have assumed powers which the 
laws invest in the sovereign or his representatives, 
jt has been only in defence of our persons, nro 
perties, and those rights which God and the con- 
stitution have made unalienably ours. As soon as 
the cause of our fears and appreliensions are re- 
moved, with joy will we return these powers to 
Ibeir regular channels; and sucli institutions formed 
from mere necessity, shall end with that necessity 
which created them. 

••These expressions flow frbm an affection, border- 
ing upon devotion, to the succession of the house 
©f Hanover, as by law established, from subjects 
who view it as a monument that does honor to hu- 
man nature; a monument capable of teaching kings 
how glorious it is to reign over a free people. — 



who thereby intended that the rectitude of our 
designs might be brought into distrust, and sedition, 
anarchy, and confusion, spread through this loyal 
province. 

"We have discharged a duty which ij'e owe to 
the world, to ourselves, and posterity; and ma)r 
the Almighty God give success to the means we 
make use of, so far as they are aimed to produce 
just, lawful, and good purposes, and the salvation 
and happiness of the whole British empire." 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

xs raoTiwciAt cokghess. 

Charleston, June 21, 177S. 
Ordered — That the hon. William Henry Drayton, , 
the hon. Barnard Elliot, colonel Charles Pinckney, 
col. James Parsons, col. Isaac Motte, col. Siephen 
Bull, col. William Moultrie, major Owen Roberts, 
captain Thomas Savage, captain John Huger, Miles 
Brewton, Thomas Ferguson, and Gabriel Capers, 
esquires, be a deputation to present his excellency 
the governor, the address of this congress. 

To his excellency the right honorable lord Wil- 
liam Campbell, governor and commander in chief 
over the province aforesaid. 

The humble address and declaration of the provincial 
cpngress. 

JWay it please yovr eorcelkncy — We, his mstjesty's 
loyal subjects, the representatives of the people 
of this colony, in congress assembled, beg leave to 
disclose to your excellency, the true cause of our 



These are the heartfelt effusions of men ever ready present proceedings; not only that upon your arri- 
to spend their blood and treasure, when constitu- Lai among us, you may receive no unfavorable im- 



tionidiy called upon, in support of that succession 
of his majesty King George the third, his crown 
and dignity, and who fervently wish to transmit his 
reign to future ages as the Kra of common happi- 
ness to his people. Could these our sentiments 
reach the throne, surely our sovereign would forbid 
the horrors of war and desolation to intrude into 
this once peaceful and happy land, and would stop 
that deluge of human blood which now threatens 
to overflow this >colony; blood too precious to be 
shed but in a common cause, against the common 
enemy of Great Britain and her sons. 

"This declaration we hold forth as a testimony 
of loyalty to our sovereign, and affection to our 



pression of our conduct, but that we may stand 
justified to the world. 

V/hen the ordinary modes of application for re- 
dress of grievances, and the usual means of de- 
fence against arbitrary impositions have failed, 
mankind generally have had recourse to those that 
are extraordinary. Hence, the origin of theconti- 
nental congress — and hence the present represen- 
tation of the people in this colony. 

It is unnecessary to enumerate the grievances of 
Am.erica; they have been so often represented, that 
your excellency cannpl be a stranger to them. — 
Let it, therefore, suffice to say, that the hands of 
his majesty's ministers, having long lain heavy. 



parent state, and as a sincere earnest of our present ... , ,, . , ^ iir j i 

* "^ now press with mtolerable weight. We declare, 

and future intentions. 



•'W'e hope, thereby, to remove those impressions 



that ito love of innovation-^-no desire of altering 
the constitution of government — no lust of inde- 



which have been made by the representation of weak ipendence has had the least influence upon ourcoun- 
and wicked men to the prejudice of this colony, ! cils: but, alarmed and roused by a long siiccession 



'.IT. 



450 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



of arbitrary proceetlinpjs, by wicked adtiiinistr t- 
tions— impressed with the greatest apprehension of 
instigated insurrections — and deeply affected by 
the connmencemcnt of hostilities by the British 
troops against this continent,— solely for the pre 
servation and deferce of our lives, liberties, and 
properties, we have been impelled to associate and 
to take up arnvs. 

We sincerely deplore those slanderous informa- 
tions and wicked councils, by which his majesty 
has been led into iiveasures, which, if persisted in, 
must inevitably have involved America in all the 
calamities of a civil war, and rend the IJritish em- 
pire. We only desire the secure enjoyment of our 
invaluable rights, and we wish for nothing more 
ardently, than a speedy reconciliation with our 
mother country, upon constitutional principles. 

Conscious of the justice of our cause, and the 
integrity of our views, we re&dily profess our loyal 
attachment to our sovereign, his crown, and digni- 
ty; and, trusting the event to Providence, we pre 
fer death to slavery. These things, we h&ve thought 
it our duty to declare, that your excellency, and 
through you, our august sovereign — our fellow sub- 
jects — and the whole worlds-may clearly under- 
stand, that our liiking up arms, is the result of dire 
necessity, and in compliance with the first law of 
nature. 

We entreat and trust, that your excellency will 
ITiake such a representation of the state of this co- 
lony, and of our true motives, as to assure his ma- 
jesty, that in the midst of all our complicated dis- 
tresses, he has no subjects in his wide dominions, 
who more sincerely desire to testify their loyalty 
and affection, or who would be more willing to 
devote their lives and fortunes to his real service. 

By order of the provincial congress, at Charles 
ton, June 20, 1775. 

HENRY LAURENS, Praident. 

TIIOM THE SOUTH CAHOLINA GA2ETTI. 

In provincial congress, Charleston, Wednesday, June 
21, 1775. 
"Whereas, the inhabitants of Poole, a seaport in 
the English Channel, lost to all sense of honor, 
humanity and gratitude, have, by their late peti- 
tion to parliament, manifested themselves not only 
inimical to America, but desirous to add to the 
heavy oppressions under which the unfortuna-e 
and virtuous inhabitants of the four New Englaiid 
governments labor, in cons qu-nce of ilieir iau''a- 



aiid of mankind: to testify our jus? resentn en' to 
so base and cruel a conduct in the inhabitants of 
Poole, it is hereby resolved, That this colony will 
not use or employ any shipping belonging to that 
port, or owned by any inhi-bitant there, or carry on 
any transactions, or hold any commur.ication with 
that people. 

PETER TIMOTHY, Secretary, 

In provincial congress. Charleston, Thnrtday, June 22. 
"Resolved, that all absentees, holding estates in 
this colony, except the sick, those above 60, and 
those under 21 years of age, ought, forthwith, to 
return to this colony. 

"Resolved, that no persons, holding estates in 
this colony, ought to withdrav/ from its service, 
without giving good and sufficient reasotis for so 
Joing to this congress, or, during its recess, to 
the general committee. 

PETER TIMOTHY, Secretary, 

Jlssociation, unanimotisly agreed to in the provincial 
congress of South Carolina. 

The actual commencement of hostilities against 
this continent, by the British troops, in the bloody 
scene on the 19 h of April last, near Boston; the 
ir^crease of arbitrHry imposition?, from a wicked 
hu(\ despotic ministry, and the dread of instigated 
insurrec'ions in the colonies, are causes suflRcient 
to drive an oppressed people to the use of arms:— 
We, therefore, the subscribers, inhabitants of South 
Carolina, holding ourselves bound, by that most 
sacred of all obligations, the duly of good citizens 
towards an injured country, and thoroughly con- 
vinced, that, under our present distressed circum- 
stancesj we shall b* justified before God and man, 
in resisting force by force, no unite ourselves un- 
der every tie of religion and honor, and associate 
as a band in her defence, against every foe; hereby 
solemnly engag-ng that whenever our continental 
and provincial councils shall decree it necessary, 
we will go for'h, and be readvto sacrifice our live* 
and fortunes, to secure he- freedom and safely.— 
This obligation to continue in full force until are- 
concilation shall fake place between Great Britain 
and America, up.wi consti'uuonal principles; an 
event which we r.iost aidently c'esire. And we will 
hold all 'hose persons inimical to the liberties of 
the colonies, who shall refuse to subscribe to this 
association. 

Subscribed by every merlipr present, and certi* 
fled by HENRY h\\jRE,iiii, President. 



ble conduct in defence of the liberties of America! June, 1775 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



451 



JOURNAL OF THE ST AMP- ACT CONGRESS; 

HELD AT NEW-ronK, 1765. 

We liave several times promised to treat our rea- 
ders with a correct copy of this venerable mantt 
script, detailing ihe first movements of the friends 
of freedom in the new world. It is an offitial cony, 
under the sigfUiture of John Cottow, esq. clerk 
to that illustrious body; and, we have reason to 
believe, the only one extant. It was handed to 
the editor by his much respected friend, dtmr 
»i. Riidney, esq. of Delaware 
the papers of his late rever 

ble aTid patriotic Cossar Rodney, one of the dele- 
gates, and for many years the great prop and stay 
of iVhiggis'n in the lower parts of his native state. 
On a loose piece of paper, in the (nanuscript book, 
is a list of the members, with which we have 



JVew/tf/'sey— — Roiiert Ogden 

Hendrick Fisher 
Joseph ni:rden. 

Pennsylvania John Dickinson 

Jo!)n Morton 
G orge Bryan. 

J)ela7vare Tlioi'.as M'Kean 

Caesar Ro'ney. 

Maryland Williann M'lrdock 

Edward Tilghmsn 
Thomas Ri'i^jgold. 

South Carolina — Thomas T.ynch 

Christipher Gadsden 
John Rut ledge. 



, „ ... !.V('wfla?n6sA/re,"^ Were not renresentcd in this con« 

, who found It among j ^.^^,.,„.^^ '^ I p.^. r^,, their asseo^hlies wrote 

ed uncle, the estima- JVo^thCaroHna fthat they would agree to wliat- 
and Georgia, J ever was done by the congress." 



THE JOURNAL. 

Boston, June, 17^5. 
SIR — The house of representdtivr-s of ttis pro- 
vince, in *he present s'S^iion of general court, l.ave 
unanimouslv at^reed to propose a meeting, as soon 
preceeded the journal itself, in the hand writingjas may be, ofi-ommittees from the houses of repre- 

of Mr. C. R. W- are thus particular to shew thelsf^^-^^'^^t °'' '^^'^r^^^^* of the several Brit.sn colo- 

jhies on this c'^n'inent, ^o consult togeih«^r on the 
entire aui'ienticiiy of the document: which, we | preset, cipcumstancee of the colonies,and the diffi- 
are informed, many of our sages have sought foriculiies to which they are a;.d must be redued by 

tlie operation of the acts of parliment, for levying 
duties and taxes on the colonies; and to consider of 



tn this journal the re.ider will not find any thing 



a general and united, dutiful, loyal and humble re- 
presentaiion of their condition to his majesty and 



to astonish or surprize him; but there is much; to t!ie parliment, ami to implore relief, 
to admire. In every line he will discover a spirit I T^he house of representatives of this province 
.... _ ,, . ., . , have also voted, to propose that such meeting be 

of decision and firmness totally irreconcilable '( the city of New-York, in the province of New- 
with a state of servitude, and highly worthy of j York, on the firs: rue^dav in O.-.lober next, nnd 
imitation at the present day. The difficuKies l^**^^ 'PP''"^^]! the comnr»ittee of threeof their mem- 

bers to attend that service, with such »?t.eo'her 
the people encountered in forming this cor.gress, houses of repr-^sentatives or burgesses, in the seve- 
unknown to the laws and opposed by the royal-! ra) colonies, may think fit to appoint <o mrel them; 

- . . ,. J '^u T I .. ..u • ' and the committee of the house i)f representatives 

ists invested with power, are honoraole to their i » <-"=^" ■ • ,• * j . • » Xv -j 

^ ' lot this p ovmc, =re directed to repair to the said 

cause and its agents. With an eye steadily fixed j Xp^.York, on the firs'. Tuesday in Oct ;ber next, 
on freedom, they cast behind them the cold max- accordingly: if, therefore, your honorable house 
c ■, J ui 1 J .. ^ siould a^ree to this proposal, it would be accppta- 

ims of prudence, and nobly resolved to systema ,, ., ,** , ; ' r f „o „, .,ui» r„;,K. k« 

<^ ' J J ble, that as early notice ot it as possible rnigni be 



tise an opposition to the growing tyranny of the 
"mother country." They did so, and therein 
generated a spirit of union, that finally brought 
about the independence of these states, and led 
to the establishment of our present happy con- 
stitution. 

[Niles' Weekly Register, of July 25, 1812. 

Delegates to the Congress of 1765. 

**jyiassachusetts — James Otis 

Oliver P.^rtridge 
T mothy Riggles., 

Rhode-Mand Metcalf Bowler 

Henry Ward. 

Connecticut Eliphalei Dyer 

Dtvid Rowland 
Willium S. Johnson. 

^''etV'Tork Robert R. Livingston 

.Tohn Cruger 
Philip Livingston 
William Bayard 
Leonard Lespenard. 



transmitted to the speaker of the house of represen- 
tatives of this province. 

SAMUEL WHITE, Speaker. 

In consequence of the foregoing circular letter, 
the following gentlemen met at New-York, in the 
province of New-York, oa Monday, the 7i.h of Oc- 
tober, 1765, viz: 



J 5d 



_, ,, • e TJames Otis, 

From the province of j ^^^^^^ p^ktridge 
Massachusetts Bay,^^^^^.^^^^ Rcs«i.k*. 

Who produced their appointment as follows viz: 
To James Otis, Oliver Partridge, and Timothy Rug- 
gles, esqvires. 
Gentlemen,— The house of representatives of this 
province, hnve appointed you a comir.ittee to meet 
at New-York on the first Tuesday in October n xt, 
such committees as the other houses of representa- 
tives or burgesses in the several colonies on this 
continent, may think fit to appoint, to consult togeth- 
er on the present circnmst<inces of the colonies, 
on the difficulties to which taey are, and mast be 



45s 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



reduced uy the operation of the late acts of parlia 
ment. By this choice, the liouse has reposed in you 
a trust of singular importance, and have just reason 
to expeci vou will give your utmost attention to it. 
In ciine yo'i should recnive advice that the houses 
of representalivfts or 'burgesses of the other colo 
nies, or any of them, agree to such committees, to 
join you in t'lis interesting affair, you are directed 
to repair to N w.Y'U-k at the time appointed, and 
endeavor to Unite with them in sentiment, and agree 
upon such represent Ations, as may tend to preserve 
our rights and privileges. And it is the opii-ion of 
this bouse, that no address or representation shall 
be esteemed ihe act of this house, unlesia it is agreed 
to and signed by the major part of their commit- 
tee. 

If it should be said, that we are in any manner re 
presented in parliament, you must by no means con- 
cede to it; it is an opinion which this house cannot 
see tha least reason to adopt. 

Fuither, the house think that such a representa- 
tion of the colonies as British subJL-ct>^ are to enjoy, 
would oe attended witli the greatest difficulty, "if it 
is not absolutely impracticable, and therefore, you 
are not lo urge or consent to any proposal for any re- 
presentation, if s.tcli be made in the congress. 

It is the expec'. .lion of the house, that a most 
loyal aid dutifiji address to his majesty and the par- 
iiament, will be prepared by the congress, praying 
asweilf'r die removal of the grievances the colo- 
nies labor under at present, as for preventing others 
for the future: which petitions, if drawn up, as far 
as you shall be able to judge, agr-'euble to the mind 
of the house, you are empowered o sign and for- 
ward; and you are to lay a copy of the same before 
this h')use, and make report of your proceedings 
upon your return.* 

II is the hearty prayer of this house, that the con- 
gress may be endued with that wisdom which is 
from above, and that thpjr councils and determi- 
nations may be attended ^'ith the divine blessing. 
SAMUEL WHITE Speaker. 

From the colony of Jlhode-CMKTCXLV Bowler, 
Island and J^rovidence < and 

Plantations, OIeniiy Ward, Esqs, 

Who produced the following appointment, viz: 
Ey the honorable SAMUEL WARD, governor, cap- 
tain f^^neral and commander in cliief of and over 
th» English colony of Rhode-Lsland and Provi- 
dence Plantations in New-England in America. 

To MetcaJf Bowler and Henry IVard, esquires, 
Gurkting: 

W'lereas, the general assembly of this province 
have n wi-.nated .^nd appointed you, tlie same Met- 
caif iV)wler and Henry Ward, to be commissioners 
in belialf of this colony to meet such commissioners 
as are or &haU be appointed by the other British 
gnv'rraments in North .America, to meet at New- 
York the first Teusday of October next, 

I do, thpr,°fore, hereby authorize and empower, 
and comrnissionate you, the said .Metcalf Bowler 
and Henry Ward, forlhsvith to repair to New-York, 
aiul therp, in behalf of this colony, to meet and join 
w^th Mie other commissioners in consulting togeth- 
er on the present circumstances of the colonies, 
and the JifficuUies to which tliey are and must be 
reduced by the operation of the act of parliament 

•The reader may remark in all these commis- 
sions with how great authority the ri^ht of inslruc- 
fr's.'iis assumed.— Ed. IIi;g. 



for levying duties and taxes upon the colonie=; ani 
to consider of a general and united, dutiful, loyal 
and humble representation to his majesty and the 
parliament, and to implore relief. And you are also 
hereby empowered to conclude and agree with the 
other commissioners, upon such measures as you 
s'uall think necejisary and proper for obtaining re- 
dress of the grievances of the colonies, agreeably 
to the instructions given you by the general assem- 
bly of this colony. ' 

Given under my hand and the seal of the said co- 
lony, this sixteenth day of September, 1755, and in 
the fifth year of his majesty's reign. 

SAMUEL WARD. 

By his honor's command. 

HEJVRTWJRD, Secretarrj. 



From the colony 
of Connecticut, 



Eliphalet Dyer, "^ » 
Daviu. Rowland, >. a" 
Wm. Saml. Jounson, 3 M 
W^ho produced the following appointment, viz: 

At a general assembly of the governor and company 
of the c^dony of Connecticut, holden at Hartfordj 
by special order of his honor the governor of said 
colony, on the nineteenth day of September, An« 
no Dom. 1765. 

Whereas, it has been proposed that a congress 
be attended by commissioners from the several go- 
vtrnments on this continent, to confer upon a gene- 
ral, united, humble, loyal and dutiful representa- 
tion to his majesty and the parliament, of the pre- 
sent cii'cumstances of the colonies and the difficul- 
ties to which they are and must be reduced by the 
operation of the acis of parliament for laying duties 
and taxes on the colonies, and to implore relief. 

Resolved by this assembly, That Eliphalel Dyer, 
David Rowland, and William Samuel Johnson, esqrs. 
or any two of them, be, and are hereby appointed 
commissioners, on behalf of this colony, to repair 
to New York to attend the proposed congress, in 
the matters above referred to; and his honor is 
hereby desired to commissionate them accord- 
ir.gly. 

A true copy, examined by 

GEORGE WYLLYS, Secretary. 

At a general assembly of the governor and compa- 
ny of the colony of Connecticut, holden at Hart- 
ford, by special order of his honor the governoi' 
of said colony, on the 19th day of September, An- 
no Dom. 1/65. 

Instructions to the commissioners of this colony, 
appointed to meet commissioners from the other 
colonies at New- York, on the first Teuaday of Oc- 
tober next: 

Gentlemen,— Yon are to repair to the said city 
of New-York, at said time, or at the time which, ac- 
cording to the intelligence you may receive of the 
convening of the other commissioners,^t may ap- 
pear to you seasonable and best, to consult togeth- 
er with them on the present circumstances of the 
colonies, and the difficulties to which they are and 
must be reduced, by the operation of the acts of 
parliament for levying duties and taxes on the colo- 
nies, and to consider of and prepare a generul and 
united, dutiful, loyal and humble representation of 
their condition to his majesty and the parliament, 
and to implore relief, ho,. In your proceedings you 
are to take care that you form no such junction with 
the othei- commissioners as will subject you to the 
major vote of the commissioners present. 

You are to inform the governor and general as- 
sembly iX the sessions in October next, cf all such 



PRINCl-PLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



453 



proceedings, as appear to you needful and conveni- 
ent to be coinmunicaied for consider;, ion: and to 
ob erve all such further instructions as you may re- 
ceive; and you are to report your doings with the 
doinpjs of tlie commissioners a such meeting, to the 
general assembly of this colony, for acceptance and 
approbation. 

A true copy, examined by 

GEORGE WYLLYS, Secretary. 

Thomas Fitch, esquire, governor and command- 
.., c V er in chief of his majesty's colo y of Con- 
"" ■ "■' necticut in New-England, in America, 
To Eliphalet Tiyer, David Rutuland, and IViUiam 

Samuel Johnson esquires, 
OHBETrrro: 



from the general sense of the people, and such of 
the representatives as they have had an cpportunily 
of speaking to, that when the assembly does meet, 
(which will be probably very soon) the coR^ress 
will be approved, and a rfegular committee for the 
purpose appoin'.ed; in the mean time they think 
themselves in some measure authorised to meet 
the congi'ess, by the following vote, viz: 

Extract from the votes and proceedings of the ge^ 
neral assembly of the colony of New-York. 

Die Sabati, 9h, a m the 4th April, 171. 
Mr,. Speaker represented to this house, that his 



Whereas, the general assembly of the said sinution in the country rendered it vastly inconve- 



colcyiy of Connecticut, at their session holden at 
Hartford on .he nineteenth day of iliis instant, Sep 
tember, nominated and appointed yo\i, or any two 
af you, to be comiTiissioners on behalf of thi.-- colo- 
ny, to repair to New-York to attend a congress pro- 
posed to be held there by commissioners from the 
several governments on this continent, to confer 
upon a general and united, loyal, humble and duti- 
ful representation to his majesty and the parliament, 
of the present circumstances of the colonies, an 1 
the difficulties to which they are and must be redii- 
ced by the operation of the acts of parliament, for 
levying duties and taxes on the colonies, and to im- 
plore relief, &c. and have desired me to commission 
you accordingly. 



nient to him alone lo correspond with the agent of 
thi<: colony, at the court ^ f Gre«t Britain, and more 
especially so, during tiie recess of the house. 

Ordered. That the members of the city of New- 
York, or the major part ^f them, be a committee of 
correspondence to correspond with the agent of 
this colony at the court of Great Britain during the 
recess of the house, coTioerning the public affairs 
of this colony; and thut they lay before the house 
copies of mU siich leuers as they ui'^y write to him, 
an't also all such letters and advices at they may 
receive from him respecting the same. 

DiEjavis, 9!i, A M. 9th December, 1762. 
Aldermia Livingston, from tlie committee ap- 
pointed to correspond with the agent of tijis colony 



I do therefore, reposing a speciaUrust and confi-iai the coui\ ofG>ea; Britain, acquainted the house, 
dence in your loyalty, ability and good conduct, that the commi tee conceived it expedient that one 
hereby constitute, authorize and commission the or moVe members should be added to the said com- 
sai ! Eliphalet Dyer, David Rowland and William jrrjiitee to correspond with the said agent about the 
Samuel Johnson, esquires, or any two of you, for j affairs of this colony. 

and on be'ialf of this colony, to repair to the said Ordrcd, Tint Robert R. Livingston, esq. be add- 
city of New-York on the first day of October next, ed to, -mm be made one of the said committee of 



or at the time which, according to the intelligence 
you may receive of the convening of the other com- 
missioners, may appear to you seasonable and best, 
to confer ad consult with them or such of them as 



correspondence. 

DiK JoTis,9h, A. >i. the 18th October. 1764 

Ordered, Vbat the said committee appointed to 

■ ,, . ^ J • .u .. 1 correspond with the Siiid aarent, be also a committee 

shall be present upon and convening, the matters!, • ' . r.i u \ •♦ . „j 

J ., . ' , P ' .- J f .u °' c idurmg the recess of the house, to write to and cor- 

and things before mentioned, for the purposes afore- 1 „„ "^^ , -,, ,, „ , ur-„ ^ ;t*^«, 

., ,° . . u u- . • respond wiih the several assemblies or committees 

said; v/herem you are to observe such instructions e „u]- ^.u- *• ^ tv,^ ,.u- ^^* ^^t- 

' , •' . , L 11 r .u ■ c 01 assemblies on this continent, on the subject mat- 

as you have received, or shall further recuve from . c 4.L ^ , 11 1 .u„ „. „„ „„*. £• 

^, •' , „ui t*u I 1 e r^ iter of the HCt, commonly ca led the stamp act, of 

the general assembly ot the said colony of Connec- 1, „. . • • -,-,. c j» •„ fv,«, „i„ 

.. f Li , ^1 • . .. -^ 1- the act res'rauung paper bihs of credit in the colo- 

ticut, agreeable to the imponant trust reposed in . c t, • it., i i „f *^.^ o„.,„_»i 

' ° *^ "^ nies, from being a legal tender, and of the several 

^ '. , > 1 J .. Li \ p ., iother acts of parliament lately passed, with relation 

Given under my hand, and the pubic seal of said :.„ », . , V,^, ., i '^ ■ 'j„i„„„„.i^ 

■^ ♦. . . . r 1 to the trade of the nothern colonies; and also on the 



colony of Connecticut, within the same, the twen-| 
ty-first day of September, in the fifth year of the 
reign of our sovereign lord George the third, of 
Great Britain, France and Ireland, king, defender of 
the faith, &c. Anno Domini, one thousand seven hun- 
dred and sixty-five. 

THOMAS FITCH. 
By his honor's command, 

GfOBQE WzLLxs, Secretary. 

("Robert R. Livingston,"^ , 

From the colony j ^''"^ ^'l''""'^' 'I 

oijXe.o.York, < ^f'"^ Livikcstos, >-3^ 

I William Bayard, | ^ 

I^Leonahd LispEJfAnD, J W 

Appeared, and informed the congress that since 
the above letter from the speaker of the house of 
representatives of Msssachusetts Bay, the general 
assembly of New-York have not had an opportuni- 
ty of meeting, but that they confidently expect, 



subject of the impending dangers, which threaten 
the colonies of being taxed by laws to be passed in 
Great Britain. 

Extract from, compared and examined with 
the records of the proceedings of the general as- 
sembly of the colony of New-York. 

By ABRAHAM LOTT, clerii. 

From the colony of) ,T ^ ' ( %, 

,,. , ■' < Henhkick Fisheb, > 5^ 

J\t-ivJersev, ) , „ C ri 

"' (_.l0S£PH BoRDEjr, jW 

Who produced the fallowing appointment, viz: 

At a mealing of a large number of the representa- 
tives of the colony of New-.Tersey, at the house of 
Robert Sproul, October 3d, 1765: 
At the desire of the speaker of the house of re- 
presentatives ;is aforesaid, and at the earnest request 
of many of our constituents, to consider of some 
method for humbly, loyally and dutifully joining in 
a petition to his majesty, tha^ he v.'ould be graci- 
ously pleased to recommend to the parliament of 



454 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Gffa Bri-.?in tnrciress our grievances by repeftling' 
several of t!ie late acts of parliament affecting the 
norlhern colonies, particularly that called the stamp 
act. 

Rohprt Oc^den, esq. Hendnck Fisher, esq. and 
Joseph Borden, esq. were'lirecled to attend at the 
congress now met at New-York, and join the mea 
sures there to be con'-lu 'ed, fl^r the purposes afore- 
said, and to make report of thev proceediriffs there- 
in, at the next mtTting of the general assembly. 
Signed by order, JOHN LAWRENCE. 



From the prov 

Pennsyl'vania 



fCJ' UN Dickinson,^ « 
<JoH?i AioKTOjf, > cr 

' (^(iKOH(!K BkYAS, 3 a 



Wh: produc'd 'he followi^ g ap; ointment in gene- 
ral assembly, S^-ptember llth, 1765, A.M. 

The house resumed t'le consideration of their re- 
solution of yesterday, to appoint a committee cf 
three or more of their members, to attend the ge- 
neral congre.9s of committees from the several as- 
semblies on this continent, to be held at New-York 
on the first of October next, and, after some time 
spent therein, 

Besolved, That Mr. Speaker, Mr. Dickinson, Mr. 
Bryan and Mr. Morton be, and they are, hereby. 
Dominated and appointed to that service. 

A true extract from the journals, 

CHARLES MOORE, 
Cleik of the assembly. 

Extract from the journals of the house f represen- 
tauves for the province of Pemsylvanis; 
Wednesdatf, September 11/A, 1765, A M.— Tht 
comnii*tee appointed toprepare instructions for the 
depti'ifs nominated by this house to attend the pro- 
posed congress at New-Yorlc on the first of next 
month, reported an essay for that purpose, which 
they presented to the chair; and 'he S'me being 
read and agreed to by the house, follows in these 
words, viz: 

Jngcruc lions to the committee appointed to meet the 

committees 'f the other livitish continental coUnies, 

at JVeiv-York: 

It is desired by the house that you shall, with the 
com riittees that have been appointed by the several 
Britis'i c lonieson this continent to meet at New- 
York, consult together on t!'e present circumstances 
of the colonies, and the diffictdti-es they are and 
must be reduced to, by the lite acts of parliament 
for the levying duties and tuxcs upon these colonies; 
and join with the said committees in loyal and duti- 
ful addresses to the ki:^g and to the two houses of 
parliament, humbly represen ing the condition of 
these colonies, and i;tiplor>ng relief, by a repeal of 
the said fecis; and you are stridly required lo take 
care that i;uch addresses in whic!. you join, are drawn 
up in the most decent and r> spectful terms; so also 
avoid everv expression that can give the least of- 
fence to his majesty or to either house of parlia- 
ment. 

You are also direcled to make report of your pro- 
ceedings herein to the succeeding assembly. 

A. true extract from the journals, 

CHARLES MOORE, 
Clerk of the assembly 

September 26tb, 1765. 

From the government of the counties of 

JN'ew Castle, Kent a"d^ Cesar Rodhet, > ^ 
Sussex, on IJeUnvare, ^ Thomas M'Kean, 5w 

Whose appointment are as follow, viz: 



Caesar Rodney and Thomas MKean, esqrs. ap- 
peared from the government of the counties of New 
Castle, Kent and Sussex, upon Delaware, and in- 
formed this congress, that the representatives of 
the said government could not meet in general as< 
semhly after the above letter was wrote, and before 
the first day of this instant: that the said asseii.bly 
consists only of eighteen members, fifteen of whom 
have appointed the other three to attend here, fcc. 
by three several instruments of writing, which are 
in the words following, to wit: 

To all whom these presents may come: 

Know tk. That we, the subscribers, five of 
the representatives of the freemen of the govern- 
ment of the counties of'New-Castle, Kent and Sus- 
sex, upon Delaware, sensible of the weighty and op- 
pressive taxes imposed upon the good people of 
tl'.is government by divers late acts of parliament, 
and uf the great infringement of the liberties and 
just established rights of all his majesty's colonies 
on this continent, occasioned by the late measures 
in England; and being of opinion that the method 
proposed by the honorable hotise of assembly of the 
province of Massachusetts bay is the most likely to 
obtain a redress of these grievances; and, taking into 
consideration the misfortune we, at present, labor 
ui'der, in not having it in our power to convene, afs 
a house, and, in a regular manner, to appoint a com- 
mitiee: yet, z'alous for the happiness of our con- 
stiiuents, think it our duty, in this way, to serve 
them as mucli as in us lies, (assured of the hearty 
ppprobstion of any future house of assembly of this 
government); and, therefore, do hereby nominate 
and appoint Jacob Kollock. Thomas M'Kean and 
('xsar Rodney, esqrs. three of the representatives 
of the same government, a committee, to repair to 
the city of New-York on the first day in October 
next, and there to join with the committees sent by 
the otl^r provinces, in one united and loyal petition 
to his majesty, and remonstrance to the honorable 
hotise of commons of Great Britain, against the 
aforesaid acts of parliament, therein dutifully, yet 
most firmly, asserting the colonies' right of exclu- 
sion from parliamentary taxation; and praying that 
they may not, in any instance, be stripped of the 
ancient and most valuable privilege of a trial by 
their peers, and most humbly imploring relief. 

In testimony whereof, we have hereimto set our 
hands, at New Castle, tl^e twenty-first day of 
September, Anno que Domini, 1765. 
EVAN RICE, 
THOMAS COOK, 
WILLIAM ARMSTRONG, 
GEORGE MONROE, 
JOHN EVANS. 

Kent county, to wit: 

We, whose names are here underwritten, mem- 
bers of the general assembly of the government of 
the counties of New Castle, Kent and Sttssex, upon 
Delaware, for the said county of Kent, though sen- 
sible of the impropriety of assummg the functions 
of assemblymen during the recess of our house, yet, 
zealous to concur in any measure which may be 
productive of advantage to this government and the 
other British col-onies on the continent of America 
in general, have appointed, ar,d, as much as in us 
lies, do appoint, Jacob Kollock, esq. Caesar Rodney, 
esq. and Thomas M'Kean, esq. members of said as- 
sembly, to be a committee to meet with the other 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



435 



coromittpes already appointed, or to be appointed, 
by the several and respective assemblies of said 
other colonies, at the city of New-York, on the first 
Tuesday in October next, in conjunction with the 
other commiltees, to consider of the present dis 
tressful circumstances of the s^id colonies, occa- 
sioned, in some measure, (as we apprehend), by se- 
veral late acli of parliament, and to join with them 
in an humble address to his most gracious majfsiy, 
and the parliame t of Great Rritain, f'T the redress 
of our grievances, or in any other expedient that 
shall be afjreed on, by the said committees, which 
may tend to promote the utility and elfare of the 
British dominions in Aii>erica. 

JOHN VINING, 
JOHN CATON, 
JOHN BVRNS, 
WILLIAM KILLEN, 
VINCENT LOGKEKMAN. 
September 13th, 1765. 

Sussf.c county, to -unt: 

We, whose names are here underwritten, mem- 
bers of the general assembly of the government of 
the counties of N.^w-Cas le, Kent and Sussex, upon 
Uela.vare, for the said county of Sussex, ;lioiigh sen- 
sible pf the impropriety of assurniag tae functions 
of assemblyn)en d-iriig the recess of our house, yet, 
zealous to concur in any measure which may be 
proJuclive of advan^ai^e to this government and the 
other colonies on tlie continent of America in gene- 
ral, have appointed, and, as much us in us lies, do 
appoiit Jac(.b Kollock, e^q C«s:ir R ■ Iney, esq and 
Tlio.nas M'Kean, esq. members of the said assem- 
bly, 10 be a ommittee ta meet with the other com- 
inilli'es already appointed, or to be appoinled, by 
the several and respective assemblies of the said 
other colonies, at the ciiy of New-York, on ihe fiist 
Tuesday in October next, in cortjunciion with the 
said otfier commiltees, to consider of the present 
distressful circumstances of the said colonies, occa- 
sior.ed, in some measure, (as we apprehend), by se- 
veral late acts of parliament; and to join with them 
in an humble address to his most gracious majesty 
and the parlia.nent of Great Brixain for redress of 
our grievances; or on any other expedient, that sliall 
be agreed on by tlie said commiltees, which may 
tend to promote the utility and welfare of the Bri- 
tish dominions in America. 

DAVID HALL, 
HENJ'N. BURTON, 
LEVliV CKAPHER, 
THO'S ilOHlN>ON, 
JACOB KOLLOCK,jun. 
September irth, 1765. 

Prom the province ofCf '"^^^.^^^'^'^""ck,^ ^^ 
Maryland, i ^^"Wahd Filohmax, k ^ 

' (_ I UOMAS IllWOeOLD, ^ Ui 

Jmlructtfjus from the honorable the lower house of as- 
sembly of the province of .Mart/land: 
To William Vlurd.ick, Edward I'ilg.nnuii and Thos. 
Ringt3fold, esqrs. a committee appointed to join 
the several comioitiees from ihe several colonies 
in America, at New York: 

Oent/emen — You are to repair immediately to 
the city of New-York, in the provi .ce of New-York, 
and there join wiiti the commiUeesfrom the houses 
of represenlatives of the other colonies, in a gene 
ral nnd united, loyal and humble representation to 
his majesty and the British parliament, of (he cir- 
cumstances and condili;>ii of the British colonies ami 
plantations, and to pray relief from the borlhens and 



restrain s latf l\ l.iid on their trade and '-oiTimf-rce, 
and e-peci.dly fr m the taxes imposed by -n act of 
the Us session i.f p rliament s^ranting and apply- 
ing certhi stamp duties and other du'ies in the Bri- 
tish colonies :,nd plaiitations in America, wliereby 
'hey are deprived, in s >ine instance's, of thht invalu- 
able privilege of E glisiimen and British subjects — 
trials by juries, tiiat you take c.^re that such repre- 
sentation shall humbly and decently, but exp-^essly, 
contain and assertion of he riglits of the colonies 
to be exempt froiii all and eve; y taxali ms ^nd im- 
positions upon their persons nd properties to which 
they do not consent in •-. legisl;rive wa\, either by 
themselves or by their reprcscntalives, by them 
freely chosen and apo(inif^1. 

Signed by order .>f the hous'', 

ROBERT LLOYD, Speaker. 



From the province o! 
South- Carolina, 



Thomas Ltnch, ~) « 

Ci HCiT i- G DSDEN, V. O* 

John Rutledge, j m 
Wlio produced the following appointment: 

Thursday, 25th July, 1765.— I'iie lionse, (accord- 
ing to order), look into cnnsider.ition t le letter from 

the speaker of the house representatives of the 

of .Vlassacuselts-biy, Lid before them on F-iday last 
— and, d.^bate arising thereon, and some time spent 
therein, Ordered, Tl at the said letter h ■ referred to 
a committee of the following gentlemen, viz: capt. 
Gadsdpn, Mr. Wright, Mr. Gdillard, Mr Wrigg, 
Mr. Parsons, Mr. Pinckney, colonel Lawrence, Mr. 
Rutledge, Mr. Manigault and Mr. Drayton. 

Friday. 2Slh July, ,1765.— -Captain Gadsden re- 
ported, from the com.miltee appointed to consider 
of the letter sent from the speaker of the house of 
representatives of the province of Msssachusetts- 
bay to the spe ker of this house, and to report their 
opinion thereupon of the expediency and uliiily of 
the measures Ihprein proposed, a.id the best means 
of pflTecting the relief therein mentioned: 

That they ure of opinion the measure therein pro- 
posed is prudent and necessary, and therefore re- 
commend to the house to send a committee to meet 
the committees from the houses of representatives 
or burgesses of the several British colonies on ths 
conti-ent, at New-York, on the first Tuesday in Oc- 
tober nest 

That the said committee he ordered to consult 
thfre, with those otl.er cnmmitiees, on the present 
circumstances of tlie colonies, and the difficulties 
which they are and mu'.t b" reduced to, bv th^ope- 
ra^i-.n oftheactsof psrliament for levying duties and 
taxes on the colonies; anri to consider of a general 
and united, loyal and humble r.-'Drfsentation of i heir 
condition to Ms: m jesty an ! the parliment, and to 
implore relief; iliat the result of their consul'alion 
shall, at their re'ur-,be immrdiately laid before 
the house, to be confirmed or nut, as t'^e house shall 
think proper. 

And the said report being delivered in at the 
clerk's table a'ld read a second time, the question 
was severally put, that the house do aprree to the 
first, second and third paragraphs of this repjrl? 
It was resolved in the affirmative. 

Friday 2d August, 1765 — Motion bei'^g made, ri- 
solved, that this house will provide a sum suffirient 
to defray the charges and expences of a committee 
of three gentlemen on account >f their goii g to, 
convening at. and returnini.' from the meeting of 
the several committees proposed to ass-mble at 
New-York on the 1st Teusdav in October n?xt, to 
consult there with those ether cemBtitieefi on the 



456 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 



present circumstances of the colonies, and the dif- 
ficulties which they are and. must be reduced to by 
the operation of the acts of parliament for l^vyiiv' 
duties and taxes on the colonies, and to consider ot 
a general, united, dutiful, loyal and humble repre- 
sentation of their condition to his majesty and the 
parliament, and to implore relief. 

Ordered, That the public treasurer do advance 
out of any monies in his hands, to the said commii- 
tee, a sum not exoeedi-^g six hundred pounds ster- 
ling', fc the purpose aforesaid. 

liesohed. That this house will reimburse the 
treaurer the said sum. 

Ordered, That the following gentlemen be ap 
pointed a committee for the purpose aforesaid, viz: 
Mr. Thomas Lynch, Mr. Christoplier Gadsden and 
Mr. John Rutkdge. 

Thursday, Sth August, 1765.— O'dered, That the 
said speaker inform Thomas Lyncli, Christopher 
Gadsden and Jolui Rutledge, esquires, that they 
are appointed a cornmictee to meet the committees 
of the several other colonies on the continent, on the 
first Tuesd.iy in October next, at N^w-York; and 
that he do acquaint them it is the desire of the 
house, that they repair to New- York on the said 
first Tuesday in October next, for the purpose men- 
tioned in the report of the consmittee, as ag.eed 
to by this house on Friday the 36th day of July 



nists, with the several inconveniences and hard- 
ships to which fhey are and must be subjecied by 
the operation of several late acts of parliament, par- 
ticularly the act called the stamp act; end after 
some 'irrie spent therein, the same was postponed 
for further considerati'^n, 

Then the congress adjourned until to-morrow 
morning, 9 o'clock. 

Wednesday, Oct. 9th, 1765, A. M.—Thcn the 
congress met according to adjournment. The con- 
gress resumed the consideration of the rights and 
privileges of the British American colonists, &c, 
the same was referred after sundry debates, for 
further consideration. 

Then the congress adjourned until to-morrow 
morning, 11 o'clock- 

Thursday, Oct. lOth, 1765, A. J^f.— Then the con- 
gress met according to adjournment, and resamed.. 
&c. as yesterday — and then adjourned to 10 o'clock^ 
to-morrow morning. 
; Friday, Get. iXth, 1765, ^. M. — The congress 



last 

Ordered, That three copies of the proceedings of] "^^^ according to adjournment, and resumed, &. as 
this house relative to the said matter, be made out| yesterday — and then adjourned to 10 o'clock, to- 
and signed by the speaker, and that he deliver one 



of the.said copies to each of the said gentlemen. 
RAW: LOWNDES, Speaker. 

Then the said committees proceeded to choose s 
chairman by ballot; and Timothy Ruggles, esq. on 
sorting and counting the votes, appeared to have 
a majority— and thereupon was placed in the chair. 

Resolved, nem. con. That Mr. John Cotton be clerk 
to this congress during the continuance thereof. 

Then the congress took into consideration the 
several appointments of the committees from New- 
York, New Jersey, and the government of the low- 
er counties on Delaware — and 

Jleiolved, nem. con. That the same are sufficient 
to qualify the gentlemen therein named, to sit in 
this congress. 

Resolved also. That the committee of each colo- 
ny, shall have one voice only, in detei-mining any 
questions that shall arise in the congress. 

Then the congress adjourned until to morrow 
morning, 9 o'clock. 

Tuesday, Oct.8th,1765, A. JJi.— The congress met 
according to adjournment. Upon motion, voted, 
that the provinces be-|- is adjourned to. Voted, 
that Mr. justice Livingston, Mr. McKean and Mr. 
Eutledge be a committee to inspect the proceed- 
ings and minutes, and correct the same. 

Then the congress took into consideration the 
rights and privileges of the liritish American colo- 

fThere appears to be some error here. — [Ed. 
Reo. 



morrow morning. 

Saturday, Oct. 12th, 1765, J. M.—The congress 
met accordiiig to adjournment, and resumed, &c. 
as yesterday— and then adjourned to Monday morn- 
ing next, 10 o'clock. 

Monday, Oct. lAth, 1765, A. JW.— The congress 
met according to adjournment, and resumed, &c. 
as on Saturday last — and then adjourned to to-mor- 
row morning, 9 o'clock. 

Tuesday, Oct. 15th, 1765, A. M.—The congress 
met according to adjournment, and resumed, &c. 
as yesterday — and then adjourned to to-morrow 
morning, 9 o'clock. 

Wednesday, Oct. 16th, 1765, A. J/— The con- 
gress met according to adjournment, and resamed, 
&c. as yesterday — and then adjourned to to-morrow 
morning, 9 o'clock. 

Thiirsday, Oct. 17th, 1765, A. M.—The congress 
met according to adjournment, and resumed, he- 
as yesterday — and then adjourned to to-morrow 
morning, 9 o'clock. 

Friday, Oct. 18th, 1765, J. M—The congress 
met according to adjournment, and resumed. Sec, 
as yesterday — and then adjourned to to-morrow 
morning, 9 o'clock. 

Saturday, Oct. 19th, 17C5, A. M.—The congress 
met according to adjournment, and resumed, &c. 
as yesterday; and upon mature deliberation, agreed 
to the following declarations of the rights and 
grievances of the colonists in America, which where 
ordered to be inserted: 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION 



45T 



The members of this congress, sincerely devot- 
od, with the warmest sentiments of affection and 
duty to his majesty's person and government; in- 
violably attached to the present happy establish, 
ment of the protestant succession, and with minds 
deeply impressed by a sense of the present and 
impending misfortunes of the British colonies on 
this continent; having considered as maturely as 
time would permit, the circumstances of the said 
colonies, esteem it our indispensable duty to make 
the following declarations, of our humble opinion, 
respecting the most essential rights and liberties 
of the colonists, and of the grievances under which 
they labor, by reason of several late acts of parlia- 
ment. 

1st. That his isajesty's subjects in these colonies, 
owe the same allegiance to the crown of Great Bri- 
tain, that is owing from his subjects born within the 
^ealm, and all due subordination to that august bo- 
dy, the parliament of Great Britain. 

2d. That his majesty's liege subjects in these co- 
lonies are entitled to all the inherent rights and pri- 
vileges of his natural born subjects within the king- 
dom of Great Britain. 

3d. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom 
ofa people,and the undoubted rights of Englishmen, 
that no taxes should be imposed on them, but with 
their own consent, given personally, or by their re- 
presentatives. 

4lh. That the people of these colonies are not, and 
from their local circumstances,cannot be, represent- 
ed in the house of commons in Great Britain. 

5th. That the only representatives of the people 
of these colonies, are persons chosen therein, by 
themselves; and that no taxes ever have been, or 
can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by 
their respectire legislatures. 

6th. That all supplies to the crown, being free 
gifts of the people, it is unreasonable and inconsis- 
tent with the principles and spirit of the British con- 
stitution, for the people of Great Britain to grant 
to his majesty the property of the colonists. 

7th. That trial by jury is the inherent and inval- 
uable right of every British subject in these colo- 
Hies. 

8th. That the late act of parliament, entitled. An 
act for granting and applying certain stamp duties, 
and other duties in the British colonies and plan- 
tations in Americ.i, &c. by imposing taxes on the 
inhabitants of these, colonies, and ihesaid act, and 
several other acts, by extending the jurisdiction of 
the courts of admiralty beyond its ancient limits, 
have a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and 
liberties of the colonists. 

9th. That the duties imposed by several late acts 
of parliament, from the peculiar circumstances of 
these colonies, will be extremely burthensome and 
grevious, and from the scarcity of specie, the pay- 
ment of thein absolutely impracticable. 

10th. That as the profits of the trade of these co- 
lonies ultimately centre in Great Britain, to pay for 
the manufactures which they are obliged to take 
from thence, they eventually contribute very large- 
ly to all supplies granted there to the crown. 

11th. Tiiat the restrictions imposed by several 
lateacts of parliament, on the tradeof these colonies, 
will render them unable to purchase the manufac- 
tures of Great Britain. 



with Great Britain, mutually affectionate and ad- 
vantageous. 

13th. That it is the right of the British subjects 
in these colonies, to petition the king or either house 
of parliament. 

Lastly, That it is the indispensable duty of these 
colonies to the best of sovereigns, to the mother 
country, and to themselves, to endeavor, by a loyal 
and dutiful address to his majesty, and bamble ap- 
plication to both houses of parliament, to procure 
the repeal of the act for granting and applying 
certain stamp duties, of all clauses of any other acts 
of parliament, whereby the jurisdiction of the ad- 
miralty is extended as aforesaid, and of the other 
late acts for the restriction of the American com- 
merce^ 

Upon motion, voted, that Robert R. Livingston, 
William Samuel Johnson and William Murdock, 
Esqrs. be a committee to prepare an address to his ' 
majesty, and lay the same before the congress oa 
Monday next. 

Voted also, that John Rutledge, Edward Tilgh- 
man and Philip Livingston, Esqrs. be a committee 
to prepare a memorial and petition to the lords in 
parliament, and lay the same before the congress on 
Monday next. 

Voted also, that Thomas Lynch, James Otis and 
Thomas McKean, Esqrs. be a committee to prepare 
a petition to the house of commons oFGreat Britain, 
and lay the same before the congress on Monday 
next. 

Then the congress adjourned to Monday next, at 
12 o'clock. 

Monday, Oct. 2lst, 1765, A. ^li.— The committee 
appointed to prepare and bring in an address to his 
majesty, did report, that they have essayed a draught 
for that purpose, which they laid on the table, and 
humbly submitted to the correction of the congress. 

The said address was read, and, after sundry 
amendments, the same was approved of by the con- 
gress, and ordered to be engrossed. 

The committee, appointed to prepare and bring in 
a memorial and petition to the lords in parliament 
did report that they had essayed a draught for that 
purpose, which they laid on the table, and humbly 
submitted to the correction of the congress. 

The said address was read, and after sundry 
amendments, the same was approved of by the con- 
gress, and ordered to be engrossed. 

The committee appointed to prepare and bring in 
a petition to the house of commons of Great Britain, 
did report that they had essayed a draugt for that 
purpose, which they laid on the table, and humbly 
submitted to the correction of the congress. 

The said address was read, and after sundry 
amendments, the same was approved of by the cou- 



12th. That the increase, prosperity and happiness 
of these colonies, depend on the full and free enjoy- 
ment of their rights and liberties,and an intercourse,! gress and ordered to be engrossed 

5Q. 



453 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOI^„ 



Then the congress acljourned to to-tnorrow morn- 
ing, at 9 o'clock, 

Tuesday, Oct 22(1, 1765, A. .If —The corgress 
met according to adjourntnent. The address to his 
anajpsiy being engrossed, was read and compared, 
and is as follows, viz: 

To the king's vwsl cTcellent majesty. 

The petition of the freeholders and other inhabi- 
tants of the Massiohusets Bay, Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations, Neu Jerscv, Penni^yl- 
vania, the government of the cniinlies of New- 
Castle, Kent and Susses upon Delaware, and pro- 
vince of Maryland,^ 

J^ToHt humbly she7t;eth. 

That the inhabitants of these colonies, 
unanimously dex'otcd with the warmest sentiments 
of duty and affection to your sucred person and go 
verninent, and inviolably attached to the present 
h^ippy estahlishment of the protestant succession in 
your illustrious house, and deeply sensible of your 
royal attention to their prosperity ani happiness, 
humbly beg leave to approach the throne, by repre- 
senting to your mijesty, that these colonies were 
orij^inally planted by subjects of the British crown; 

'Who, animated with the spirit of liberty, encourag- 
ed by your majesty's roy d predecessors, and confid- 
ing^ in the public faith for the enjoyment of all the 
rights snd liberties f ssential to freedom, emigrated 
from their native country to this continent, and, by 
their successful perseverance, in the midst of innu- 

■ merahle dangers and difficulties, together with a 
profrsion of their blood and treasure, have happily 
added these vast and extenaive dominions to the 
empire of Great Britain, 

That, for the enjoyment of these rights and liber- 
ties, several governments were early formed in the 
iiaid colonies, with full power of legislation, agreea- 
bW to the principles of the English constitution; — 
that, under those governments, these liberties, thtis 
vested in their ancestors, and transmitted to their 
posterity, have been exercised am' enjoyed, and by 
the inesvimable blessings thereof, under the favor 
of Almighty God, the inhospiuhle desarts of Amer- 
ca have been converted, into flourishing covmtries; 
science, humanity and the knowledge of divine 
truths diffused through remote regions of ignor- 
ance, infidelity, barbarism; the number of British 
subjects wonderfully increased, and the wealth 
and power of Great Uriiain proporlionably augmen- 
ted 

Th?it, by means of these settlements and the un- 
paralleled success of your m<jesty's arms, a founda- 
tion is now laid for rendering ihe British empire the 
TOost extensive and powerfnl of any recorded in his- 
tory; our connection wiih this empire we esteem 
our greatest happiness and security, and humbly 
conceive it may now be so established by yourroya! 
wisdom, as to endure to the latest period of time; 
this, with the most humble submission to your ma- 
jesty, we apprehend will be most eflectually accom- 
plished by fixing the pillars thereof on liberty and 
justice, and securing the inherent rights and liber- 
ties of your subjects here, upon the principles of the 
English constitution. To this constitution, these 
two principles are essential; the right of your faith- 
ful subjects freely to grant to your majesty stich aids 



i South Carolina, we presume, is omitted in the 
copy.— [En. J 



=.s are required for the support of your governtrent 
over ti.em, and other public exigencies, and trials 
by their peers. By the one they are secured from 
imreasonable impositions, and by the other from the 
arbitrary deci.-iops of the executive power. The con^ 
tinuation of these liberties, to the inhabitants of 
\merica, we ardently implore, as absolutely neces- 
sary to unite the several parts of your wide extend- 
ed dominions, in that harmony bo essential to the 
preservatio!' and happiness of the whole. Protected 
in these lib.'riies, the emoluments Great Britain re- 
ceives from us, however great at present, are incon» 
siderable, compared wi^h those she has the fairest 
prospect of acquiring. By this protection, she will 
forever secure to herself the advantages of convey- 
ing to all Europe, the merchandize which America 
furnishes, and for supplying, through the same chan- 
nel, whatsoever is wanted from thence. Here opens 
a boundless source ofwealth and naval strength. Yet 
these immense advantages, by the abridgement of 
those invaluable rights and liberties, by which our 
pfrowth has been nourished, are in danger of being 
forever lost, and our subordinate legislatures in ef- 
f<^ct rendered useless by the late acts of parliament 
imposing duties and taxes on these colonies, and ex- 
tending the jurisdiction of the courts of admirality 
here, beyond its ancient limits; statutes, by which 
your majesty's commons in Britain undertake abso- 
lutely to dispose of the property of their fellow sub- 
jects in America without their consent, and for the 
enforcing whereof, tley are subjected to the deter-* 
mination of a single judge, in a court unrestrained 
by the wise rule.s ot tat coiiimcn law, the birthright 
of Englishmen, and the safeguard of their persons 
and properties. 

The invaluable rights of taxing ourselves and trial 
by our peers, of which we implore your majesty's 
protection, are not, we most humbly conceive, un- 
C'^ns'itutional, bu' confirmed by thp Great Charter 
of English liberties. On the first of these rights the 
honorable house of commons found their practice 
of originating money; a right enjoyed by the king- 
dom of Ireland, by the clergy of England, until re- 
h quished by themselves; a right, in fine, which all 
odi' i your majesty's E;igiish subjects, both within 
and without the realm, have hitherto enjoyed. 

With hearts, tlierefore, impressed with the most 
indelible characters of gratitude to your majesty, 
and to the memory of the kings of your illtisirious 
liouse, wimse reigns have l)een signally disti guish- 
ed by their auspicious influence on the prosperity 
of the British dominions, and convinced by the most 
affecting proofs of your majesty's paternal love to 
all your people, however distant, and your unceasing 
and benevolent desires to promote their happiness, 
we roost humbly beseech your majesty that you wili 
be graciously pleased to take into your royal consid- 
eration the distresses of your faithful subjects on 
this continent, and to lay the same before your ma- 
jesty's parliament, and to afford them such relief, as 
in your royal wisdom their unhappy circumstancea 
shall be judged to require. 

And yont petioners will pray, k.c. 

The memorial to the lords in parliament being 
engrossed, was read and compared, and is as foi^ 
lows, viz: 

To the right honorable the lords spiritual and tempo- 
ral of Great Jiritaiv, in parliament assembled. 
The memorial of the freeholders md other inhabi- 
tants of the Massachusetts Bay, Raode Island and 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



4Sf 



Providence Piantalions, New-Jersey, Pennsylva- 
nia, the governmeHt of the counties of New- 
Castle, Kent a!ul Sussex upon Delaware, and pio- 
vince of Maryland, in America, 



J^Oit humbly she-weth, 

That his majesty's liege subjects 
in his American colonies, thotigh they acknow- 
le l^e A due subordination to that august bo ly, the 
B ilsh pirlia-Tnentj are entitled, in the opinion of 
yotirrreT^orialists, to all the inherit rights and lib- 
erties of the natives of GreAt Britain, and have, 
ever since the settlement of the said colonies, ex 
ercised those rights and liberties, as far as their 
local circumstances would permit. 

Th-t your memorialists humbly c )nceive that one 
of the most essential rights of these colonists, 
Avhich thpy have ever till lately uninterruptedly en 
joyed, to be trial by jury. 

That your memorialists also humbly conceive 
another of these essential rights, to be the exemp- 
tion f"om all taxes, but such as are imposed on the 
people by the several legislatures in these colo- 
nies, which rights they have also, till of late enjoy- 
ed. B'lt your me norialists humbly beg leave to 
represent to your lordships, that the act for grant- 
ing certain stamp duties in the British colonies in 
America, &c. fills h'S majesty's American subjects 
with the deepest ciMicern, as it tends to deprive 
them of the twafuiidaiTiental and invaluable rights 
and liber; iPsabove.mentione';andtliatseveral other 
late acts of parliament, which extend the jurisdic- 
tion and power of courts of admiralty in the plan- 
tations beyond their limits in Great Britain, there- 
by make an unnecessary, unhappy distinction, as to 
the modes of trial between us and our fellow sub- 
jects there, by whom we never have been excelled 
in duty and loyalty to our sovereign. 

That, from the natural connection between Great 
Britain and America, the perpetual continuance of 
which your memorialists most ardently desire, they 
conceive that nothing can conduce more to tlie in- 
terest of both, than t!ie colonists fi'ee enjoyment 
of their rights and liberties, and an affeciionate in- 
tercourse between Great Britain and them. But 
your memorialists (not wavi g their claim to these 
rights, of which, with the most becoming venera- 
tion and deference to the wisdom and jus' ice of your 
lordships, they apprehend, tliey cannot reasonably 
be deprived) humbly represent, that from the pe- 
culiar circumstances of these colonies, the duties 
imposed by the aforesaid act, and several otiier 
late acts of parliament, are extremely grievous and 
burthensome; and the payment of the several duties 
will very soon, for want of dpecie, become absolute- 
ly impracticable; and that the re tiictions on trade 
by the said acts, will not only distress the colonies, 
but must be extremely detrimental to ihe trade 
and true interest of Great Britain. 

Your memorialists, theref )re, impressed with a 
just sense of the unfortunate circumstances of the 
colonies, the impending destructive consequences 
which must necessarily ensue from the execution 
of these acts, and animated with the warmest sen 
timents of filial affeclion for their mother country, 
most earnestly and humbly entreat your lordships 
will be pleased to hear thf^ir cmncil in support of 
this memorial, and take the premises into your 
most serious consideration, and that your lordships 
will also be thereupon pleased to pursue, such 
measures for restoring the just rights and liberties 
of the colonies, and preserving them forever invio- 
late, for redressing their present^ and preventing 



future grievances, thereby pro- oting the united in- 
terest of Great Britain and America, as to your 
lordships, in your great wisdom, shall seem most 
conducive and efTectual to that import int end. 
And your memorialists will pray. Sic. 



Then the congress adjourned o to-morrow morn- 
ing, 9 o'clock. 

Wednesday, Oct. 23f/. 1765, A. Jlf.— The congress 
met according to adjournment. 

The petition to the house of commons being en- 
grossed, was read and compared, and is as fol- 
lows, v\z; 

To the honorable the hnights, citizens and burgeasci 
of Gnat Britain, in parliament assembled, 

The petition of his majesty's dutiful, loyal subjects, 
the freeholders and other inhabitants of the colo- 
nies of the Massachusetts Bay, Rhode-Island 
and Providence Plantations, New-Jersey, Penn- 
sylva iia, the government of the counties of New- 
Castle, Kent and Sussex upon Delaware, and pro- 
vince of Maryland, in America, 

Most humbly skeweth, 

That the several late acts of par- ^ 
liament, imposing divers duties and taxes on the co- 
lonies, and laying the trade and commerce under 
very burthensome restric lions, but, above all, the 
act for granting and applying certain stamp duties 
in America, have filled them with the deepest con- 
cern and surprize, and they humbly conceive the ex- 
ecution of them will be attended with consequen- 
ces very injurious to the commercial interest of 
Great Britain an.l her colonies, and must terminate 
in the eventual ruin of the latter. Your petition- 
ers, therefore, most ardently implore the attention 
of the honorable house to the united and dutiful 
representation of their circumstances, and to their 
earnest supplications for relief from their regula- 
tions, that have already involved this continent in 
anziety, confusion and distress. We mist sincere- 
ly recognize our allegiance to the crown, and ac- 
knowledge all due subordination to the parliament 
of Great Britain, and shall always retain the most 
grateful sense of their assistance and approbation; it 
is from and under the English constitution we de- 
rive all our civil and religious rights and liberties; 
we glory in being subjects of the best of kings, 
having been b^yrn under the most perfect form of 
government. But it is with the most ineffable and 
humiliating sorrow that we find ourselves of late, 
deprived of the right of granting our own proper- 
ty for his mctjesty's service, to which our lives and 
fortunes are entirely devoted, and to which, on his 
royal requisitions, we have been ready to contribute 
to the utmost of otir abilities. 

We liave also the misfortune to find, that all the 
penalties and forfeitures mentioned in the stamp 
act, and divers late acts of trade extending to the 
plantations, are, at the election of the informers, 
recoverable in any court of admiralty in America. 
This, as the newly erected court of admiralty has 
a general jurisdiction over all British America, ren- 
ders his m jesty's subjects in these colonies, liable 
to be carried at an immense expense from one end 
of the continent to the other. It always gives m 
great pain to see a manifest distinction made ihere- 
m between the subjec s of our mo'her country and 
tie colonies, in that the like penalties and forfeio 
tures reaoverable ihere only in his mijesty's court* 
of record, arc made cogoizable here by a court of ad- 



460 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



iniralty. By tiiis means we seem to be, in effect, un- 
happily deprived of two privileges essential to free- 
corn, and which all Englishmen have ever considered 
as their best birth riglits; that of being free from all 
taxes but such as they have consented to in person, 
©r by their representatives, and of trial by their 
peers. 

Your petitioners further shew, that the remote 
situation and other circumstances of the colonies, 
render it impracticable that they should be repre- 
sented but in their respective subordinate legisla- 
tures, and they humbly conceive that the parliament 
adhering strictly to the principle of the constitution, 
have never hitherto taxed any but those who were 
therein actually repi'esented: for this reason, we 
humbly apprehend, they never have taxed Ireland, 
nor any other of the subjects without the realm. — 
But were it ever so clear, that the colonies might in 
law be reasonably represented in the honorable 
house of commons, yet we conceive that very good 
reasons from inconvenience, from the principles of 
true policy, and from the spirit of the British con- 
stitution, may be adduced to shew, that it would be 
for the real interest of Great Britain, as well as her 
colonies, that the late regulations should be rescind- 
cd, and the several acts of parliament imposing du- 
ties and taxes on the colonies, and extending the 
jurisdiction of the conrts of admiralty here beyond 
their ancient limits, should be repealed. 

We sjiall not attempt a minute detail of all the 
reasons which the wisdom of the honorable house 
may suggest, on this occasion, but would humbly 
submit the followig particulars to their considera- 
tion. — 

That money is already very scarce in these colo- 
nies, and is^still decreasing by the necessary expor- 
tation of specie from the continent for the discharg- 
ing of our debts to British merchants, that an im- 
mensely heavy debt is yet due from the colonies for 
British manufactures, and that they are still heav- 
ily burthened with taxes to discharge the arrear- 
ages due for aids granted by them in the late war; 
that the balance of trade will ever be much against 
the colonies, and in favor of Great Britain, whilst 
we consume her manufactures; the demand of v/hich 
must ever increase in proportion to the number of 
inhabitants settled here, with the means of purchas- 
ing them. We therefore humbly conceive it to be 
the interest of Great Britrin to increase rather than 
diminish those means, as the profit of all the trade 
of the colonies ultimately centre there to pay for 
her manufaciures, as we are not allowed to pur 
chase els where, and by the consumption of which,at 
the advanced prices the British taxes oblige the 
makers and venders to set on them, we eventually 
contribute very largely to the revenues of the 
crown. 

That, from the nature of American buisness, the 
multiplicity of suits and papers used in matters of 
small value, in a country where freeholds are so mi- 
nutely divided, and property so frequently transfer- 
red, a stamp duty must be ever very burthensome 
and unequal. 

That it is extremely improbable that the hon.ira- 
ble house of commons should at all times be tho- 
roughly acquainted with our condition, and all facts 
requisite to a just and equal taxation of the colo- 
nies. 

It is also humbly submitted whether there be not 
a tnaterial distinction, in reason and sound policy at 
least, between the necessary exercise of parliamen- 
tary jurisdictiou in general acts, and the ccmmon 



law, and the regulations of trade and commercp, 
through the whole empire, and the exercise of 
that jTlriadiction by imposing taxes on the colo^ 
nies. 

That the several subordinate provincial legisla> 
tures have been moulded into forms as nearly re- 
sembling that of the mother country, as by his 
majesty's royal predecessors was thought conveni- 
ent; and these legislatures seem to have been wise- 
ly and graciously established, that the subjects in 
the colonies might, under the due administration 
thereof, enjoy the happy fruits of the British govern- 
ment, which in their present circumstances they 
cannot be so fully and clearly availed of any other 
way. 

Under these forms of government we and our an- 
cestors have been born or settled, and have had 
our lives, liberties and properties protected; the 
people here as every where else, retain a great 
fondness of their old customs and usages, and we 
trust that his majesty's servce, and the interest of 
the nation, so far from being obstructed, have 
been vastly promoted by the proviacial legisla- 
tures. 

That we esteem our connection v/ith and depen- 
dence on Great Britain, as one of our greatest bless- 
ings; and apprehend the latter will be sufficiently 
secure, when it is considered that the inhabitants 
in the colonies have the most unbounded affection 
for his majesty's person, family and government, as 
well as for the mother country, and that their sub- 
ordination to the parliament is universally acknow- 
ledged. 

We, therefore, most humbly intreat that the hon- 
orable house would be pleased to hear our council 
in support of this petition, and take our distressed 
and deplorable case into their serious consideration, 
and that the acts and clauses of acts so greviously 
restraining our trade and commerce, imposing du- 
ties and taxes on our property, and extending the 
jurisdiction of the court of admiralty beyond its 
ancient limits, may be repealed; or that the honor- 
able house would otherwise relieve your petition- 
ers as in your great wisdom and goodness shall B^era 
reete. 

And your petitioners shall ever pray &.c. 

Then the congress adjourned until to-morrow 
morning, 10 o'clock. 

Thursday, Oct. 24//;, 1765,.?. J/.— The' congress 
met according to adjournment. 

The congress took into consideration the manner 
in which their several petitions should be preferred 
and solicited in Great Britain, and thereupon came 
to the following determination, ziz: 

It is recommended by the congress to the several 
colonies to appoint special agents for soliciting re- 
lief from their present grievances, and to unite their 
utmost interest and endeavors for that purpose. 

Voted unanimously, that the clerk of this con- 
gress sign the minutes of their proceedings, and de- 
liver a copy for the use of each colony and pro 

vince. 

By order of the congress, 

JOHN COTTON, clerk 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



461 



A copy of the proceedings of the province of New- 
Hampshire, as transmitted to the congres.^. 

Province of C In the house of representatives, 

JVe-m-Ifampshire, i June 29th, 1765. 

Mr. Speaker laid before the house a letter from 
the honorable speaker of the honorable reprfsenta- 
tivcs of the province of the Massachusetts Bay, to 
the speaker of this assembly, proposing a meeting 
of committees from the several assemblies of the 
British colonies on the continent, at Nesv-York, to 
consider of a general, united, dutiful, loval and hum- 
ble representation of our committees, and for im- 
ploring his majesty and the parliament for relief; 
which being read, 

Jiesolved, That, notwithstanding we are sensible 
that such a representation ought to be mad.', and 
approve of the proposed method for obtaining 
thereof, yet the present situation of our govern- 
mental affairs, will not permit us to appoint ii com- 
mittee to attend such meeting; but shall be ready to 
join in any address, to his majesty and the parlia- 
ment we may be honored with the knowledge of, 
probable to ansv/er the proposed end. 

A. CLARKSON, clerk. 

A copy of a letter received from Georgia, during 
the sitting of the congress: 

Savannah, in Georgia, September 6th, 1765. 

Sir — Your letter dated in June last, acquainting 
me that the house of representatives of your pro- 
vince, had unanimously agreed to propose a meet- 
ing at the city of New-York, of committees from the 
houses of representatives of the several British co- 
lonies on this continent, on the first Tuesday in Oc- 
tober next, to consult together on the present cir- 
cumstances of the colonies, and the difficulties to 
which they are and must be reduced by theoppera- 
tionofthe acts of parliament, for laying duties and 
taxes on the colonies, and to censider of an humble 
representation of their condition to his majesty and 
the parliament, and to implore relief, came to hand 
at an unlucky season, it bemg in the recess of the 
general assembly of this province. Nevertheless, 
immediately upon the receipt of your letter, I dis- 
patched expresses to the several representatives of 
this province, acquainting them with the purport 
thereof, and requesting them to meet at this place 
without delay. 

And according they met here on Monday last, to 
the number of sixteen, being a large majority of the 
representatives of this province; tlie whole consist, 
ing of twenty-five persons, but liis excellency onr 
governor, being applied to, did not think it expedi- 
ent to Call them together on the occasion; which is 
the reason of not sending a committee as proposed 
by your house, for you may be assured, no represen- 
tatives on this continent can more sincerely concur 
in the measures proposed, than do the representa- 
tives of the province now met together; neither 
can any people, as individuals more warmly espouse 
the common cause of the colonies, than do the peo- 
ple of this province. 

The gentlemen now present, request it as a favor, 
you'll be pleased to send me a copy of such repre- 
sentation as may be agreed upon by the several 
committees at New-York, and acquaint me how, and 
in what manner the same is to be laid before the 
king and parliament; whether by any person partic 
ularly authorized for that purpose, or by the colony 
agents? The general assembly of this province 
stands prorogued to the 22d day of October next, 
which is the time it generally meets for the dis- 



patch of the ordinary buisness of the province; and 
I doubt not the representatives of this province 
will then, in their legislative capacity, take under 
consideration the grievances so justly corAplained 
of, and transmit their sense of the same to Great 
Britain, in such way as may "seem best calculated 
to obtain redress, and so as to convince the sistel* 
colonies of their inviolable attachment to the com- 
mon cause. 

r am, sir, your most obedient and most humble 
servant, 

ALEX. WYLLY. 
To Samuel White, esqr. speaker of the" 

house of representatives of Massachi 

setts Bay, in Nev-England. 

The two foregoing letters, are true copies frona 
the original. 

Attest, JOHN COTTON, clerk. 



he"^ 



NEW-JERSEY. 
The following instructions, from the legislature 
of this state to its delegates in congress, 1777, will 
be perused with pleasure by all who cherish the 
principles and revere the worthies of the revolu- 
tion. We have copied them, by permission of the 
secretary of state, from the journals of the joint 
meeting. [Treiiton True Americaii. 

The council and assembly nf the state of J^ew-Jerset/^ 
in Joint meeting. 

To the hon. John Witherspoon, Abraham Clark. 
Jonathan Elmer, Nathaniel Scudder and Elias 
Boudinot, esquires, and each and every of you: 

We have called you to the important and inte- 
resting service of representing this state in the 
congress of the United States of North America, 
A higher proof cannot be given of the confidence 
we repose in your abilities and integrity; and we 
rest assured your best endeavors will, at all tiroes, 
be exerted to promote- the freedom, independence, 
and happiness of the whole union, particularly to 
that part to which you stand in more immediate 
relation. 

Numerous and diversified as the objects of your 
attention will be, we attempt not to point out either 
the line or the extent of your mission. Keep in 
constant view the cause of your delegation, and let 
all your conduct be directed to the general good 
and the prosperity of your country. We cannot, how- 
ever, omit the following particulars, suggested by 
the present posture of affairs, and to which we re- 
quire you carefully to attend. 

1. We hope you will habitually bear in mind that 
the success of the great cause in which the United 
States are engaged, depends upon the favor and 
blessing of Almighty God, and, therefore, you will 
neglect nothing which is competent to the assem 



46i2 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



bly of the states, for promoting piety and good mo 
rals among the people at large. But, especially, we 
desire that you may give attention to this circum- 
stance in the government of the army, taking care 
that such of the articles of war as forhid profane- 
ne^s, riot and debauchery, be observed and enforc- 
ed with all due strictness and severity. This, we 
apprehend, is absolutely necessary for the encou- 
ragement and maintenance of good discipline, and 
will be a means of recruiting the army with men of 
credit and principle — an object ardently to be 
wished, but not to be expected, if the warmest 
friends of their country should be deterred from 
sending their sons and connections into the service, 
lest they should be tainted with impious and im- 
moral notions, and contract vicious habits. 

2. We have no doubt that, as guardians of the 
state of New-Jersey, you will be particularly atten- 
tive to its interests; but we also expect you will 
be watchful to guard against every thing which will 
be hurtful to the general union, or injurious to the 
common interests of the United States. Extinguish, 
by all means in your power, the least appearance 
of jealousy in its earliest rise. Discountenance all 
local and partial reflections in every instance, and 
reprove, by your example, and suppress, as far as 
your authority extends, party feuds and factions, be 
the offenders who they may. 

3. Let the wants of the soldiery be amply supplied 
and due provision made for their health and com- 
fort; and, as we think this can be done, so we wish 
it always may, in such manner as to guard the civil 
rights of the people against military encroachment, 
and the arbitrary oppression of officers of the army, 
or of persons employed in the commissary's, quar 
ter-master's or hospital departments. We contem- 
plate with concern, the slighest appearance of 
such an evil, and wish you to take proper pains to 
prevent it. This state is forwardedly disposed to 
use every exertion in behalf of their troops, and, as 
far as can reasonably be expected, of the army in 
general; but we desire, when a requisition for this 
effect is necessary, it may be seasonably made, 
without waiting till the very hour of necessity, 
when it is impossible to take due and legal means 
of complying with it so as to answer any good pur- 
pose. 

4. We desire you may be cautious of multiplying 
offices, or the number of the officers in the several 
continental departments, and thereby unnecessarily 
increasing the public expense. Especially, you will 
use your utmost influence that the departments be 
filled with men of probity, principle, and discre- 



tion, well qualified in point of capacity, and of un- 
suspected attachment to the liberties of America. 
We need not urge the reasons for calling your 
attention to this object, they are daily before your 
eyes. 

5. We recommend the immediate completing of 
the establishment for wounded and disabled sol- 
diers and seamen, by extending it to the militia in 
the continental service, and making some provision 
for the widows and children of those vAio fall in 
battle, or die in the service, whether in tlie regu- 
lar or militia troops. The necessity of a law, in this 
as well as the several states in the union, grounded 
upon such establishment, requires that it be attend- 
ed to as speedily as possible. 

6. You are to take the earliest opportunity of hav- 
ing some effectual mode adopted for negociating 
the exchange of citizens and civil prisoners, no ade- 
quate provisions being, as we conceive, made for 
this end in the cartel now subsisting. Numbers of 
civil officers, inhabitants and subjects of this state, 
in captivity, and, we doubt not, the case is similar 
in other states, where the operations of war have 
extended, not being taken in arms, and, therefore, 
not within the description of prisoners of war, are 
languishing in gaols and chains, under the power 
of the enemy, without the means or hope of relief. 
As tlieir sufferings are in consequence of their zeal 
and activity in the common cause, they are entitled 
to the most vigorous exertions of their country in 
their behalf. 

7. The great irregularities and abuses which have 
been, and continue to be, committed in this state, 
and, probably, in others where the army hath been, 
or now is, by the impressing horses, teams and car- 
riages, and taking provisions, forage and fuel for 
the troops on march or in camp, and in delaying, 
neglecting, or totally refusing, upon the application 
of the inhabitants, with their receipts or certifi- 
cates, to those whose duty it is to make satisfac- 
tion, have given rise to such universal uneasiness 
and complaint, that it cannot have escaped your 
notice. The ill consequences of such a grievance, 
not only to individuals, but to the cause in general, 
are so obvious, we need only remmd you of it, and 
desire you would use your endeavors to procure a 
speedy remedy. 

8. We wish you to consider whether it may not be 
advisable, and even necessary, that congress digest 
and recommend to the several states, some general 
plan for a treason law, lest inconveniences and dif- 
ficulties should arise from such laws being drawn 

'in different forms and settled on di{ierentpx-:nc;= 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



463 



pies, either as to tlie crimes op penalty, in the dif- 1 him, into t'lC hands of the inhabitants well affected^ 
ferent states; and particularly that treason against 'called tories, and will attack all such of the mili-* 
the union may be properly described, and the pu- j via as remain in arms; burn and destroy their houseBl 
nishment thereof suitably defined. Such a general and other property, and reduce them, their unfor-. 
faundation being once laid, the law can be varied 1 tunate wives and children to beggary and distress.; 



and accommodated, if necessary, to the local and 
special circumstances of each state, without sub. 
stantially departing from it. 

9, That your attendance on the duties of your ap- 
pointment may be the more easy and convenient, 
and that you may have leisure andoppoKunity occa- 
sionally to attend lo your domestic concerns, from 
which, otherwise, you must have been totally ab- 
stracted, we have made the representation to con- 
sist of five, some three to be constantly present in 
congress, unless when precluded by unavoidable 
accident. And that the state may not be put to 
unnecessary expense, not more than three are to 
attend at the same time. 

By order of the joint-meeting, 

JOHN STEVENS, Chairman. 
Princeton, December 4, 1777. 

FROM THE SALEW (w. J.) MESSEWGER, AUff. 15lh. 

The following correspondence, which passed be- 
tween the commanding officers of the British 
troops and American militia, at this place, in the 
time that "tried mens souls," in the revolutionary 
struggle, was handed us by a venerable old man; 
who bore the fatigues and privation of a soldier in 
those days. It was presented For publication, for 
the purpose of reviving and keeping alive our gra- 
titude to those who so nobly contended for liberty, 
and adoration to the supreme ruler of the universe, 
for causing the seemingly just, though apparently 
weaker power, to prevail. The proposal of the 
Britis'i comm.inder is cruel and insulting: tlie an- 
swer ingenious and bold. They are as follows: 

"Colonel Mawhood, commanding a detachment of 
the British army at Salem, induced by motives of 
humanity, proposes to the militia at Quinton's 
Bridge and the neighborhood, hs well officers ;is 
private men, to lay down their arms and depar., 
each man to his own home; on that condition he 
solemnly promises to re-embark his troops withoul 
delay, doing no further damage to the country, and 
lie will cause his commissaries to pay for the cat- 
tle, hay and corn, that have been taken, in sterling 
money. 

"If, on the contrary, the militia should be delu 
ded and blind to their true interest and happiness, 
be will pot the arms which he has brought with 



— And, to convince them that these are not vaini 
threats, he has subjoined alist of the names of such i 
as will be the first objects to feel the vengeance oi* 
the Brtish nation, 

•'Given under my hand at head-quarters, Saletn j 
2 1 St day of March, 1778. 

CS. MAWHOOD, Col." 

Answer of the colonel of militia. 
"SIR— I have been favored with what you say hu ► 
raaniiy has induced you to propose. It woul. I 
have given me much pleasure to have foum jL 
that humanity had been the line of conduct t o 
our troops since you have come to Salem. Ncit 
only denying quarters, but butchering our mei i 
who surrendered themselves prisoners in the ski jr r 
ish at Quinton's Bridge last Thursday: and bayonet :- 
ing yesterday morning, at Hancock's Bridge, in th e 
most cruel manner, in cold blood, men, who wer e 
taken by surprise, in a situation in which they neith - 
er could nor did attempt to make any resistance? 
and some of whom were not fighting me , are in - 
stances top shocking for me to relate, and I hop(5 
for you to hear. The brave are ever generous ant I 
humane! After expressing your sentiments of hu » 
manity, you proceed to make a request which IJ 
think you would despise us if we complied with.J 
Your proposal that we should lay down our arms,i 
we absolutely reject. We have taken them up to* 
maintain rights, which are dearer to us than our 
lives, and will not lay them down, till either suc- 
cess has crowned our cause with victory, or like 
many ancient worthies contending for liberty, wfr 
meet with an honorable death. — You mention, that 
if we reject your proposal, you will put arms into 
the hands of the tories against us. We have noot)- 
jections to the measure, for it would be a very good 
one to fill our arsenals with arms. Your threat tJsy 
Wantonly burn and destroy our bouses and other pnj- 
perty, and reduce wives and children to beggaiy 
and distress, is a sentiment which my humanity al- 
m. St forbids me only to recite! and induces me to 
imagine that I am reading the cruel order of a bar- 
barous Attila, and not of a gentlemen, brave, gene- 
rous and polished with a genteel European edu( a- 
tion. — To wantonly destroy wl:l injure your cat tse 
more than ours. It will increase your enemies a iid 
our army. To destine to desiruction the propc rty 
of our most distinguished men, as you have don( ; in 
fonr prcposftlj i?, in my opinion, unworthy a ger per- 



464 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ouc foe, and raore like a rancorous feud between 
two contending barons, than a war carried on by 
one of the greatest powers on earth against a peo. 
pie nobly struggling for liberty. A line of honor 
would mark out that these men should share the 
fate of their conntrv Ifvour arms should be crown- 



frustrate the designs of God, and render vain the 
bounties which his gracious hand pours indiscrin)i> 
nately upon his creatures. By these the miserable 
slaves in Turkey, Persia, and many other extensive 
countries, are rendered truly ■ wretched, though 
their air is salubrious, and their soil luxuriously fer- 



ed with victory, which God forbiJ, they and their tile. By these France and Spain, though blessed by 
property will be e ;tirely at the disposal of your {nature with all that administers to the convenience 
power, will only make them desparate, and, as 1 1 oflife, have been reduced to that contemptible state 
«aid before, increase your foes and our army; and in which they now appear; and by these Britaiw 

retaliation upon tories and their property is not en* | ! ! ! but if I was possessed of the gift of pro- 

tirely out ofooL- power. Be assured that these are [pbecy, I dare not, except by Divine command, un- 
the humb.e .?er Jments and determined resolution | fold the leaves on which the destiny of that once 



apt only cf: kj self, but of all the officers and pri- 
▼ates under me. 

"My prayer is, sir, that this answer may reach 
jou in good health and happiness. 

"Given at head-quartes, at Quinton's Bridge, 
March 22d, 1778. 

ELIJAH HAND, Colonel. 
"To Cs. Jfawhood, Colonel." 



FHOM THE BOSTOS CENTIHEt. 



powerful kingdom is inscribed." 

At that time there were no British troops in Bos- 
ton; four regiments, however, shortly after arrived, 
the officers of which expressed the most decided 
detestation of the above inserted quotation, and as 
Mr. Knapp says, "threatened vengeance on any ora. 
tor, who should dare to repeat such sentiments." 
When Warren delivered his Oration the following 
year, in defiance of those threats, the British army 
had been reinforced to nearly ten thousand men, and 
more than an hundred of the officers attended se- 
cretly armed, for the purpose of taking revenge, on 
the utterance of any sentiment, which should be 
obnoxious to them. 



»>/r, liussell. — On reading in your last Wednes- 
day's Centinei, an extract from Mr. Knapp's biogra- 
phy of Warren, it reminded me of some circum- 
stances, not mentioned by him, which occurred at I "^^^ ^"*^'' "^ ^^'^ ^'"^'^^^ ^^' standing in the broad 
the "0/d South" on the 5th of March, 1775. which h'"'^' "^^^ ^^^ "PP" end, and saw Capt. Chapman, 
was the anniversary of the m.ssucre of several in-K ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^'^'^ Fusileers. on the lowest step of 
habitants of the town of Boston by the British troops,^^^ ?"^P'^ '^*'"' P^^^'"^ '^'^'^ three pistol bullet, in 
in 1770 P*® right hand, and occasionally casting looks of 

{contempt on the orator, but more particularly on 
William Cooper, esq. the town-clerk, who was seat- 
ed near him, directly under the pulpit. Mr. Cooper 
maintained a firm and undaunted countenance, and 



Mr. Hancock had delivered an oration the pre 
ceding year on the saire occasion, in the course of 
of which he had made the following observations: — 

" Standing armies are sometimes (I would by no 
means say generally, much less universally) com- 
posed of persons who have rendered themselves un- 
fit to live in civil society; who have no other motives 
of conduct than those which a desire of the present 
gratification of their passions suggests; who have no 
property in any country; men who iiavelost or given 
lip their own liberties, and envy those who enjoy 
liberty; who are equally indifferent to the glory of 
a George or a Louis; who for the addition of one 
penny a day to their wages, would desert from the 
Christian cross, and fight under the crescent of the 
Turkish sultan. From such men as these what has 
not a state to fear? — With such as these usurping 
Csesar passed the Rubicon; with such as these he 
humbled mighty Rome, and forced the mistress of 
the world to own a master in a tralcor. These are 
the men whom sceptered robbers now employ to 



returned his looks with disdain. I never look back 
upon that scene without horror, in the contemplation 
of the danger we were then in of a much more hor. 
rid massacre than the one we were then commemo- 
rating. A trifle, lighter than air, would have de- 
luged that church, in the minds of both parties, it 
has always been a wonder to me that the war did 
not commence on that day. 

The 47lh regiment, Ci^ w* supposed by design J, 
passed the church at this time, the drums beating 
with redoubled force. This regiment was csm- 
manded by the infamous colonel Nesbit, who, a fevr 
days after, caused an innocent man to be <nrrec/ and 
feathered, and carted through the principal streets 
in open, day, and headed the party himsblf! ! ! fol- 
lowed by some grenadiers and the whole band of 
the regiment, in defiance of that laiv which he was 
ostensibly sent to protect, 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



465 



After the orator had made some remarks on the 
massacre of the 5lh March, 1770, he said — . 

"And could it have been conceived that we again 
should have seen a British army in our land, sent to 
enforce obedience to acts of parliament destructive 
of our liberty ? But the royal ear, far distant from 
this vrestern world.has been assaulted by the tongue 

of SLANDEK; aUd VILtAISS, THAITOnonS alike to KING 

andcouNTKT, have prevailed upon a gracious prince 
to clothe his countenance with wrath, and to erect 
the hostile banner against a people ever affectionate 
and loyal to him and his illustrious predecessors of 
the house of Hanover. Our streets are again filled 
with armed men; our harbor is crowded with 
ships of war, but these cannot intimidate us; our 
liberty must be preserved; it is far dearer than life, 
we hold it even dear as our allegiance; we must de- 
fend it against the attacks of friends as well as ene- 
mies; we cannot suffer even Britons to ravish it from 
us." 

While this sentence was repeating, captain Chap- 
man exclaimed — Fie! Fie! It was at first supposed 
thatFiHE was cried, which occasioned a momentary 
disturbance — when William Cooper rose from his 
chair, and, with a voice truly Stentorian, vociferated 
that "there was no fire, but the fire of envy, burning 
in the hearts of our enemies, which he hoped soon 
to see extinguished," looking with indignation on 
Chapman, Ilawkes and other officers who where 
near him. 

I could enlarge on this subject, Mr. Russell, but 
as I have already extended my remarks beyond my 
original intentions, and 1 fear encroached on your I 
patience, I will subscribe myself 

AN OtD BOSTOHIAN. 



From the Village Record, J^'ov. 7, 1821. 
This week the Journal of capt. Davis is brought 
to a close. The event to which it particularly re- 
lateg is the most important in our military annals. 
!t is not recollected that the general orders, issu- 
ed during the investment of Cornvvallis, were ever 
before published. 



JOUnNAt OP CAPT. DAVIS. 

Oct. 12.— A tremendous fire from both sides. 

Ifead- quarters, Oct. 12, 1781. 

For to-morrow. 

M. G. M. La Fayette, 

B. G. Muhlenburgh. 

The Marquis' division will mount in the trenches 

to-morrow. The superintendant of the deposite,of 

the trenches, is required to have the quality of sau 

cisSon, fascines and gabions brought to the deposite, 
59. 



accurately inspected; to reject such as are not fit 
for use, and report the corps that offer them. 

13— Two Hessian deserters came in; every thing 
favorable. ^ 

Head-quarters , Oct. 13, 1781. 
For to-morrow. j 

B. G. Wayne and 
Gist's brigade. 
14. — This morning a deserter says the infantry 
refuse doing duty. That Cornwallis promised them 
they would be relieved from New-York, and give 
each reg. a pipe of wine. 

The marquis, at dark, stormed their river batte- 
ry, and baron viscount Viomnel stormed another 
on their extreme, to the left, with little loss. We 
run our second parallel complete. 

Head.quarters, Oct. 14, 1781. 
For fo-morrow. 
M< G. Lincoln, 
B. G. Clinton. 
Maj. general Lincoln's division will mount^,the 
trenches to-morrow. 

The effects of the late col. Scammel will be dispos- 
ed of at public sale, to-morrow at 3 o'clock, P. 
M. at maj. Rice's tent, in gen. Hayne's Brigade. 

15. — This night the enemy made a sally and im- 
posed themselves on the French for Americans; 
forced their works and made themslves masters of 
an American battery which they spiked. Imposi- 
tion being found out, they retired, with eight men 
killed on the spot. 

Head quarters, Oct. 15, 1781. 
For to-merrow. 
»I. G. M. La Fayette, 
B. G. Muhlenburg and 
Hayne's brigade. 
Maj. gen. La Fayette's division will mount the 
trenches to-morrow. 

The comnnander in chief congratulates the array 
on the success of the enterprize against the two im- 
portant works on the left of the enemy's lines. He 
requests the baron Viomnel, who commanded the 
French grenadiers and chasseurs, and marquis 
La Fayette, who commanded the American lightJ 
infantry, to accept his warmest acknowledgments 
for the excellency of their dispositions and their 
own gallant conduct on the occasion; and he begs 
them to present his thanks to every individual ofii- 
cer, and to the men of their respective commands, 
for the spirit and rapidity with which they advanc- 
ed to the attacks assigned them, and for the admi" 
rable firmness with which they supported them, 
under the fire of the enemy, without returning a 
I shot. 



466 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE KEVOLUTION. 



The general reflects with the highest degree of 
pleasure on the confidence which the troops of the 
two nations must hereafter have in each other- 
Assured of mutual support, he is convinced there 
js no danger which they will not cheerfully encoun- 
ter—no difficulty which they will not bravely over- 
come. 

The troops will be, supplied with fresh beef to 
Thursday next, inclusive; they will receive 3 pints 
of salt to every 100 rations, for their allowance of 
Wednesday andlThursday. 

16.— Our batteries completing very fast, 

I/ea'I-(]uartcrs, Oct. 16, 1781. 
For to-morrow. 
M.G, 13 Steuben, 
B. G. Wayne and 
Gist's brigade. 

Maj. gen. baron Steuben's division will mount in 
the trenches to morrow. 

The commander in chief having observed that 
the trenches are constantly crowded with specta- 
tors, who, by passing and repassing, prevent the 
men from working, and thereby greatly impede the 
operations of tNe siege. He therefore orders that 
no officer, who is not on duty, shall hereafter enter 
the trenches, except gen. oflicers and their aids, 
and that no inhabitant, or person not belonging to 



19.~At 1 o'clock this day, our troops marched in 
and took po session of their horn-works, and the 
British marched out. The American and French ar» 
tnies form a lane through which the British pass 
and ground their arms. 

Head-quarters, Oct. 19. 1781. 
For to-morrow. 
M.G. Lmcoln, 
Col. Butler, 
M j. U'oodson, 
B. M, Blake. 
Gen. INIuhlenburg's brigade will hold itself ia 
readiness for duty to-morrow. 

20.— Lay quiet this day cleaning our arms. 

Headquarters, Oct. 20, 1781 
For to morrow. 
M. G. M. La Fayette, 
Col. Stewart, 
M :.j. Bird, 
M. iM. Cox. 
Brig, general Uayne's brigade for duty to mor- 
row, to parade at 10 o'clock on their own parade. 
The general congratulates the army upon the glo- 
rioxis event of yesterday: the generous proofs which 
his most Christian majesty has given of his attach- 
ment to the cause of America, must force convic- 
tion in the minds of the most deceived among the 
enerr.y, relative to the decisive good consequences 



the armv, be suiFered to enter the trenches, at any , 

. . ^ ,. 1 iiof the alliance: and inspire every citizen ot these 

time, without permission from the maj. general ot | ' •' _ 



the trenches. 

In future the relief for the trenches are not to 
beat their drums after they pass the mill dam; they 
are from that place to march silently, with trailed 
arms and colours furled, until they arrive at their 
posts in the trenches. 

Lieut, col. Dehart being relieved from his arrest, 
the court martial, of which col. Cortland is presi- 
dent, will proceed to the trial of the prisoners con 
fined in the provost. 

17. — At 11 o'clock, his lordship closes the scene 
by propsitions for deputies from each army, to meet 
at Moore's house, to agree on terms for the surren- 
der of York and Gloster. An answer was sent 
by 3 o'clock, v/hen a cessation of arms took place, 

Head-quarters, Oct. 17, 1781, 
For the trenches to-morrow. 
Maj. gen. Lincoln's Division. 
18— Flags alternately passing this day, 

Hsad quarters, Oct. 18,1781, 
For the trenches to-morrow. 
Maj. gen. marquis L» Fayette's division. 



states with sentiments of the most unalterable gra- 
titude. His fleet, the most numerous snd powerful 
that ever appeared in tiiose seas, commanded by an 
admiral whose fortune and talents insure success; 
an army of the most admirable composition, both 
in officers and men, are the pledges of his friendship 
to the United States, and their co-operation has se- 
cured us the present signal success. 

The general, upon this occasion, entreats his ei" 
cellency, count Rochambeau, to acccept his most 
grateful acknowledgments for his council and as- 
sistance at all times. He presents his warmest 
thanks to the generals baron de Viomnel, chevalier 
Chastelleus, marquis de St Simon, count de Viom- 
nel, and to brig, de Choisey, (who had a separate 
command), for the illustrious manner in which they 
have advanced the interest of the common cause. 
He requests the cotmt de Ilochambeau will be pleas- 
ed to communicate to the army under his immedi- 
ate command, the high sense he entertains of the 
distinguished merits of the officers and soldiers of 
every corps, and that he will present, in his name, to 
the regiment of Argenois and Deaponts, the pieces 
of brass ordnance captured by them, as a testixnonj 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOM 



467 



of iheir gallantry in storming the enemy's rerioubts. 
on the night of the 14f'i inst.wheii officers and men 
so universally vied with each other in the exercise 
of every soldierly virtue. 

The general's thanks to each individual of merit, 
would comprehend the whole army: but he thinks 
himself bound however by affection, duty and gra- 
titude, to express his obligaiion to inaj. gens. Lin- 
coln, La Fayette and Steuben, for their dispositions 



2. — Distribution of the supplies. 

3. — Orders for Pennsylvania and Maryland troops 
'o march to-morrow for South Carolina. 

4 — General be;it at 8 o'clock. Tents struck and 
loaded. Troops march at 9. 



DRAYTON'S MEMOIRS. 

Among other extracts made from this work, and 

I published in the Charleston Courier, we have select- 
in the trenches — to gen. Duportail and col. Ctrney . .i, .- i. 

of -^ ! ed the following: 

The proceedings at Charleston to resist the ope- 
rations of the stamp-act are very interesting. The 

I commons house of assenably, having been assured 
tion and fatierue in brinfjing forward the artillery ,. ,. ,- ^ „ . . 

° ° ° • ! or the stamp-act from Great Britam, endeavored to 



for the vigor and knowledge which were conspicu- 
ous in their conduct of the attacks; and to gen 
Knox and col. de Abberville for their great atten-| 



and stores; and for their judicious and spirited 



prevent it from being enforced by denying it offi- 



management of them in the parallels. He requests - , , rr^, . f ■ , , ,. . 

° "^ ' cial promulgation. This furnishes additional evi- 

the ereiitlemen above mentioned, to communicate , ^i ^ ,, ... , , , 

° dence that the colonists resorted to the chances of 

his thanks to the officers and soldiers of their com- r. u • • n- . i. . • . i *. 

war, alter having ineHectually tried every mode of 
mands. Ingratitude, which the general hopes never 1^ J t> ^ * . r - •. j i 

" redress. But fate, for wise purposes, had render- 

to be guiltvof, would be conspicuous in him, waal j „„„ , , i . . 

f ■ * ^ ed remonstrance, argument, and even entreaty, un. 

he to omit thankmg in the warmest terms his excel- , ;.- 

lency Kovernor Nelson, for the aid he has derived ,,[, • i .i . ... 

■' ^ "Having received the stamp-act, the lieut, go- 

from him, and from the militia under his command; L„^„^„ ,. ..„ , • i, i . ^ r«i_ 

» • vernor, (in the absence in England of Thomas 

to whose activity, emulation and coarage such ap „„„„^ .. ^ •/■ . j - ,. 

^ Boone, the governor), manifested a desire of com- 

plause is due; the greatness ot the acquisition , . ... -. ... . . . 

*^ " ^1 plying with Us requisitions, m causing it to be ex- 

would be ample compensation for the hardships i„ ,. , ,., „ . - , - , . 

•^ ^ ' I ecuted, (the governor of the province being, by the 

and hazards which they encountered with so much 1 .„ „ e ,, . . • . • ^ . 

' I terms ot the act, sworn to its due execution); but 

patriotism and firmness. k:= ^„,.,..„ *.i ».- • m • . . jx- 

•^ his powers at that time were insumcient to effecta. 

In order to diffuse the general joy in every breast, late the same. 



the general orders those men belonging to the ar- 
my, who may now be in confinement, shall be par. 
doned, and join their respective corps. 

2L — British marched out for their cantonments 
under miliiia guards. 

22 — York affords very good Port-wine. 

23. — Orders for the troops to hold themselves in 
readiness to march at the shortest notice. 

24. — Marquis de St. Simon's troops embark their 
cannon. 

25. — Demolish our works by brigades. 

26. — Expectations of a supply of necessaries 
trom the merchants of York and Gloster. 

27. — Report says sir H. Clinton has embarked 
from New-York for Virginia. 

28. — The American cannon put on board vessels 
for lie liead otElk. 

29. — Nothing material. 

30. — I was on duty at Glostep. 

3L — Col. Tarlion dismounted from his horse by 
an inhabitant, who claimed him in the midst of the 
street. 

Nov. 1— A supply of clothing purchased by 
agents, appointed for that purpose, 



"Encouraged by this weakness, and by the pub- 
lic opinion which was hostile to the act, the mem- 
bers of assembly deliberated in what manner they 
might most embarrass and elude its operations. — 
And, as the best mode they could devise, they ad- 
dressed the lieutenant governor on the occasion, 
requesting to be informed whether the stamp-act, 
said to have been passed in parliament, had been 
transmited to him, andif it had, through what chan- 
nel; and whether he had receited it from a secretary 
of state, the lords of trade, or from any other authen- 
tic source? These were questions of a singular na- 
ture — however, his honor, from a desii'e to soften 
as much as possible the fermentations which exist 
ed, answered, he had received it from Thomas 
Boone, the governor of the province. The assem- 
bly replied, that, while Mr. Boone was out of the 
bounds of his government, they could not consider 
him in any other tight than as a private gentlemen; 
and the act being received through such a channel, 
was not sufficiently authentic, to place the lieuten- 
ant governor under the obligation of enforcing it. 
"1 he stamps soon reached Charleston, and were 
deposited at Fort Johnson. The people, finding 



468 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



the lieutenant governor and crown officers deter- 
mined to circulate them, resolved to counteract all 
their movennents, and obtain possession of the 
stamped paper. 

"About one hundred and fifty volunteers were 
soon organized and armed for the purpose; and two 
mights after, boats being provided at LamboU's 
bridge, on the west end of South Bay, they formed 
and marched towards that place for embarkation. 
Prom thence, they proceeded in boats across Ash- 
ley river, and landed, after twelve o'clock at night, 
on James' Island, between Style's plantation and 
the fort. They then proceeded towards the 
fort, and halting at a small distance from it, a 
reconnoitering party was sent forward. This par- 
ly proceeded to the draw-bridge unnoticed, or 
challenged by sentries; and finding it down, through 
the omission of the garrison, they immediately re- 
turned and reported the same. 

•'The whole body of volunteers then advanced 
upon the fort; and arriving at the bridge, they cross- 
ed it without opposition — pressed through the in- 
ner gate, which was not secured, and immediately 
possessed themselves of the fort. Only one sol- 
dier was found awake; and before he could give the 
alarm, the remainder of the garrison was secured, 
except Lloyd, its commander, who had not slept 
there that night. The garrison were then placed 
under a guard— the bridge was drawn up— and a 
search commenced for the obnoxious stamped pa- 
per. This, to the great joy of the volunteers, was 
at length found in one of the rooms of the barracks, 
and a guard was placed over it. Preperations were 
then made for maintaining the fort against any at- 
tack which might be made upon it by the sloop of 
war, when day light should arrive; and for this pur- 
pose, the cannon on the platforms were loaded with 
ball and grape shot, matches were provided, and a 
number of men were stationed at each gun; and a 
flag, shewing a blue field, with three white cres- 
cents, which the volunteers had brought with 
them for the purpose, v/as hoisted on the flag stafi 
of the fort. 

GENERAL WARREN. 
[It is well remembered, that this ardent patriot 
twice mounted the rostrum to address his fellow 
citizens on the subject of the massacre of the 
5th of March; but the occasioii of his second ap- 
pointment for that purpose is not generally known 

• Mr. Kkapp, in his "biographical sketches," 

just published, has given the following very in- 
teresting explanation of it, which is in concu'-- 



rence with the daring spirit of the man, who 

was always foremost in danger.] 

"His next oration was delivered March 5th, 1775. 
It was at his own solicitation that he was appointed 
to the duty a second time. The fact is illustrative 
of his character, and worthy of remembrance. — 
Some British officers of the army then in Boston, 
had publicly declared that it should be at the price 
of the life of any man to speak of the event of 
March 5, 1770, on that anniversary. Warren's soul 
took fire at such a threat, so openly made, and he 
wished for the honor of braving it. This was rea- 
dily granted, for at such a time a man would pro- 
bably find but few rivals. Many who would spurn 
the thought of personal fear, might be apprehen- 
sive that they would be so far disconcerted as to 
forget their discourse. It is easier to fight brave- 
ly, than to think clearly or correctly in danger.— 
Passion sometimes nerves the arm to fight, butdis- 
turbs the regular current of thought. The day 
came, and the weather was remarkably fine. The 
Old South meeting-house was crowded at an early 
hour. The British officers occupied the aisles, the 
flight of steps to the pulpit, and several of them 
were within it. It was not precisely known whe- 
ther this was accident or design. The orator, with 
the assistance of his friends, made his entrance at 
the pulpit window by a ladder. The officers, see- 
ing his coolness and intrepidity, made way for him 
to advance and address the audience. An awful 
stillness preceded his exordium. Each man felt the 
palpitations of his own heart, and saw the pale but 
determined face of his neighbour. The speaker 
began his oration in a firm tone of voice, and pro- 
ceeded with great energy and pathos. Warren and 
his friends were prepared to chastise contumely, 
prevent disgrace, and avenge an attempt at assas- 
sination. 

The scene was sublime; a patriot in whom the 
flush of youth, and the grace and dignity of man- 
hood were combined, stood armed in the sanctuary 
of God, to animate and encourage the sons of liber- 
ty, and to hurl defiance at their oppressors. The ora- 
tor commenced with the early history of the coun- 
try, described the tenure by which we held our )i- 
bertiesand property — the affection wehad constant 
ly shown the parent country, and boldly told them 
how, and by whom these blessings of life had 
been violated. There was in this appeal to Britain 
— in this description of suffering, agony and hor- 
ror, a calm and high-souled defiance which 
must have chilled the blood of every sensible foe. 
Such ^^notlier hour has seldom happened in the hii«- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



4G.9 



tory of man, and is not surpassed in the records of 
nations. The thunders of Demosthenes rolled at a 
distance from Philip and his host — and Tully pour- 
ed the fiercest torrent of his invective when Cata- 
line was at a distance, and his dagger no longer to 
be feared; but Warren's speech was made to proud 
oppressors resting on their arms, whose errand it 
was to overawe, and whose business it was to fight. 
If the deed of Brutus deserved to be commemo- 
rated by history, poetry, painting and sculpture, 
should not this instance of patriotism and bravery 
be held in lasting remembrance? If he, 

'That struck tlie foremost man of all this world,' 
was hailed as the first of freemen, what honors are 
not due to him, who, undismayed, bearded the Bri- 
tish lion, to show the world what his countrymen 
dared to do in the cause of liberty? If the statue of 
Brutus were placed among those of the gods, who 
were the preservers of Roman freedom, should not 
that of Warren fill a lofty niche in the temple rear- 
ed to perpetuate the rememberance of our birth as 
a nfttion?" 

CAPTAIN EZRA LEE, 

FHOM THE COMMERCIAI. ADVEHTISEn, NOV. 1821 

DiEP, at Lyme, (Connecticut), on the 29th ult. 
Captain EZRA LEE, aged 72, a revolutionary offi- 
cer. — It is not a little remarkable, that this officer is 
the only man, of which it can be said, that he fought 
the enemy upon land — upon water — and under the 
■water; the latter mode of warfare was as follows: — 

When the British fleet lay in the North River, op- 
posite to the city of New-York, and while general 
Washington had possession of the city, he was very 
desirous to be rid of such neighbors. — A Mr. Bush 
nell, of Saybrook, (Conn.)who had the genius of a 
Fulton, constructed a sub-marine machine, of a coni- 
cal form, bound together with iron bands, within 
which one person might sit, and with cranks and 
skulls, could navigate it to any depth under water. 
In the upper part was affixed a vertical screw for 
the purpose of penetrating ships bottoms, and to 
this was attached a magazine of powder, within 
which was a clock, which, on being set to run any 
given time, would, when run down, spring a gun- 
lock, and an explosion would follow. This Marine 
Turtle, so called, was examined by gen. Washing, 
ton, and approved; to preserve secrecy, it was ex- 
perimented within an inclosed yard, over twenty to 
thirty feet water, and kept during day-light locked 
in a vessel's hold. The brother of the inventor was to 
fee the person to navigate the macliine into action, 
but on sinking it the first time, he declined the ser- 
vice. 



Gen. Washington, unwilling to relinquish the ob- 
ject, requested major general Parsons to select a 
person, in whom he could confide, voluntarily to erk- 
gage in the enterprize; the latter being well ac 
quainted with the heroic spirit, the patriotism, and 
the firm and steady courage of the deceased above 
mentioned, immediately communicated the plan and 
the o:Ter, which he accepted, observing that his life 
was at general Washington's service. After prac- 
tising the machine, until he understood its powers 
of balancing and moving under water, a night was 
fixed upon for the attempt. General Washington, 
and his associates in the secret, took their stations 
upon the roof of a house in Broadway, anxiously 
waiting the result. Morning came and no intelli- 
gence could be had of the intrepid sub-marine na- 
vigator, nor could the boat who attended him, give 
any account of him after parting with him the first 
part of the night. While these anxious spectators 
were about to give him up as lost, several barges 
were seen to start suddenly from Governor's Island, 
(then in possession of the British), and proceed 
towards some object near the Asia ship of the line. 
— as suddenly they were seen to put about and 
steer for the Island with springing oars. In two or 
three minutes an explosion took place, from the sur- 
face of the water, resembling a water spout, which 
aroused the whole city and region; the enemy ships 
took the alarm — signals were rapidly given — the 
ships cut their cables and proceeded to the Hooli, 
with all possible dispatch, sweeping their bottoms 
with chains, and with difficulty prevented their af 
frighted crews from leaping overboard. 

During this scene of consternation, the deceased 
came to the surface, opened the brass head of his 
aquatic machine; rose up and gave a signal for the 
boat to come to him, but they could not reach him, 
until he again descended under water, to avoid the 
enemy's shot from the Island, who had discovered 
and commenced firing in his wake. Having forced 
himself against a strong current under water until 
without the reach of shot, he was taken in tow and 
landed at the battery amidst a great crowd, and re- 
ported himself to general Washington, who express- 
ed his entire satisfaction, that the object was effect' 
ed, without the loss of lives. The deceased was 
under the Asia's bottom more than two hours, en- 
deavoring to penetrate her copper, but in vain. He 
frequently came up under her stern galleries search- 
ing for exposed plank, and could hear the sentinels 
cry. Once he was discovered by the watch on 
deck, and heard them speculate upon him, but con- 
cluded a drifted log had paid them a visit— he re- 



470 



PUINCfPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



turaed to her keel and examined it fore and aft, and 
then proceeded to some other ships; but the impos- 
sibility of penetrating their copper, for want of a re- 
sisting power, hundreds owed the safe'y of their 
lives to this circumstance. The lonjjest space of 
time he could remain under water was two hours. — 
For a particular description of this sub-marine cu 
riosity, see Silliman's journal of arts and sciences. 
The deceased, during the war, ever h»d the con 
fidence and esteem of the commander in chief, and 
was frequently ennployd hy him on secret nnissions '.,f 
importance. He fought with him at Trenton and 
Monmouth, at Drandywine the hilt of his sword whs 
shot away, and his hat and coat were penetrated with 
the enemy's balls. On the return of peace, he laid 
aside the habiliments of war, and returned to his 
farm, where, like Cincinnatus, he tilled his lands, 
until now called by the great commander in chief to 
the regions above. He died without an enem} ; he 
was universally beloved. The suavity of his man 
ners — evenness of temper, and correclne.ss of princi- 
ples, was proverbial and pleasing to all his acquaint- 
ance. He enjoyed the confidence of his fellow-ciii- 
zens, to an extent almost unparalleled. — His desk 
was the repository of deeds, contracts and other evi- 
dences of property, as well as the widows and or- 
phans wealth for safe keeping. He constantly read 
the papers of the day, and was by many considered 
a polilical prophet. His christian and moral life was 
sternly strict;— his Bible his guide and rule of ac- 
tion. •« To do unto others, as he would they should 
do unto him," was his universal maxim and rule of 
life. His benevolence and charily was only circum- 
scribed by his means.— Contented and happy, he was 
an example of the great blessings which flow from 
the perfect enjoymentof life, regulated fay christian 
and moral virtue. He has left a widow,(with whom 
he has lived 51 years), and a numerous offspring to 
moarn the loss of one of the best of men. 

REVOLUTIONARY RECOLLECTIONS. 

FROM THE KATIOJTAL GAZETTE, OF SEPT. 5, 1821. 

I am one of that class of your readers who are 
much pleased with the plan of the reminiscences, 
and wish it may be promoted, by our well-informed 
aged citizens taking the troxible to present to the 
public such authentic facts and informa^on as their 
memories can furnish. It may be the means of pre- 
serving some flowers, and placing them in the chap- 
let of the historic muse, which would otherwise fall 
to the ground and perish in oblivion. I offer the 
following. 



Upon reading the Boston reminiscence of the tea- 
ship, the line quoted from the old song occasioned 
the whole of it to rise like an exhalation before me. 

As near beauteous Boston lying. 

On the gently swelling flood, 
Wiihout j ick or pendant, flyii g, 

Tl.ree ill-fated tea-ships rode. 

Just Rs glorious Sol was setting, 
On the wharf, a numerous crew, 

Sons of freedom, fcfsr forge! ting. 
Suddenly appear'd in view. 

Arm'd with hammers, axes, chisels, 
We.-pnns new for warlike deeds, 

Tow,.rds t!.e herbage f eighted vessels. 
They approach'd with dreadful speed. 

Hovering o'er their beads, in mid sky, 
Three bright angel forms were si en; 

Thxt was Hnmpden, this was Sidney, 
With fair liberty between. 

'Soon,' ihey cried, 'your fljes you'll b&nlsh, 
'Soon your triumph will be won, 

•Scarce shall setting P ocbus vanish, 
'Ere the deathless deed be done.' 

Quifk as shot the ships were boarded. 
Hatches burst and chests display'd; 

Axes, hammers, Ijelp aft'orded. 

What a glorious crash they made! 

Captains! once more hoist your streamers. 
Spread your sails and plough the wave; 

Tell your masters they were dreamers, 
When they thought to cheat the brave. 

The people of "the good old thirteen states," 
though they had made up their minds to suffering 
and endurance, did not enter on the contests for 
their rights and liberties in a hasty and unadvised 
manner; theyhad counted the cost, and, although de- 
termined to sacrifice all that they held dear, rather 
than to crouch as slaves, yet they shuddered at 
being forced upon that extremity. The intelligence 
of the battle of Lexington, the first blood that was 
drawn in the quarrel, was received with the deepest 
regret; in Philadelphia the bells were muffled, and 
an expression of horror and gloom covered the coun- 
tenances of all its citizens. 

Congress first sat in the building then called Car- 
penters' hall, up the court of that name in Chesnut 
street. On the morning of the day that they first 
convened, their future secretary, the now venerable 
Charles Thomson, who resided at that time in the 
Northern Liberties, and who afterwards so mate- 
rially assisted to launch our first rate republic, had 
that morning rode into the city, and alighted in 
Chesnut street; he was immediately accosted by a 
message from congress, that they desired to speak 
I with him. He followed themessenger, and, enter- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



4n 



sng the building, has described himself as struck 
with awe, upon viewing the aspects of so many great 
and good men impressed with the weight and re 
sponsibility of their situation, on the perilous edge of | 
which they were tlien advancinjjr. He walked up 
the aisle, and bowing to the president, desired to 
know their pl.^ssure. 

"Congress request your services, sir, as their se- 
cretary." He took his seat at the desk, and never 
looked back until the vessel was securely anchored 
in the haven of independence- 

The first speaker, (I mean the first who rose to 
speak) in that congress, was Patrick Henry, an ora- 
tor undoubtedly, but not superior to many who tool^ 
their seats on that day, although his biographer has 
ascribed to his eloquence the fulminating characier 
of Demostiicnes. What he said on that occasion was 
short and practical. 

Peyton Ranlolph. first president of congress, died 
in October, 1775, at the seat of Henry Hill, Roxbo- 
rotigh, near Philadelphia, where he had accepted an 
invitation to dine with other company. He fell from 
Lis seat in an apoplectic fit, and. immediately expir- 
ed. His corpse was taken to Virginia for interment. 

With respect to tlie notices of the still more re- 
mote *'olden time'' in Philadelphia, William Penn, 
at his first coming, brought over the frame of a house 
which was set up for him in town and remained in 
being for many years. I have also heard that the 
first mill for grinding corn was brought over in a 
similar manner, and was placed on Ridley Creek? 

Tobacco was at first cultivated in Pennsylvania, 
and was among her earliest exports. An old petition 
to the governor and council for a road to German- 
town, mentions 'the tobacco field, (in Front street), 
near the town.' 

When William Penn arrived the second time with 
his family, in 1699, be brought over a coach. In the 
former part of last century, Isaac Norris, senr. of 
Fau'iiill, kept a coach and four — he lived out of 
town, and like his worthy decendant of our time,hai^ 
a large family. His cotemporary, Jonathan Dickin- 
son, a gentleman who had moved from Jamaica to 
Pennsylvaniva, had likewise a coach and four. A 
very respeciableold gentleman, who died someyears 
since, has told me that he well rememoered when 
t'lere were but eiglu foUr-wheeled carriages in the 
whole province; VIZ. the three above mentioned, capt. 
Anthoney Palmer's, Andrew Hamilton's, James Lo- 
gan's, judge Lloyd's, of Chester, and, 1 think, judge 
Langhorne's, of Bucks. 

The bells of Christ church were first tolled on ac- 
count of the death of the wife of captain Palmer, 



when a fatal accident happened to one of the ring- 
ers. Captain Palmer was president of the council 
after James Logan, about the year 1740. Some of 
his descendants are still among us. O. 

RECOLLECTIONS OF A SOLDIER'S DAUGHTER. 
FBOM WOOBWOllTu's LITERARY CASKET. 

At the commencement of the revolutionary war, 
my father had a.taincd the age when the mind 
yields most e:<sily to the passion for military glory, 
and he was among the fir»t who were enrolled under 
tfjc banner of American liberty. 

The sentiment of freedom was electric, and no age 
or Fcx was exempt from its influence. The fond 
mother, wlio had slirunk from exposing the darlmg 
cf her bosom to the slightest personal danger, now 
beheld, with proud satisfaction, that son decorated 
with the knapsack iier own hand had wrought, and 
carefully resigned him to the call of patriotism. 

Thus do the sentiments of freedom elevate the 
mind above its ordinary exertions, and call forth the 
latent energies of soul, that have immortalized a 
Cornelia. My venerable f^randiiirc, whom 1 can just 
remember as an old man with snowy locks, who used 
to pacify my infant clamors with tales of military 
prowess, was often heard to boast that he led five 
sons to the bat'.Ia of Bunker-hill. 

T!ie third of these sons was he from whom I in- 
herited that spirit of patriotism which has accom- 
panied me through life. With feelings which neither 
time nor sorrow can obliterate, 1 reviev/ the scenes 
of my cliildhood, and while my brave parent, bending 
with vge and infirm itj', is verging to the grave, a de- 
sire to snatch his memory from oblivion prompts me 
to record the follo>ving detail: 

Some cf the brightest years of my existence were 
passed in the vicii ity of Bunker hill, and I was early 
taught to venerate that spot, as connected with a 
display of that magnanimous virtue. It was to that 
spot my giiHant father led his family of sprightly 
boy*, and, over the grave of Warren, inculcated les- 
sons of her;;ism and virtue. Nor was I always ex- 
cluded from the party, for though my father believ- 
ed that nature had designed me for a domestic 
sphere, he did not believe that an ardent love of 
liberty and thorough estimate of its value, as pur- 
ch ■sed by the blood of my fathers, could unfit me for 
the discharge of the important duties which Provi- 
dence has assigned to a woman. 

It was a fine morning in May, and nature seemed 
to have communicated her smile to the heart, and 
diftiised a joyous serenity over all its feelings, when 



1/ ~. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF Tlllfc: REVOLUTION. 



my three little brothers and myself recieved the 
welcome summons to prepare to attend our parent 
on his morning excursion.— "Whither shall we walk?" 
said he, as we sallied forth with all the eagerness of 
childhood — "To Bunker-hill" was the spontaneous 
reply of every little voice, and to Bunker-hill my 
father led the way. 

Days of artless innocence, alas! ye are fled forever- 
Never can I recal the sportive hilarity with which 
we lightly bounded over the adjacent fields, never 
regain the innocent gaity and improvident lightness 
of heart, that, under present enjoyments, shut the fu- 
ture from my view. Yet memory, busy memory, oft 
retards the flowery way, and,in thevisionscf the past, 
loses the sense of the present, and the anticipations 
of the future. 

With that buoyancy of spirit which refuses to 
yield to weariness, we climbed the ascent, and found 
ourselves on the summit, from whence we were pre- 
sented with a view of the whole peninsula, with the 
bay and harbor of Boston. My father pointed out 



ed was my poor drummer, who was killed not five 
paces from me; but the next, not at all deterred by 
the fate of his comrade, commenced the race, and 
got over in safety. In like manner most of our he- 
roic band succeeded, and one honest fellow, as he 
bowed to the word of command, thus addressed 
me, 'captain I see it is close dodging, hut let me once 
get safely over, and I'll spend my heart's last drop 
for you, and bring you off again dead or alive, that 
I will." 

"This honest fellow was a native of Ireland, and 
about six months previous was confined for debt in 
the prison of Salem, whence I released him on con- 
dition that he would enlist; and never man was bles- 
sed with a more devoted friend than Murphy 
M'Culloch proved to me. 

•'I was the last to make the tidventurous attempt, 
and though the balls showered about my head, none 
were permitted to touch me, and we gained the en- 
trenchment, and passed into the line of battle. 

"On this spot as near as I could recollect, I stood. 



the relative position of the armies, and entered into i and endeavored to do my duty as a soldier of liber- 
a minute detail ofevents, which abler historians have ty. I received a ball through the calf of my leg, 
recorded: they will not therefore occupy a place in and another through my left shoulder, but these 



this narration. 

His own personal adventure, and narrow escape 
from a living grave, are all that filial piety will jus- 
tify this feeble attempt to perpetuate. 

"Pray papa," said my oldest brother, "was it here 
that you received that ugly wound that had nearly 
cost you your life?" 

"It was on this very spot, my son, behind this 
breast-work — but the story is long — you must have 
patience, and let me commence at the beginning." 

Each little heart beat high with expectation, and 
mutually promising profound attention, we listened 
to the following tale. 

"You see that narrow speck of land yonder that 
unites the peninsula of Charlestown to the adjacent 
country. Over that isthmus, it became my duty to 
lead the little band under my command, to join the 
main army, in the intrenchment, where we now 
stand. You see how it is exposed to water— well 
there lay the Glasgow frigate, which kept up a con- 
tinual fire of shot and bombs across that pass, while 
several floating batteries, and the fortification on 
Copps' hill, endeavored to annoy the troops on the 
bill, and drive them from the entrenchment. 

"My little band had each the spirit of aLeonidas, 
and not a murmur was heard when I ordered them 
to attempt gaining the hill, by running singly 
across the dangerous pass. The first who attempt- 



virere mere trifles, and stood my ground in spite of 
them. 

"The gallant and generous Warren was on horse- 
back, pressing from one end of the line to the other, 
animating the troops to a vigorous defence, and 
every heart hailed him with love and gratitude. 

"He had ever distinguished me with peculiar 
marks of friendship, and as he passed the spot 
where I sood, he condescended to address me with 
words of cordial recognition. I know not whether 
any historian has recorded the last words of that 
hero, but believed they were addressed to myself. 
"My young friend, (said he, as he turned to leave 
m.e), do your duty, for the salvation of our country 
depends on this day's action." 

"He had not moved ten paces before I saw himfalL 
At that moment a shell burst by my side, and was 
thrown several feet into the air, and then precipitat- 
ed violently to the ground. 

"A fragment of the broken shell struck me in the 
breast, and caused a contusion of the sternum, and 
the violent shock my whole system sustained, took 
from me the power of motion. 

"Blood gushed from my mouth, nose and ears, 
and I lay covered with dust unable to speak or 
move, but for some time perfectly conscious. 

"I remember to have heard col. B — , who was my 
father's friend, exclaim 'William is de»d then! well, 
, h? died like a soldier.' 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



473 



•'I felt the pressure of his hand upon my forehead, 
as he leaned over me; "he's gone, poor fellow! but 
I'll take his sword— the regulars shall never get 
that." 

"This sword was a present from Warren, and, 
though in that awful moment my soul seemed flut- 
tering on the verge of eternity, it gave me inexpres- 
sible pleasure, to find that the gift of friendship was 
likely to be preserved. 

" A faintness now came over me, and I heard no 
more, and for what succeeded am indebted to the 

observation of col. B . 

" The Americans fought with determination and 
bravery until their last round of ammunition was 
expended, and they were reluctantly compelled to 
retreat. 

"My poor Irish soldier, actuated by a sentiment 
that should immortalize his name, now declared that 
the Britiih should never have his captain, alive or dead. 
He sought among the slain for the breathless form of 
one he loved, and at last recognized the object of 
his search, among a heap of human bodies, which 
some resolute soldiers, where the breastwork hap- 
pened to be too high, had piled up to stand on 

"He bore the inammate body on his shoulder 
from the scene of carnage; but unable, thus loaded, 
to keep up with his companions, a shot from the 
pursuers terminated his life, when the main body 
of the retreating army was out of danger. 
"Some friends who knew us, passing immediately 



the whole family appeared at church the next sab- 
bath, clothed in habiliments of sorrow, and in the 
note which the minister read for the deceased, was 
an expression of triumph that he had fallen for li- 
berty. 

"The next morning as my mother sat by her win- - 
dow, intently watching some little shrubbery which 
the hand of her departed child had planted, she 
discovered, through the vista of the trees that em- 
bowered our peacefuldwelling, a litter, slowly wind- 
ing along the road. 

"The hope of being able to afford relief or re- 
freshment to a wounded soldier, drew my mother to 
the little gate that separated her own cultivated 
lawn from the highway. 

"Will you stop and rest?" said she to the man 
who conducted the litter — "\Ve go no farther," was 
the reply. She heard no more — the truth flashed 
across her mind and she fainted. 

"Long and tenderly was I nursed by that heroic 
woman, and though she sympathised in every pain 
I felt, she never breathed a regret for the part I had 
acted, and when I was again able to join my regi- 
ment, she mingled with her parting blessing a fer- 
vent prayer that all her children might prefer death 
to slavery." Such was my fatlier's tale— could I 
hear it and ever forget that I am a soldier's daugh- 
ter? Never, never. Recollections of patriotism are 
impressed on every page of my existence, and sen- 
timents of freedom twined with every fibre of my 



after, thought they discovered in me signs of return- heart. 



ing life, and by their means I was conveyed to the 
hospital." 

By this time the little auditors were in tears, and 
even Warren was awhile forgotten in admiration of 
the fidelity of the Irish soldier. 

My father, though a brave man and a soldier, 
wept — and though the lapse of twenty years has 
presented new and varied objects to my mind, I am 
not ashamed that a kindred tear has blotted the page 
that records his story. 

Recovering his usual composure, and addressing 
himself particularly to me, my father thus continued: 

"What follows is an example of female heroism 
and tenderness, if recorded on the page of history, 
might form a counterpart to the story of the Roman 
mother, who died from the effect of joyful surprise, 
when her son, whom she thought dead, was restored 
to her arms. 

"My mother received the news that her darling 
had fallen in battle, — but ahed no tears. 

"Her son had done his duty, and what more in 

• hese times of peril could a virtuous mother desire? 

4 greeably to the primitive cn^tom of otir fathers 
60. 



Sadly as the tenor of my days have passed, and 
sorely as the storms of sorrow have beaten on my 
head, there are hours when the tide of impetuous 
feeling rushes back to the scenes of my infancy, 
and finds, in tracing the lessons of paternal love, a 
kind of half oblivion to my cares. Then it is that 
thespirit of my father glows with undiminished ar- 
dour, and it is my pride and my boast that I am a 
SOLDIER'S DAL'GHTER. 

Extract from an Election Sermon, delivered by presi- 
dent Stiles, before the Connecticut legislature, in Mav, 
1783. 

"While we render our supreme honors to the 
Most High, the God of armies, let us recollect, with 
affectionate honor, the bold and brave sons of free- 
dom, who ivillingly offered themselves, and bled in the 
defence of their country. Our fellow citizens, the 
officers and soldiers of the patriot army, who, with 
the Manly3,the Joneses, and other gallant comman- 
ders and brave seamen of the American navy, have 
heroically fought the v^'ar by sea and by land, merit, 
of their once bleeding, 4)ut now triumphant country, 



4r4 



PRINCIPLES AjND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOJS. 



laurels, crowns, reward?, anci the hig!»est honors. 
NPTer ws the profession of arms used with more 
glory, or in a better cause, since the days of Joshua 
the son of Nun. O Wa HiireToa! how rlo I love thy 
name! how often hav^ I adored and blessed thy God, 
for creating and forminjj thee the great ornament of 
human kind. Upheld and protected by the omnipo- 
tent, by the Lord of Hosts, thou hast been sustained 
and carried through one of the most arduous and 
important wars in all history. The world and pos- 
terity will, with admiration, contemplate thy deli- 
berate, cool, and stable judgment, thy virtues, thy 
valor and heroic achievements, as far surpassing 
Tnose of Cyrus, whom the world loved and adored. 
The sound of thy fame shall go out into u\\ the earth, 
and ex'end to distant ages. Thou hast convinced 
tlie world of the beautt of tibtck — for, in thee this 
beauty shines with distinguished lustre. Those who 
would not recognize any beauty invirtue in the world 
beside, will yet reverenceitinthee. There is a glory 
in thy diiinterested benevolence, w)iich the greatest 
characters would purchase, if possible, at the ex- 
pense of worlds, and which may excite indeed their 
cnnulation, but cannot be felt by the venal ^reat — 
who think every thing, even virtue and true glory, 
may be bought and gold, and trace our every action 
to motives terminating in aelf; 

"Find virtue local, all relation scorn, 
♦•See all in self, and but for eel/be born." 

But thou, O Washington, forgottest thyself, when 
thou lovedst thy bleeding country Not all the gold 
of Ophir, nor a world filled with rubies and dia- 
monds, could affect or purchase the sublime and 
noMe feelings of thine heart, in that single self 
moved act, when thou renouncedst the rewards of 
generalship, and heroically tookest unon thyself the 
dangerous as well as arduous office of generalissimo 
—and this at a solemn moment, when thou didst de- 
liberately cast the die, for the dubious, the very du- 
bious alternative of a gibbet or a triumphal arch.' — 
Eut, beloved, enshielded and blessed by the great 
Slelchisedec, the king of righteousness as well as 
peace, thou haat triumphed gloriously. Such has 
been thy military wisdom m the struggles of this 
arduous conflict, such the noble rectitude, amiable- 
ness and mansuctude of thy character: something 
is there so singularly glorious and venerable thrown 
by Heaven about thee, that not only does thy coun 
try love thee, but our very enemies stop the mad- 
ness of their fire in full volley, stop the illiberality 
0* their slander, at thy name, as if rebuked from 
Heaven with a "touch not mine anointed, and do my 
HERO on harm." Thy fame is of sweeter perfume 
than Ai-abi»n spices in tbe gardens of Periiia. A. 



baron de Steuban shall waf its fragrance to the 
monarch of Prussia: a marquis de la Fayette shall 
waft it to a far greater laonarch, and diffuse thy 
renown throughout Europe. Listening angels shall 
catch the odour, waft it to heaven, and perfume the 
universe." 

KOSCIUSCO. 

The following is not a revolutionary paper, but il 
relates to a noble volunteer in the cause of liberty 
in the new world, and a fearless advocate for the 
freedom of his native land in the old; and a pre- 
servation of the eulog'um upon him is due to his 
services. It was delivered at Warsaw on the 14th 
Nov. 1817, by M. Von J^'eimcewisez, who was his 
bosom friend. The translation here used was 
made for the "Republican Citizen," published at 
Fredericktown, Maryland. 

This mournful solemnity, these funeral rites; 
these blazing tap'?rs, this assemblage of dejected 
knights and people, the doleful voice of the vener- 
able divine, ail, all cciispire to itrpress upon us a 
s'rong perception of our great, our irreparable loss. 
What can I add to the accuteness of your feelings, 
or how dilate upon the ardent expressions of the 
reverend ministers of religion' Alas! it' does not 
appertain to these grey hairs, to this enfeebled 
voice, toaraind blunted with years, and weakened 
by infirmities, to eulogize the man, who was coura- 
geous and generous in war, and amiable in peace. 
Cut such was your desire: unmindful of the re- 
straints and ditricuUies under which I labor, I will 
endeavor to comply, and, although myself over- 
whelmed with grief, will become the interpreter 
of this universal niourning. 

Great and destructive have been the losses sus» 
tainedby our country in the lapse of a few years; 
but we have felt none with such keen anguish, as 
that which we now bewail in the decease of our be- 
loved Kosciusco. To mention the name of Koscius- 
co, that pattern of virtuous citizenship; to depict 
his love of country, which continued to blaze out 
wliilsi there was a breath of life remaining; his fear- 
less intrepidity in battle; his manly fortitude in ad- 
versity; his patient endurance of suffering; his Ro- 
man uprightness of deportment; his delicate modes 
ty, that inseparable accompaniment of real worth — 
is to awaken a thousand pleasing, but alas ! also 
numberless painful emotions in the breast of every 
native of Poland. 

Ere History shall record our misfortunes, and ex- 
hibit, in their true light, the merits of this truly 
great man, be it permitted to us, his contempora- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



475 



ries, to notice, in condensed brevity, his noble ac- 
tions, and the principal incidents of his life. 

THAnDfius Ko^ciuico, descended from an ancient 
family in the palatinate of Brescia, in Lithuania 
proper, received tl^e rudiments of his education in 
the military academy founded by Stanis!a«s A'igus 
lus- The commandant of that academy, prince 
Adam Crartorski, soon remarked the uncommon 
Tiililary genius of the youth, together with his pre- 
dileciion for the science of wnr, and in consequence, 
sent him into France to complete his stadias. To 
the latest moments of his life, Kosciusco gratefully 
remembered the obligations which he owed to the 
bounty of his benefactor. The abject, impotent and 
submissive situation of Poland, at that period, en- 
gendered dejection and despair in his useful breast. 
He left his country and repaired to a foreign land, 
there to fight the battles of independence, when he 
found that her standard would liOt be raised in the 
land of his birth. A'* the companion of the immor- 
tal Washi.vgtum, he fought bravely from the Hud- 
son to the Potomac, from the siiores of the Atlan- 
tic to the lakes of C.mada. lie patiently endured 
incredible fatigue; he acquired renown; and, what 
w.iS infinitely more valuable in his estimation, he 
acquired the Ijve and gratitude of a disenthraled 
nation. The flag of the United States waved in tri 
amph over the American forts, and the great work 
of liberation was finished ere Ivosciusco returned to 
his naive country. 

Just at that period Poland awoke; but alas! awoke 
too late from her deplorable lethargy. She had pro- 
claimed the memorable constitution of the third of 
May, and determined to acknowledge no laws but 
her own. Hence the inimical attack, hence the de- 
solating wars which ensued. Say, ye few remain- 
ing witnesses — say ye fields of Zieleaice and Du- 
binki, did not Kosciusco, did not the Poles con- 
tend with a valor worthy the sons of Poland? 
— It was not that our feeble force was over- 
powered: No— it was by the stratagems ai»d wiies 
of our enemies that our arms were wrested from 
our hands, and the burning desire for the combat 
smothered; aye, smothered! for in a short time the 
dismemberment of our territory, and the contemp- 
tuous, the scornful treatment which we received, ex- 
asperated the feelings of our people. The excess of 
their misfortunes and sufferings roused them to an 
eflbrt of noble and almost frenzied desperation. 
His enraged countrymen grasped the sword and 
placed it in the hands of Kosciusco! 

The fraternal bonds which unite us to another 
nation, the protection of one common sovereign, 
and the gratitude due to Alexander, forbid that 1 



should enlarge upon '.he occurrences of the memo- 
rable war which followed. The army of Kosciusco 
was not composed of warriors, arrayed in 'the pride 
of military pomp:' N ! he led troops of irritated pea- 
santry to thefieldofglory; peasantry, armed with the 
implements of husbandry, against experienced and 
veteran soldiers! — How many battles, sieges, dread- 
ful nocturnal sallies and skirmishes did they sustain? 
The earth was ensanguined with the blood of the 
commandants ere it furnished ihenn with graves. 

The result of all these sacrifices, sufferings and 
exertions, were inhuman fetters. Tlie captivity con- 
tinued tv/o years, and would have lusted yet longer; 
— nor wouldsi thou, Kosciusco, have ended thy days 
in Solothurn's free walls— nor would you, je weep- 
ing sons of Poland, have again enjoyed the sweet 
smiles of liberty, but would have dragged out the 
miserable remnant of your lives in dark and moul- 
dering dungeons, had it not been for the magnani- 
mous interference of Paul 1. The first act of his 
reign was to burst the fetters of twenty thoiaand 
Poles. Thanks to thee, venerable shade! The name 
oi Paul cannot be mentioned by a native of Poland^ 
without feelings of genuine gratitude! 

Waen Kosciusco was liberaied, he did not turn 
his steps to that depressed and mourning country, 
which had already become us a strange land lu him. 
No: he turned his eyes to that distant shore, where 
in his youth, he had mingled in tiie combat for li- 
berty and independence; to thai land wiiichheknew 
would receive hun as one of her own children. Al- 
though covered with scars .nd crippled, he did not 
permit the fatigues and dangers of tlie voyage to 
disjiearten him. (ie embarked lor America; and, du- 
ring tais voyage, tlie ocean naJ nearly become the 
j^raveof our hero. A vessel, belonging ij a fleet of 
mercliantmen, returning from Jamaica, was separate- 
ed from her company in a dark night, and whilst 
sailing with the greatest rapidity, struck the Ame- 
rican ship. Mass, riggi g ar>d sails were instantly 
entangled. Twoiar^e vessels lay beating forcibly 
aganisl each other. Great was ihe tumult, noise 
and disorder upon deck — death stared us in the 
face. Kosciusco viewed the scene, at this dismay- 
ing and terrifying momen , vviUi Uis usual serenity 
and composure: but his last hour had not yet arriv- 
ed. Providence had ordained tlia>. he should sur- 
vive to see that day on which the generous v^texanrfer 
proclaimed the restoration of the kingdom of Po- 
land. Wc escaped this imminent danger with the 
loss of the main-mast and torn sails, oui the voyage 
was, in consequence of the disaster, protracted to 
seventy days. At length we espied the Happy shore* 
of the land of freedom. Peiinsyivania! the country 



476 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



of Pens and Fuanklin, received Kosciusco into her 
bosom. After suffering such accumulated miseries, 
this was the first happy and joyful moment. The 
members of congress, then in session — his old com- 
patriots in arms — his friends and acquaintances, and 
the citizens generally, hailed his aiTival with unaf- 
fected pleasure. The people surrounded the car. 
riage of him, who had been one of their favorite 
chiefs, who had suffered so much in their cause, and 
accompanied him to his lodgings. Not only in Ame- 
rica, but also in every European city through which 
he passed after his liberation, in Stockholm, in Lon- 
don, and in Bristol, all those who cherished in their 
hearts a love of liberty, and a regard for her defen- 
ders, thronged about him and gave him the most 
lively demonstrations of their esteem. Oh! it was 
greatful to the heart of a Polander to perceive, in 
the honor and respect with which his chief was re- 
ceived, esteem and commisseration for the fate of 
an unjustly destroyed nation. 

Was it the delusion of hope or the wish to have 
the advantage ©f the best medical advice, that in- 
duced Kosciusco to visit the shores of Europe once 
more? If it was hope, soon, alas! did he preceive its 
fallacioushess and vanity, and the inutility of human 
exertions. He rejected the bustle and applause of 
the world, and, if I may so express myself, enclosed 
himself in the mantle of his own virtues and retired 
to the rural solitude of a farm. Here agriculture 
was his employment, his solace, and his delight. — 
He left his peaceful retirement, for the first time, 
to thank the illustrious .Alexander for the restora- 
tion of the P ilish name. His aversion to public 
employment, which had increased with age, hii love 
of solitude and quiet, led him into Switzerland. — 
There in the city of Solothurn, it pleased the Al- 
mighty to call his virtuous soul, from the scene of 
its sufferings and trials, to the abode of the blessed. 
He died as it became a cliristian and a soldier, with 
a firm reliance on his God, with complacency and 
manly fortitude. Poor as his prototypes, Phocion 
and Cincinnatus, he forbade al! pomp and show at 
his funeral; and that man, who in the field of bat- 
tie had commanded thousands of armed warriors, 
was carried to the last repository of frail mortality, 
upon the shoulders of six poor old men! 

Peace to thy ashes, thou virtuous man! receive 
the last and parting laments of thy sorrowing coun- 
trymen; receive the parting address of him, in whose 
arms thou hast so often reposed thine aching head. 
If thy native country do not receive thy mortal re- 
mains into her lap, while thy liberated spirit dwells 
in the same abode with the last Roman,* then 

* Ultimus Komanorum, Marcus Junius Brutus has been so called. 



may thy memory be immortal amongst us. May 
thy statue be placed in the sanctuary of the Lord, 
in order to perpetuate the lineaments of thy face, 
the benevolence of thy heart, and the purity of thy 
soul. May thy cenotaph be like thy life, plain and 
unostentatious, with no inscription but thy name; 
that will be all-sufficient! Whenever a native or 
stranger shall with tearful eyes behold it, he will be 
compelled to exclaim, "That was the man who did 
not permit his countrymen to die ingloriously, and 
whose virtues, magnanimity, intrepidity and patriot- 
ism immortalized himself ?nd his beloved country." 

FHOM THE BOSTOH PATRIOT. 

It is good for us all to look back on "olden times'^ 
— It is both good and proper for the young men and 
the youth of the present day to see and read some 
of the official acts of ihtiv fathers and grandfathers^ 
and thereby to trace out and mark down the emi- 
nent exertions, the privations, dangers and suffer- 
ings to which they were exposed in struggling 
through the arduous contest to establish the liber- 
ty and independence of their country, and to pro- 
vide for their posterity a national name — a home, 
a shelter and a fireside. Read this and treasure it 
for the time to come. 
By the congress of the United States of America — 

A MANIFESTO. 

"These United States having been driven to hos- 
tilities by the oppressive and tyrannous measures of 
Great Britain; having been compelled to commit the 
essential rights of man to the decision of arms; and 
having been, at length, forced to shake off a yoke 
which had grown too burdensome to bear, they de- 
clared themselves free and independent. 

Confiding in the justice of their cause; confiding 
in him who disposes of human events, althougJi 
weak and unprovided, they set the power of their 
enemies at defiance. 

In this confidence they have continued through 
the various fortune of three bloody campaigns, un- 
awed by the power, unsubdued by the barbarity of 
their foes. Their virtuous citizens have borne^ 
without repining, the loss of many things which 
makes life desirable. Their brave troops have pa- 
tiently endured the hardships and dangers of a si- 
tuation, fruitful in bot'i beyond former example. 

The congress, considering themselves bound to 
love their enemies, as children of that being who is 
equally the father of all; and desirous, since they 
could not prevent, at least to alleviate, the calami- 
ties of war, have studied to spare those who were in 
arms against them, and to lighten the chains of 
captivity. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION 



477 



The conduct of those serving under the king of 
Great Britan hath, with some few exceptions, been 
diametrically opposite. They have laid waste the 
open country, burned the defenceless villages, and 
butchered the citizens of America. Their prisons 
have been the slaughter-houses of her soldiers; their 
ships* of her seamen, and the severest injuries have 
been aggravated by the grossest insults. 

Foiled in their vain attempt to subjugate the un- 
conquerable spirit of freedom, they have meanly as- 
sailed the representatives of America with bribea,j[ 
with deceit, and the servility of adulation. They 
have made a mock of humanity, by the wanton des- 
truction of men: they have made a mock of religion, 
by impious appeals to God whilst in the violation of 
his sacred commands: they have made a mock even 
of reason itself, by endeavoring to prove that the li- 
berty aiid happiness of America could safely be in 
trusted to those, who have sold their oiv7i, unawed 
by the sense of virtue or of shame. 

Treated with the contempt which such conduct 
deserved, they have applied to individuals; they 
have solicited them to break the bonds of allegiance, 
and embrue their souls with the blackest of crimes; 
but, fearing that none could be found through these 
United States equal to the ivickedness of their purpose, 
to influence weak minds, they have threatened more 
7vide devastation. 

While the shadow of hope remained, that our ene- 
mies could be taught by our example to respect 
those laws which are held sacred among civilized 
nations, and to comply with the dictates of a reli- 
gion, which they pretend in common with us to be- 
lieve and to revere, they have been left to the influ- 
ence of that religion and that example. But since 
their incorrigible dispositions cannot be touched 
by kindness and compassion, it becomes our duty 
by other means to vindicate the r-ights of humanity. 

We, therefore, the conejress of the United States 
of America, do solemnly declare and proclaim,that if 

'Notes by the transcriber — who recollects that se- 
veral of his school mates sufl:ered severely on board 
the Jersey prison ship; and he knows several persons 
yet living in Boston, who felt the tro?j hand and heart 
of unrelenting- barbarity, while prisoners on board 
*'that poisoned floating dungeon," in the harbor of 
New-York, when in possession of the British. 

I The supposed or reputed author, [Samuel 
Adams], of the above elegantly written state paper, 
chose the high honor and exalted feeling of support- 
ing the liberties and equal rights of his countrymen, 
with a moderate fortune, to the low and grovelling 
dignity of a " British pensioner oftiuo thousand guineas 
per annum for life." He was in the cabinet of his 
country, what general Greene was in the field; 
"ever early, ever watchful, and never weary of toil 
•r fatigue until be saw all wn« weW." 



our enemies presume to execute their threats, or 
persist in their present career of barbarity, we will 
take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others 
from a like conduct. We appeal to that God who 
searcheth the he.arts of men, for the rectitude of our 
intentions; and, in His holy presence, we declare, 
that as we are not moved by any light and hasty sug- 
gestions of anger and revenge, so through every pos- 
sible change of fortune we xuill adhere to this our de- 
termination. 

Done in Congress, by unanimous consent, the thir- 
tieth day of October, one thousand seven hundred 
and seventy-eight. 

(Signed) HENRY LAURENS, President.** 



IHOM THE EVEHING POST. 

JVe-M-York, J^Tov. 22, 1821. 
William Coleman, esq. 

Dear sir — Agreeably to your request, I wil- 
lingly give you the enclosed copies of papers relat- 
ing to the events of that memorable day, so sooo 
to be celebrated in this city. I feel grateful to the 
gentleman who transmitted them to me — and I can- 
not doubt but the possession of them will be grati- 
fying to every American. 

Your obedient humble servant, 

AAnost Claek, 

Banbury, CConn.J Jiug. 24, 1821, 
Mr. Aaron Clark: 

Sir — Having observed that you are collecting 
varieus documents relating to the history of the 
state of New-York, I take the liberty of enclosing 
to you copies of the addresses which were exchang- 
ed between the citizens of the city of New-York 
and the American generals who entered the city 
in triumph after the evacuation of the British iu 
1783. 

A committee had been appointed b^the citizen* 
to wait upon gen. Washington and gov. Clinton and 
other American officers, and to express their joy- 
ful congratulation to them upon this occasion. A 
procession for this purpose formed in the Bowery, 
marched through a part of the city, and halted at 
a tavern, then known by the name of Cape's tavern, 
in Broadway, where the following addresses were 
delivered. Mr. Thomas Tucker, late of this town, 
and, at that time, a reputable merchant in New- 
York, a member of the committee, was selected to 
perform the office on the part of the committee. 
The originals now lie before me, over the signatures 
of the respective generals. 

I am, sir, your very obedient humble servant, 
EiisHA D. Whittusbt. 



478 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOJ^. 



To his excellency George Washington, esquire, general 

and commander in chief of the armies of the 

United States of America, 

The address of the citizens of New- York, who have 

returned from exile, in behalf of themselves and 

their suffering brethren: 

Sir— At a moment when the army of tyranny 
is yielding up its fondest usurpations, we hope the 
salu ations of long-suffering exiles, but now happy 
freemen, will not be deemed an unhappy tribute. In 
this place, and at this moment of exultation and tri- 
umpb, while the ensigns of sluvcry still linger in our 
£ig!;t, we look up to you, our deliverer, with unusual 
transports of gratitude and joy. Permit us to wel- 
come you to this city, long torn from us by the hard 
hand of oppreasior, but nov.', by your wisdom and 
energy, under the guidance of Providence, once more 
the seat of peace and freedom. We forbear to speak 
cur gratitude or your praise. We should but echo 
tlie voice of applauding millions. But the citizens 
of New-York are eminently indebted to your vir 
tues; and we, who have nov/ the honor to addres 
your escellency, h:»ve often been companions of 
your sufferings and witnesses of your esertions. 
Permit us, therefore, to approach your excellency 
v/ith the dignity and sincerity of freemen, and to 
assure you that v/e sliall preserve, with our latest 
breath, our gratitude for your services, and venera- 
tion for your character; and accept of our sincere 
and earnest wishes that jou may long enjoy that 
calm domestic felicity, which you have so gener- 
ously sacrificed— that the cries of injured liberty 
may never more interrupt your repose — and that 
your happiness may be equal to your virtues. 
Signed, at the request of the meeting, 

Thomss Randall, Thomas Tucker, 

Danl. Phanix, Henry Kipp, 

Saml. Broome, Pat. Dennison, 

Wm. Gilbert, sen. Wm. Gilbert, jun. 

Francis Van iJyck, 
Geo. Janevvay, 
Kphraim Brasliier, 

J^/'evf-York, JYov. 25, 1783, 



Jeremiah Wool, 
Abrm. P. Lott. 



Mis excellency's ans-wer to the citizens of JS''iiivYork, 
who liCive returned from exile: 

Gehtleme:* — I thank you sincerely for your affec- 
tionate address, and entreat you to be persuaded 
that nothing could be more agreeable to me than 
your polite congratulations. Permit me, in return, 
to felicitate you on the happy repossession of your 
city. 

Great as your joy must be on this pleasing occa- 
sion, it can scarcely exceed tliat which I feel at 
seeing you, gentlemen, who, from the noblest mo 
tlves, have suffered a voluntary exile of many yenrs. 



return again in peace and triumph to enjoy the 
fruits of your virttious conduct. 

The fortitude and perseverance which you and 
your suff'ering brethren have exhibited in the course 
of the war, have not only endeared you to your 
countrymen, but will be remembered with admira- 
tion and applause, to the latest posterity. 

May the tranquility of your city be pprpetual — 
may the ruins soon be repaired, commerce flourish, 
science be fostered, and all the civil and social vir- 
tues be chei'is!ied in the same illust ious manner 
which formerly reflected so much credit on the 
inhabitants of New York. In fine, n»ay every species 
of felicity attend you, gentlemen, and your wonhy 
fellow. citizens. 

GeOHGE WASHISGTOir. 

The address to gov. Clinton, -with the antw er. 

To his excellcnctj Gsorge C nten esquire, governor of 

the state of A't-uf York, commander in chief oj the 

militia, and admiral of the navy of the same. 

The address of the citizens of New York, who have 

returned from exile, in behalf of themselves and 

their suffering bretltren: 

Sia — When we consider your faithfid labors at 
the head of the government of this state, devoid, as 
v.e conceive every free people ought to be, of flat- 
tery, we think we should not be wanting in grati- 
tude to your vigilant and assiduous services in the 
civil line. 

The state, sir, is highly indebted to you in your 
military capacity; a sense of your real merit will 
secure to you that reputation which a brave man 
opposing himself in defence of his country, will 
ever deserve. 

We most sincerely congrattila'e you on your hap- 
py arrival at the Capial of the state. Your excel- 
lency hath borne a part with us in the general dis- 
tress, and was ever ready to alleviate the calamities 
you could not eff"ectually remove. Your example 
taught us to suffer with dignity. 

We beg leave to assure your excellency that, as 
prudent citizens and faithful subjects to the people 
of the state of New York, we wiil do every thing 
in our power to enable you to support order and 
good government in the community, over which you 
have, by the suff'rages of a free and discerning peo- 
ple, been elected to preside. 

Signed, at request of the meeting. 



Tliomas Randall, 
Danl P'osuix, 
Suml. Broome, 
Wm. Gilbert, sen. 
Francis Van JJyck, 
Geo. Janeway, 
Ephrair.' Brasliier, 
J^'trt-Yori:, A'ov. 25, 17^S 



Thomas Tucker, 
Henry Kipp, 
Pal. Dernison, 
Wm. Gilbert, jun. 
Jeremiah Wool, 
Abrm. P. feott. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF Tim REVOLUTION. 



479 



His excellency's reply. 

Gektlemew — Accept my most sincere thanks for 
your very affectionate and respectful address; Citi- 
zens who, like you, to vindicate the sacred cause of 
freedom, quitted their native citv, their fortunes 
and possessions, and sustained, with manly forti- 
tude, the rigors of a long and painful esiie, super- 
added to the grievous calamities of a vengeful war, 
merit, in an eminent degree, the title of patriots 
and the esteem of mankind; and your confidence 
an', approbation are honors wliich cannot be receiv- 
ed without the utmost sensibility or contemplated 
without gratitude and sati^fiction. 

To your sufferings and to the Invincible spirit 
with whicii they were surmounted, I have been wit- 
ness, T have deeply lamented thit I had not means 
to alleviate them equal to my inclination. 

The assurances of your firm support in the admi- 
nistration of government, give me singular plea 
sure. A reverence for the laws is peculiarly essen- 
tial to public safety and prosperity under our free 
constitution; and should we suffer the authority of 
the magistrate to be violated for the sake of private 



dition of, and proceedings in, that town many 

years ago,..from which we select the following as 

suited to the design of this work: 

The British army evacuated Boston on the fore- 
noon of Sunday, the ITth March, 1776. On the af- 
ternoon of that day I landed (in company with a sur- 
geon who was ordered in by genenral Washington) 
at the bottom of the common, near the high blufl", 
which was taken away a few years ago to make 
Charles-street. Tiie first object that I observed on 
landing was a thirteen inch iron mortar on the beach 
of extraordinary dimensions and weight, which the 
British had thrown down from a battery they had 
erected on the height above. I was told that ano- 
ther of the same size was sunk at the end of the 
long wharf, which was afterwards raised. One of 
them is now at the navy-yard in Charleston, and the 
other was a few years since on the grand battery at 
New-York, were it was carried in the same year. 

On crossrng the common we found it very much 
disfigured with ditches and cellars, which had been 
dug by the British troops for their accommodation 
when in camp. To our great regret, we saw several 



vengeance, we should be unworthy of the number- large trees lying in the mall, which had been cut 
less blessings which an indulgent Providence hath down that morning. We were ir.farmed that the 



placed in our reach. I shall endeavor steadily to dis- 
cbarge my duty, and I flatter myself that this state 
will become no less distinguished for justice and 
public tranquility, in peace, than it has hitherto 
been marked, in war, for vigor, fortitude and per- 
severance. 

(tentlemen — Your kind congratulations on my ar- 
rival at this metropolis, after so long an absence, are 
highly acceptable, ard I most cordially felicitate 
you on the joyful events which have restored us to 
the free and uncontrolable enjoyment of our rights. 
While we regard, with inviolable gratitude and af- 



tories were so exasperated at being obliged to leave 
the town, that they were determined to do all the 
mischief possible, and had commenced destroying 
that beautiful promenade; but it being told to some 
of the selectmen, they went in haste to general 
Howe, and represented the circumstance, who kind- 
ly sent one of his i-ids to forbid the futher destruc- 
tion of the trees, and to reprimand the tories for 
their conduct. General Howe could not but feel 
^ome degree of grateful regard and sympathy for the 
people of Massachusetts, as they had erected amon- 
ument in Westminster Abbey to the memory of his 



fectionall who have aided us by their counsel ortheir brother, whose urbane and gentlemanly deport. 



arms, let us not be unmindful of that Almighty Be- 
ing, whose gracious Providence has been manifestly 
interposed for our deliverance and protection, and 
let us shew by our virtues that we deserve to par- 
take of the freedom, sovereignty and independence 
which are so happily established throughout these 
United States. 

Geoegb Ciinto:t. 
Mw.York, '25th Aot». 1783. 

RECOLLECTIONS OF A BOSTONIAN. 
In the litter end of the year 1821 and early in 1822, 
a series of papers were published in the "Boston 
Centinel," under the head of "Recollections of a 
Bostonian" — in which the public were presented 
with many curious facts in relntion to the con- 



ment, had gained the esteem and respect of the 
Massachusetts forces, and who was killed in a bat- 
tle with the French and Indians in 1758. 

The mall was originally laid out with only two 
rows of trees, a third was added a few years before 
the war, which we found were all cut down for fuel, 
together with the entire fence which surrounded 
ti.e common, as was also a large magnificent tree 
which stool on the town's lai'd, near the school 
house, in West-street, of equal size with that which 
now stands m the middle of the common, both of 
which I suppose to be aboriginal. 

On passing into the town, it presented an inde- 
scribable scene of desolation and gloominess.for not- 
withstanding the joyous occasion of having driven 
our enemies from our land, our minds were im- 



4ao 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION* 



pressed with an awful sadness at the sight of the 
ruins of many houses which had been taken down 
for fuel— the dirtiness of the streets— the wretched 
appearance of the very few inhabitants who remain- 
ed during the siege — the contrast between the Sun- 
day we then beheld, compared with those we for- 
merly witnessed, when well dressed people, with 
cheerful countenances, were going to, and retur- 
ning from church, on which occasion, Boston exhi- 
bits so beautiful a scene— but more especially when 
Ave entered the Old South church, and had ocular 
demonstration that it had been turned into a hiding 
scHooi,, for the use of general Burgoyne's regiment 
of cavalry, which formed a part of the garrison, but 
which had never ventured to pass the barriers of the 
town. The pulpit and all the pews were taken 
away and burnt for fuel, and many hundred loads of 
dirt and gravel were carted in, and spread upon the 
floor. The south door was closed, and a bar was 
fixed, over which the cavalry were taught to leap 
their horses at full speed. A grog shop was erect- 
ed in the gallery, where liquor was sold to the sol- 
diery, and consequently produced scenes of riot and 
debauchery in that holy temple. All these circum- 
stances conspired to fill the mind with sombre re- 
flections. But amidst the sadness of the scene, 
there was a pleasing satisfaction in the hope that 
men, capable of such atrocities, could not have the 
blessing of Heaven in their nefarious plan of sub- 
jugating our beloved country. The English sol- 
diers were generally Episcopalians, and viewed this 
act with indifference, but the Scotch, who were 
mostly dissenters, aiad much more moral and pious, 
looked upon it with horror, and not without some 
feelings of superstition. 

I was told that a ludicrous scene took place in the 
course of the preceding winter. A good old wo- 
man that frequently passed the church, was in the 
habit of stopping at the door, and with loud lamen- 
tations, (amidst the hootings of the soldiery), be- 
wailed the desolation of the house of prayer. She 
denounced on them the vengeance of Heaven, and 
assured them that good old Dr. Sewall, the former 
parson of the church, would rise from his grave, and 
carry them off". — A Scotch centinel was one night 
alarmed by an appearance of what he thought was 
an apparition of the doctor. He screamed violent- 
ly, and alarmed the guard of grenadiers, who were 
always stationed at the Province-house, then occu- 
pied by general Howe. There was no pacifying him, 
until some one asked how the doctor was dressed, 
and he answered with a large wig and gown. One 
of the inhabitants who had been drawn there from 
curiosity, assured him it could not have been doc'.or 



Sewall, because he never wore a wig, which restor- 
ed the poor fellow to his senses. It was generally 
supposed to be a trick of one of the English soldiers, 
who wished to frighten a superstitious Scotchman; 
and for that purpose, had dressed himself in the 
clerical habit of the rev. Mr. Cooke, of the Meno- 
tomy, which he had plundered, on his retreat at the 
battle of Lexington. 

In a former communication, I mentioned that 
one of the causes which led to the massacre of the 
5th of March, 1770, was the affray between the inha 
bitants and the British soldiers, an account of which 
was related tome shortly after the event, by one who 
was an eye witness. 

At that time there was only one house on the east 
side of what is now called Pearl street, in which then 
resided CnAKLEs Paxton, esq. On the west side of 
the street, stood four or five rope walks, extending 
from the upper to the lower end of the street, which 
were all burnt in 1794. On Saturday afternoon, on 
the 3d March, 1770, a British soldier of the 29th re- 
giment, accosted^a negro v/ho was employed in one 
of the rope walks, by enquiring "whether his mas- 
ter wanted to hire a man." (The soldiers who were 
mechanics were sometimes hired as journeymen). 
The negro answered that his "master wished to have 
the VAULT EjiTTiED, and that was a proper work for 
a Lobster."* This produced a conflict between the 
soldier and the negro, and, before relief came to 
his assistance, the negro was very severely beaten. 
Some rope-walk men, (among whom was Mr. Ghat, 
the foreman of the walk), came up and parted them. 
Mr. GuAT, (who was a very respectable man), told 
the soldier that "as he had obtained satisfaction for 
the insult, he had better go to his barracks." The 
soldier "damned him" and said that "for six -pence 
he would drub him as be had done the negro" — A 
contest then took place between them in which the 
soldier received a much worse beating than the ne- 
gro, and went off to his barracks over Fort-hill, on 
Wheelwright's (now Foster's) wharf swearing re- 
venge. In about half an hour the soldier returned 
with about seventy of his comrades, who came over 
the hill huzzaing, armed with pipe staves split into 
bludgeons, which they obtained at a cooper's shop» 
and made the attack with great fury. Each party 
was brave and intrepid, but the science in this kind 
of warfare, which the ropewalk men bad obtained in 
their "Pope Bay" battles gave them a decided su- 



* Lobsters was the usui.l term of contempt, ex- 
pressed in those days by the citizens of Boston, to- 
wards the British soldiers, and the citizens of Lon- 
don, in a late riot, al the queen's funernl, made use 
of the s«?nc epithet. 



PKtNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



481 



periority.andintheirpursuitofthesolditrs, halted on reputation for virtuous exertions in thehour of tti. 

Fort-bill, and gave three cheers in token of victory, al— patience under sufferings— and forbearance up- 

The noise of the shouting and huzzaing resound- der severe provocation, 

ed far around, and excited tlie curiosity of those at The threats of the soldiers, as mentioned in my 

a distance. At that time, Mr. Hallowell, (grand- last communication, were put in execution on Mon- 

father of the pre.<;ent Admiral Hallowell, in the day evening the 5th of March, 1770, by insulting 
British navy), owned and resided in the house in | and abusing many inhabitants in various parts of 



Battery March-street, now occupied by Mr. Good- 
rich, near which he also owned a ship yard, about 
where now stands the Commercial Coffee House, in 
which he usually employed about fifty or sixty men. 
There was a mast yard a little south and several 
wood wharfs, on all which were also employed bar- 
dy laborers, who, together with the blacksmiths, 
blockmakers, and other athletic mechanics in the 
neighborhood, (whose brawny arms could wield a 
club with as much dexterity as an Highlander could 
manage his broadsword), all ran towards the scene 
of combat. The bravery of the soldiers was not 
doubted, and accordingly, preparations were made 
to repel another attack which was expected, and in 
which they were not disappointed. — The shouting 
of the soldiers, issuing from the barrack yard, tothe 
number of more than three hundred, headed by 
the sergeant-major, moving over the hill towards 
Pearl street, soon gave the alarm. The soldiers pul- 
led down the fence in High street, (then called Cow 
lane), which inclosed the field, where now stands 
Quincy place. The rope-walk myn pulled down the 
fence on the opposite side in Pearl street, when 



the town, which resulted m what was called the 
"horrid massacre," by which four persons were in- 
stantly killed, one died of his wounds a few days 
succeeding, and about seventeen in the total killed 
and wounded. 

Language cannot describe the horror and indigna- 
tion which was excited through the town by this 
dreadful event. The bells rang a terrific peal, 
which roused the whole population. More than five 
thousand citizens were collected in State street and 
its vicinity. The 29th regt. was marched into the 
same street. The 14th reg. was under arms at their 
barracks. What a scene for contemplation! Lieut, 
governor Hutchinson, and the king's council, were 
assembled in the council chamber, even at the 
solemn hour of midnight! Many of the venerable 
citizens repaired to them and demanded the sur- 
render of the criminals to justice. The high-she- 
riff appeared in the balcony of the state house, and 
ordered silence ! ! ! An awful stillness ensued — 
when, with a loud voice, he declared, that he was 
authorized by his honor the lieutenant governor and 
his majesty's council, with the consent of col. Dal- 



both parties rushed on each other with equal intre- rymple, to say that capt. Preston, and the men who 
pidity. — But the Herculean strength of virtuous la- had committed the outrage, should be immediately 



bor, united with the activity and science of the Yan- 
kees, soon obtained a triumph over an idle, inactive, 
enervated, and intemperate, tliough brave soldiery. 

The effect of this rencontre was seen in the coun- 
tenances and conduct of the soldiers the next and 
following day, who looked vengeance on the inhabi- 
tants, especially those whom they suspected to be 
concerned in the affray on Saturday; and those of 
them, who where friendly to the citizens, advised 
Ihem to remain at home on Monday evening, as re- 
venge -ivonld then be taken. 

The soldiers asserted on Sunday morning, that 
one of their men had died of his -wounds, but as the 
body was never shewn, it was supposed to be only 
a pretence to justify the horrid scene which ensued 
on the Monday evening following. 

So much has been written on the subject of the 
massacre of the 5th of March, \770, that it is un- 
pleasant to repeat "ugly recollections" respecting 
that horrid scene, except when it is neces*iiry to 
vindicate our town from slander— to establish its 



delivered to the civil power, and requested the 
citizens to retire peaceably to their dwellings; wAtc/i, 
afer the soldiers had marched off, was complied with. 

The next day a town meeting was called, and the 
lieut, governor and council assembled, the proceed- 
ings of which are very eloquently described by the 
venerable sage of Quincy in one of his letters to 
Mr. Tudor, lately published. 

The result of this melancholy affair was, that all 
the troops were ordered out of town, and the cul- 
prits brought to a trial, and acquitted, excepting 
two who were found guilty of manslaughter. The 
trial was one of the most important that had ever 
come before an American tribunal, especially as the 
public mind was wrought up to the highest to^e 
of indignation. It established the character of the 
judiciary for purity and independence, which hal 
been questioned by the lories. The law was tri- 
umphant, but the needless barbarity of the act never 
doubted. 

The funeral of the unfortunate victims was attend- 
ed with great pomp and parade. Thousands came 



4 2 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



from the country; and the whole number that fol- 
lowed them to the grave, was supposed to exceeil 
ten tliousand! 

History dcs not (perhaps) record an instance, 
"vvhere the moral and patriotic character of a city 
was ever more conspicuous than Uoston exhibited 
on tills occasion. 

It was supposed by many, that the abeve recited 
horrid event, did more to effect an alienation of the 
aiTi ctions of the people of New Kn^l^nd fronfi the 
Briiish government, than any other whatever. 

When I bring to my recollection, Mr. Russel, that 
solemn and irr^prc-^sive scene, when the high sheriff 
was rlelivering tlie governor's message from the 
balcony 'o tlie assembled thousands, I am irresisti- 
bly drawn to a contemplation of what must have 
been the wonder and astonishment of any one of 
that vast crowd of citiz 'ns. if an angel had descend 
ed from heaven and unfolded to him the even's of 
fjturity: — That, in less than seven short jears, we 
shouid throw off our allegiance to a beloved kine^, 
and our connecion with our mo'her country, to 
whic'i we then looked with solicitude and affection, 
and fondly called it our home! That to establish 
our independence, would produce an eig'-t years' 
■ivar, in which all Europe wouM be directly or in- 
directly engaged! Tiiat seven young men, among 
that populace, would array themselves against their 
native, country, and, finally, become admirals and ge- 
nerals in the English service! That one of ihera, then 
only an apprentice to a Comhill shop keeper, should 
become distinguished, not only as a British officer, 
but as a general and a count in the German empire! 
A philosopher of a new school, which for usefulness 
would be paramount to all others, and at his death, 
establish a professorship in the university in our 
' neighborhood. 

That among them were two youths, a physician 
and a bookseller, who would become generals in 
the service of their native country; and one of 
them, by his heroic exertions in defending a post. 
Would call forth the astonishment of the oldest ve- 
terans and lose his life in the attempt! That among 
them were forty young men, members of a military 
company, most of v;hom would becorne officers of 
artillery, and would distinguish themselves, (par- 
ticularly on one occasian), where they would exhi- 
bit so much science and adroitness, as to command 
the almira'.ion of their English and German foes! 
More wonderful yet— that among the principal offi- 
cers of the 29th British regiment, then arrayed 
against the inhabitants, was one who would become 
an higldy respected Americun citizen! would hold 
important offices under the American goveraiient; 



become a member of her illustrious senate, and, af- 
ter a peace of thirty years, a strenuous advocate for 
declaration of war a!>aii;st his native country! 

And, ";A»' Inst not least" among the citizens, was 
a young barrister whose brilliant talents would place 
him in the front ranks of pa'riotism, and cause him 
to become an ardent asserter of independence — an 
ambassador to England, France and Holland — the 
father of a navy, (destined to be the rival of the mis- 
tress of the sea"), and finally the first magistrate of a 
irreat nation. In the council chamber, were many in 
the height of prosperity and honor, who, in a few 
years, fell from th^ir elevated stations; and a go- 
vernor, who, then basking in the sunshine of royal 
favor, was speedily consigned to infamy and ruiOt 
and, it is said, died of a broken heart. 

Such are the wonderful vicissitudes to which the 
life of man is subjected. 

I believe it is Voltaire who says, that the publish" 
ing of history does not depend on its truth. The 
only question the publishers ask, is — '^ Will it sell?" 
which brings to my recollection some circumstarices 
relative to (Jordon's history of the American revo- 
lution. 

In the year 17'84, I became acquair.ted with an 
English gentleman, v hose prejudices against our 
country were as violent, as they had been previous 
to his emigration in favor of it. One day when he 
was inveighing most bitterly against our conduct 
and institutions, he mentioned, with great asperity, 
the tarrinff Bnd feathering of John Malcom, (a Bri- 
tish customdiouse officer), before the revolution, 
whose only crime, he said, was chastising an impu- 
dent boy. I told him, that if Mr. Malcom had not 
have drawn his sword on the boy, no notice would 
have been taken of his conduct. I did not however 
attempt to justify the deed, as it was condemned 
by good men of both parties; yet I insisted, that 
the character of the town or country ought not to be 
implicated, as it was done in the night, by a veryfetv 
disorderly persons in disguise, who, if they had been 
discovered, would have been amenable to, andpu» 
nished by the laws. 1 then related to him the con- 
duct of colonel Nesbit, of the 47th British regiment, 
who caused an innocent countryman to be tarred 
and feathered,and carted public y through the si reets 
at noon day, with a guard of grenadiers, and the 
band of the regiment playing "Y,Hnkee doodle," and 
himself aX the head of the party, in defiance of those 
laws he was sent to protect and enforce. My Eng- 
lish fiend seemed to think I was mistaken in the 
/jersowofcol. Nesbit, and thought it impossible that 
a colonel of one of his mnjesty's regiments, could be 



PRINCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION 



483 



guilty of such an outrageous act. A few days afKr 
this conversation, we met at Doctor Gor:lon's, (the 
author of the history of the American Ravolution), 
who then lived at Roxbury. I introduced the sub- 
ject again, when Doctor Gordon spnke of Nesbit't 
conduct in the strongest terms of reprobation; and, 
on being abked whether he had noticed the event 
in his history, he produced the nmnuscript. and read 
to me a detail of that trans^.ciion, which, with t'lC 
observations and reflections connected with it, would 
make three or four pages of his work. 

In 1790 I embarked for England, where I was in- 
troduced to a relation ofDacior Gordon, of whotri 
I inquired how the Doctor had succeeded in his his. 
tor?.' He smiled and said, "Ii was not Doctor Gor- 
doi's histf^ry!" On n.y requesting .an explana'.ion, 
he (old me, that on the Doctor's arrival in England, 
he placed his manuscript in the hand^ of an intelli- 
gent friend, on whom he could depend, who, (after 
perusing it with care), declared that it was not 
sui;ed to the meridian of England, consequently 
would nevfr sell. The style was not agreeable — it 
was too favourable to the Americans — above all, it 
was full of libels agsinst some of the most respecta- 
ble characters in the Rritish army and navy — and 
that if he possessed a finune equal to the duke of 
Bedford's, he would not be able to pay the damages 
that might be recovered against him, as the trtilh 
would not be allowed to be produced in evidence. 
The doctor had returned to his native country, and 
expected to enjoy "otium cum dignitate." Over- 
whelmed wiih mortification, and almost with de- 
spair, he asked t!ia advice of his friend; who recom- 
mended him to place the manuscript in the hands 
of a professional gentUrr.an, that it might be new 
modelled, and made agreeable to English readers; 
this was assented to by the doctor, and the history 
which bears his name was compiled and written from 
his manuscript, by another hand\ 

If any of our historical or antiquarian societies, 
could obtain Gordon's original m.anuscript, it would 
be an invaluable document. 

On hearing the foregoing narration, I had the cu 
riosity to look into Gordon's history to learn what 
the "professional gentleman" had said of col. Nesbit 
and his exploits, when,to my surprise, I found he had 
devoted only a few lines to that subject, vol. 1 
page 307, American edition. The whole of this 
statement evinces that all histories published in 
England, in which that country is concerned, cannot 
contain the -whole truth, 

[Another writer agrees generally in the fact, as to 
certain alterations in Gordon's history — but states 
that the author, indignant at the purgation, weht to 



w rk and re-wro^e his history: the bt^er is thought 
to hrtve been mticli less perfect llian the original 
'-opy. The writer last alluded to !->iys — ] 

"If doctor Gordon was compelled .o leave out of 
!iis book some atrocious truths from dread of ihe 
pains and penalties of the British law,? and c;!Storas, 
he, on the oX\\'iT&iietVr,liintarihj\t?\ out some mat- 
ters to the discredit of America, which things he 
read to me from his manuscript, at his residence in 
Roxbury. I refer here piarticularly to the subject 
o^ negro slavery. lie was also persuaded to soften 
his hursh picture of the illustrious Exempt." 



There are very few of the present generation, 
who have any idea of the humiliations to which 
their ancestors were subjected, while under a co- 
lonial government, from the con<^umciy and inso- 
lence of upstart officers, who, in their own coitntrv, 
hud been as servile as the spaniel, but on their ar- 
rival here, aped the port and authority of the lion. 
Not only humiliaiions, but other sf-vere stilfcrin^js 
and privations were endure^ by them, with pati- 
ence and fortitude, and with a moral rectii>,:de, 
which wotild hdve done honor to Greece or Rome, 
in their most virtuous days. 

After the battle of Lexington, the egress of a 
part of the inhabitants of Boston was prohibited' 
by a breach of faith on the part of Gen. Gage, and 
those who were permitted to depart, were obliged 
to obtain paisporls, as mentioned in my last com- 
munication. 

It was not until the fifth of June that my fa. 
ther became deter:i^.ined to leave the town. On 
that diy he directed me to make out a schedule of 
tlie family, agreeably to the rules instituted by 
general Gage, and demand a pass of major Cam, of 
the army, who was empowered to perform that ser- 
vice. Such was the crowd of citizens, eagerly press- 
ing to obtain passports, that it was not until seve- 
ral hours of exertion that I was enabled to reach 
the door of the major's apurtment, and when it was 
opened, I was so forcibly urged on by the crowd be- 
hind, that, on entering the chamber. Host my ba- 
lance, which caused me to rusli violently into the 
room, and though he must have perceived that the 
act was involuntary, yet he had the brutality to ex- 
claim (in broad Scotch) "hoot, hoot man! are yoa 
going to murder me?" I was obliged to bear this 
insolence in sil.-nce, though my countenance must 
have exhibited marks of indignation, and I walked 
to a window which looked into tiie court yard, 
where my feelings were still more excited by a 
view of my fellow citizens, who, with countenances 
almost bordering on despair, were wuitiiig a favor- 



4U 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



able momer.t to obuin admission. The first reflec- 
tion which presented itself to my mind was, what 
must be the indignation of our /-mf , if he knew 
how his faithful, loyal, and affectionate subjects, 
were abused, insulted, and driven into acts of reluct- 
dM resistance. Which brought to my recollection 
a part of Warren's oration, on the preceding 5th 
of March, in which he observes, that *'The royal 
ear, far distant from this western -world, has been as- 
assuUed by the tongue of slander, and villains, trai- 
tortus alike to Icing and country, have prevailed jip 
on a gracious prince to clothe his countenance -with 
vrath." Even then a reconciliation was fondly hop- 
ed for by many of the most strenuous assertors of 
the rights of the colonies, although blood had been 
shed at Lexington; and even after the battle of 
Bunker's Hill, the congress presented an humble 
petition to the king, and an affectionate address to 
their fellow subjects in England, in which, (with 
much feeling), they say, "T^ have not yet learnt 
to rejoice at a victory obtained over Englishmen," and 
humbly entreated that their grievances might be 
redressed. Ardent hopes were entertained that 
these conciliatory and loyal measures, would in 
duce the king to change his ministers, and take to 
his councils a Chatham, a Cambden, and a Rocking 
ham. Most fortunately, however, for the evtntual 
prosperity and happiness of America, they pursued 
their mad scheme!) of burning our towns, hiring 
the savages of the wilderness and foreign merce- 
naries, to spread death and desolation through the 
land, which finally weaned us from our fond at- 
tachments to an ungrateful and cruel mother, and, 
. on the glorious 4th of July, 1776, we passed the 
Kubicon! '.—Never! never! never! to return again 
under her subjection, but to establish a government 
of our own, founded on the principles of justice 
and equal laws, the influence of whose example, we 
hope, will evenlually emancipate the world from 



scowling eyes, be said with great asperity, 'Your 
father, young man, is a damn'd rebel, and cannot be ac- 
commodated with a pass." Not at all intimidated by 
his brutality, I asserted with much vehemence, that 
my father was no rebel, that he adored the illustri- 
ous house of Hanover, and had fought for good king 
George the 2d, \n forty -five. Whether it was, that 
he himself had been a realrebelin Scotland, in 1745, 
or whether my mentioning that number reminded 
him of AVilkes' North Briton No. 45, a paper pub- 
lished in London, and peculiarly obnoxious to ihe 
Scotch— or whether he thought my expression of 
the house of Hanover, was intended as an insinua- 
tion against his own loyalty, (which it really was), 
— whatever may have been the cause of his irrita- 
tion — the moment 1 had finished speaking he rose 
from his chair, and with a countenance foaming with 
rage, he ordered me out of the room with abusive Ian. 
guage. The centinel at the door had an English 
countenance, and, with apparent sympathy, very ci- 
villy opened it for my departure, which I mad8 
without turning my back on my adversary. 

On inquiry it was afterwards ascertained, that 
what constituted the crime of my father and caused 
him to be denominated a rebel, was Lis having been 
a member of the Whig club! 

The Whig club, in consequence of the perturbed 
state of the times, had not assembled or met for 
more than a year. The gentlemen that bad com- 
posed it, wefe James Otis, Dr. IVarren, Dr. Churchy 
Dr. Young, Richard Derby, of Salem, Benjamin Rent, 
j^athani el Barber, William Mackay, col. Bigelow, of 
Worcester, and about half a dozen more. Through 
the instrumentality of my father, I was sometimes 
admitted to hear their deliberations. There was 
always at each meeting, a speech or dissertation by 
one of the members, on the principles of civil liber- 
ty, and the British constitution. They professed 
loyalty to the king, but were in violent opposition to 



tyranny and despotism. America! recollect the j^he encroachments of the parliament, and their dis- 
awfuland solemn responsibility which reposes on cussions tended to a consideration of what would be 



your conduct. 

•'Contrinplate well; and if perchance tUy home 
"Salute thee with a father's honored name, 
"Go call tliy sons— instruct tliem what a DEBT 
"They owe their ancestors, and make them swear 
''To pay !t,by tiansraitting downintire 
"Those sacred rights, to which themselves were born." 
But to return to the object of my commur.ication — 
after waiting nearly an hour the major accosted me 
wit!., " Well, young man, what do you warn?" 1 hand- 
ed bim a schedule of my father's famil}-, including 
that of his sister's (the widow of a clergyman). lie 
examir.ed a small book which contained what the to- 
pies called the "black list," when slowly raising his 



the duty of Americans if those encroachments were 
continued. For tliis purpose they corresponded 
with some society in London, the name of which i 
have forgotton, (probably the Itevolution society). 
Amongthe names of theircorrespondentsl recollect 
Wilkes, Saville, Barrs and Suwbridge. A few years 
previoHS to the revolution, they sent the London 
society two green turtle, one of which weighed 45 
and the other 92 pounds. Those who are acquaint- 
ed with the history of those times, will easily under- 
stand to what those numbers alluded. On their ar- 
rival in London, v. grand dinner was prepared, at 
which col, Barre presided, and among othei* dist,in- 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



485 



guished guests I recollect hearing the names of earl 
Temple^ lord Cambden, and the lord mayor; and 
among the toasts, "The Whig club of BosIoti" &nd 
**The ninety-two patriots of Massachusetts Bay" were 
drank with three times three cheers. 

About the time of the burning the British govern- 
ment schooner Gaspee, at Newport, a few years pre- 
vious to the revolution, admiral Mo'>tague, who then 
commanded the ships of war at Boston, took several 
of his officers and proceeded to Newport, to make 
personal inquiry into the afTiiir. On his return to 
Boston, not fur from Dedham, a charcoal cart ob- 
structed the passage of the coach, when the coach, 
man, feeling much consequence from his exalted 
station, in driving a British admiral, and knowing 
that his master was to dine that day with Mr. B. call- 
ed, in an insolent manner, to the collier to turn out 
and make way for admiral Montague! — who, Tnot at 
all intimidated by the splendid equipage, imposing 
manner, and rich livery of the knight of the whip,) 
replied that lie was in the A-iVij-'s high war,, and that 
he should not 'turn out' for any one but the king 
himself, and thanked fortune that he had the law to 
support him. The admiral finding an altercation 
had taken place, on discovering the cause, told his 
coachman to get down and give the fellow a thrash- 
ing, but the coachman did not seem disposed to 
obey his commander. One of the officers in the 
coach, a large athletic man, alighted, reproached the 
coachman with being a coward, and was proceeding 
to take vengeance of the coal driver, who, perceiv- 
ing so potent an adversary advancing, drew from his 
cart a stake, to use as a weapon of defence, and plac- 
ing himself between his oxen, in an attitude of de- 
fence, he exclaimed — 'Well, I vow, if I must, darn 
me! but I'll tarnish your laced jacket if you don't 
keep off.' — By this time the admiral and the other 
officers had left the coach, and finding that no lau- 
rels were to be obtained in such a contest, he made 
a conciliatory proposition, and condescended to ask 
that as & favor, which he had ordered his coachman 
to obtain by force. — 'Ah! now said the collier, you 
behave like a gentleman^ as you appear, and if you 
had been as civil at first, I vow I would have driven 
over the stone wall to oblige you — But I won't be 
drove; I vow Iwon'C — The coal driver made way, 

and the admiral passed on. ■ When he 

arrived at Mr. B's he related the occurrence with 
much good humour, and appeared much gratified 
with the spirit and independence of the man. Mr. 
B. assured the admiral, that 'the collier had exhi- 
bited a true character of the American people, and 
that the story he had then related was an epitome 
of the dispute between Great Britain and her colo- 



nies. Let the king ask of us our aid, and we will grant 
more than he wili demand; but we will notbe 'drove,* 
we will not be taxed by the parliament.' 

Had the government of Great Britain been as con- 
ciliatory to Americans, as the honest good hearted 
Montague was to the collier, we should probabh- 
now be subjects of George IVth!— "The ways of 
heaven are dark and intricste." — We should still be 
servile dependants. We should not have a beauti- 
ful star-spangled banner, peeping into every port 
in the world, in pursuit of enterprizeand wealth. — 
We should not now have merchants whose capital 
in trade is equal to that of a province, and making 
magnificent presents in support of literature and 
science that would do honor to princes. Let Ame- 
ricans be thankful for these mercies, and a thousand 
others and study to appreciate them. 

Tea — There have been some doubts concerning 
the destruction of the tea on the 16th of Decem^ 
ber, 1773. The number of the ships, and the place 
where they were situated is not quite certain. — One 
gentleman, now living, over 7Q y tars of age, thinks 
they were at Hubbard's wharf, as it was then called, 
abuut half way between Grifhn's (now Liverpool) 
and Foster's wharf, and that the number of ships 
was four or five. Another gentleman, who is 75 
years of age, and who was one of the guard detach- 
ed from the new grenadier company, says that he 
spent the night, but one, before the destruction of 
the tea, in company with gen. Knox, then a private 
in that company, on board of one of the tea ships; 
that this ship lay on the south side of Russell's 
wharf; and that there were two more on the north 
side of the same wharf, and he thinks one or two at 
Griffin's wharf A gentleman now living, v/ho came 
from England in one of the tea ships, tliinks there 
were but two, but he is uncertain where they lay, 
A song, written soon after the time, tells of "Three 
ill-fated ships at Griffin's wharf." The whole evi- 
dence seems to result in this, there were iAree ships 
— but whether at Russell's or Griffin's wharf, or one 
or more at each, is not 'certain. The number of 
chests destroyed was, according to the news-papers 
of the time, 342. There was a body meeting on 
this 16th of December, 1773. This matter of the 
tea was the occasion of the meeting. The meeting 
began at Fanueil Hall, but that place not being 
large enough it was adjourned to the Old South, 
and even that place could not contain all who came. 
Jonathan Williams was moderator. Among the 
spectators, was John Rowe, who lived in Pond 
street where Mr. Prescott now lives; among other 
things, he said, — "Who knows how tea will mingle 



486 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



with salt water" — and this suggestion was receiv-j 
ed with great applause. Governor H'ltchinson was| 
at this time at the house on Milton hill where Bar- 
ney Smith, esqr. lives. A committee was sent from 
the meeting, to requ':'St hiin to order the ships to 
depart. — While ihey were gone, speeches were 
made, for the purp')seof keepinsf the people toge- 
ther. The commit ee returned about sun set with 
Lis answer, that he could not interfere. At this 
moment the Indian yell was heard from the sireet 
iMr. Samuel Adi-ns cried out, that it was a trick 
of their enemies to disturb their meeting, and re- 
quested the people to keep their placrs — hut the 
people rushed out, and accompanied the Indiana to 
the ships. The number of persons disguised 
as Indians is variously stated — none put it lower 
than 60, none higher than 80. It is said by per 
sons wiio were present, that nothing was destroyed 
but tea — and this was not done with noise and tu- 
mult, little or nothing being said either by the 
agents or the multitude, — who looked on. Tlie im- 
pression was that of solemnity, rather t!)an of riot 
and confusion. — The dcstruclicn was efiected by 
the disguised persons, and .some young men who 
volunteered; one of the latter collected the tea which 
fell into the shoes of himself and companions, and 
put it into a phiiil and sealed it up;— which phiai is 
now in his poss'-ssion,— containing the same tea. — 
The contrivers of this measure,and those who carried 
it into effect, will never be known; some few per- 
sons have been mentioned as being among the dis- 
guised; but there are many and obvious reusoi'S why 
secrecy then, and concealment since, were necessa- 
ry. None of those persor;s who were confidently sAd 
to have been of the pariy, (except some who were 
then minors or very young men), have ever adnut- 
ted that they were so. The person who appeared 
to know more than any one, I ever spoke with, re- 
fused to mention names. Mr. Samuel Adams is 
thought to bayebeen in the counselling of this ex- 
ploit, and many other men who were leaders in the 
political affairs of the times;— and the hall of coun- 
cil is said to have been .in the back room of Edes 
and Gill's printing office, at the corner of the ally 
leading to Battle street church from court street. 
There are very few alive now, who helped to 
empty the chests of tea, and these few will pro- 
bably be as prudent as those who have gone before 
them. Daily Adv. 

THOM THE PITT.SBunG STATESMAN. 

At a critical period of the revolutionary war, 
when there was great danger of the dissolution o? 
the American ariay, for want of provisions to keep 



it together, a number of patriotic gentlemen gave 
their bonils to the amount of about two hundred 
and sixty thousand pounds, in gold and silver, for 
procuring them. The provisions were provided — 
the army was kept together, and cur independence 
was finally achieved. The amount of the bonds was 
never called for, but it is v/ell to keep in remeniber- 
ance ihe names of those who in the times that trird 
men's souls, stepped forward and pledged their all 
towards the sup[;ort of tliose who were coi.tendi; r; 
for our liberty. The foiloiving is a list of sonie of 
their names, with the sums respectively subscribed 
by tliem. 



.Abraham I5!ckley /200fj 



Robert Morris HOOOG 
G. M'Clennaghan lOUOO 

A. Buiin. r &. Co. 6U0U 

Teiic!) Fi-aixis 5500 

.Tames W Ison 50IJ0 

William Uiiigham oOOU 

Richard I'eters 5000 

Sa'nui-1 Meredith 5000 

.Fames Mease "5000 

Thomas B:ir~lay 5000 

Samuel Morris, jr. 5000 

U hert L H oper 50 

Hugh Shield 50(.i0 

l»liiiip .Moore 5000 

.VLailiew Irvvin 5000 

Thomas irwin 5000 

John Br.izet 5000 

Henr} H,n 5w00 

J lin M >rgan 5000 

Thon.as VVilling 5000 

Samuel Powell 50t<0 

John Nixon 5000 

Hobert Bridges 5o00 

J Mm Du'dap 4000 

Michael Hillegas 4000 

William Coales 4000 

E'.anuel E.re 4000 

James Bodden 4000 

John .Me.se 4000 

Joseph Carson 4000 

Thomas Leiper 4000 

Kean & Nichols 4000 

bamut-l Morris 3000 

Isaac Moses 3000 
Charles Thompson 3000 

John Pimgle 3000 

San.uei Miles 3000 
Cadwalader .^1 orris 2300 

Matthew Clarkson 2500 

Thomas M'Kean 2000 

John Donaldson 2000 

John S'einmetz 2000 

Be.j. Kandolph 2000 



AR.MS OF THE UNITED STATES. 
Although the study of heraldry may not be very 
amusing to our readers, }'et as the eagle with extend- 
ed wings, grasping the arms of war and tlie oUve 
of peace, is constantly presented to otsr eyes, in 
some way or other, it may not be uninteresting to 
give a history and an explanation of the arms of our 
country. 



Robert B:.ss 


2000 


Oweu Biddle 


2000 


John Gibson 


2O00 


Charles Petit 


2 00 


John Mitchell 


2000 


Robert Knox 


2000 


Jolui Bmiock 


2000 


Joseph II ed 


200U 


Francis Gurney 


2000 


(ieorge Campbell 


2000 


John Whanon 


2000 


Bsrj." 1 Rush 


2000 


rhornas La-vrence 


2000 


Joseph rjieiver 


2000 


Wd!lH(r. Hail 


2000 


John Patton 


2000 


Ceiijamin Fuller 


2000 


Meade £i Fi.zsim- 




mons 


2000 


.\iuirew Hodge 


2000 


Henry Keppele 


200U 


Francis C. Ilassen- 




oever 


2000 


Isaac Melcher 


2000 


John Schafl' r 


2000 


Alexander Tod 


2000 


John Pu'viaiice 


20UO 


John W Icooks 


2U00 


Si.muel Inglis 


2000 


Jonathan Peiu'' se 


2000 


Nathaniel Faikner 


2000 


James Caldwell 


2U00 


Gerardus Clarksoj 


2000 


John Sliee 


1000 


Samuel Caldwell 


lOuO 


S=.muel Penrose 


1000 


William Turnbull 


1000 


B. Davis jr. 


1000 


Sharp Delany 


1000 


Ar.drew Doz 


lUOO 


Peter Whitesides 


1000 


Andrew Robeson 


1000 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



48r 



In JiPK ,1782 .vh^n congress were about to form Thepyramid on the reverse, signifies strengliiand 

devotion; its unfiaished state refers to the infancy 
of the American government. The eye over it, ancj 
the n-olto, "Annuit oocptls," "he sanctions our 
endeavours," alluc'.e to the many and single interpo- 
silions of Providence in favor of the American cause. 

[A'fjf. Recur der-l 



an armorial device for a seal for the union, Charles 
Thompson, e<q. then secretary, with tlie honorable 
Dr. Arthur Lee an.! E IJoudinot, members of con- 
gress, called on Mr. William Birton, and consulted 
him on the occasion. The great seal, for which Mr 
Barton furnished these gentlemen with devices, was 
adopted by congress on the 26t!i of June, 1782. The 
device is as follows: 

Jlrmr, — Palewsysofthjrteen pieces, ar;,'eRt,* gules, 
a chief azure, the escutcheon on the breast of the 
American eagle, displaye!, proper, holding in his 
dexter talon an olive branch, and in iiis sinister a 
bunch of thirteen arrows, all proper; and in his beak 
a scroll, with the motto "Epluridus vnum" 

The crest — Over the head of the eagle, which ap- 
pears above the escutcheon, a glory, or, breaking 
through a cloud proper, and surrounding sturs, form- 
ing a constellation, ur^-cnt, on an azure field. 

Reverse — A pyramid unfinished. 

In the zenith an eye in a triangle, surrounded 
with a glory. Over the eye these words, "Annuit 
capiis.'* 

Remarks and crplanatinns — The es'",utcheon is 
composed of the chief and pale, the two most ho- 
norable ordinaries. The thirteen p"eces pale, repre- 
sent the several states in the union, all joined in one 
solid compact entire, supporting a chief which 
unites the whole, and represents congress. The 
motto alludes to the union. 

The pales in the arms are kept closely united by 
the chief, and the chief depends on that union, and 
the strength resulliog from it, for its support, to de- 
note the confederacy of the states, and the preser- 
vation of the union, through congress. 

The colours of the p.-tles are those used in the flag 
of the United States of America. White signifies 
purity and in-iocence; red, hardiness and valor; and 
blue, the colour of tliec'iief, signifies vigilance, per 
severance and justice. The olive oranch and arrows 
denote the piwer of peace and war, which is excin- 
sively vested in congress. 

The crest, cr constellation, denotes a new statf^- 
tak'ng Its place and rank amofg other foreign 
powers. 

The escutcheon, borne on tbeSre-ist of an .Vmc i- 
can eagle, witliout any other supponers, denotc;- 
that the U. State.s oueht to ir-lv on t'leir o.vn vi:-twp 



*In heraHry, urge t >ig..;fi'^s whin-, gules re,, 
and azure blue; -^-here these colors canoo' b.^ em- 
blazoned, tiiey are reprr>;eiited on seMis, &<'. -is fol- 
lo>vs: Argent, by a pe'ffC blank: rtd by perpen- 
dicular, and azure by hor z^ntal lines, i'he chief 
in our arms, o) the liorizootal lines i-' he upper 
'juart^r (?f the csoa'clieon, or eagle's breast. 



DOCTOR F]l\NKLII\r. 

The author of the "Systeme de La JsTalnre" says— 
"What imports it to me, that Mauper uis is a good 
geometrician, if he be a despotic and mercil • js pre* 
sident, and if I be obliged to live in his domain or 
his academy? A beneficent man is, in my opinion, 
much more estimable, than a being who is learned, 
but cruel." — jMirabc.uu the, Elder. Not so with our 
Ur. Franklin — for, "Whatever he -writes, his fellow 
citizens read with eagerness, delight and pleasure 
— liud whatever he performs the civilized part of the 
world approves." — Turgnl to Dr. Price, 

From among "the political, miscellaneous, and 
philosophical pieces of Dr. Franklin, 'printed in Lon- 
don, 1779, p. 297," is extracted the following, and 
placed at your service. Civis. 

"At the conclusion of the peice of 1762, whea 
certain projectors advised the English ministers to 
leave the French in possession of Canada, in order 
that they might check the too rapid increase of the 
English colonies, the celebrated doctor Franklin ob« 
served 'It is a modest, word, this CHECK, for mas- 
sacreing men, women, and children; and for all the 
other horrors of Indian warfare." It was being very 
far-sighted indeed, to feel so soon the necessity of 
checking \[\& excessive population of the then Eng- 
lish colonies. 'But,* continues this truly great man, 
with that Socratic simplicity which is the peculiar 
characi eristic of liis writings, 'If it be, after all, 
'thoug^it necessary to check ihegrowih of ourcolo- 
'nies, give me leave to pr.ipose a method less cruel. 
'It is a method of which >ve have an example in the 
^scripture. The murder of husbands, of wives, of 
'>rolhers, sisters and cliildren, whose pleasing socie- 
•ty has be;n for some time enjoyed, affects deeply 
•che respective surviving relations: but grief for the 
'loss of a ciiihl just born is short, and easily sup- 
'pur ed. 1 he niethod I mean is, that wbicli was 
dictated by the Ecfi'ptian policy, when the infinite 
'increase oftliechilde.i of Isritel was apprehended as 
•d'Uigerous to the slate; and PaATtAoa said unto his 
'priests, behold the people of the children of Israel are 
'more andmighiier than lue; come on, let us deal -wisely 
^luith them, lest Ihcy mvllipiy, and it come to pass that 
'u-hen there filleth. out any ivar, they join uho uiito our 
rnsinies, nr.d^ght agaimt us, and so get them np out 



488 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



*of the land: — And the kin^ spake unto the ffebrexv\\.he remainder, all in the country were closed. In a 



'midivives, Sec. — Exo. Chap 1. Now says the doctor, 
•let an act of parliament be made, enjoining the co- 
•lony midwives to stifle, in the birth, every third 
•or fourth child. T3y this means may you keep the 
'colonies to their size. And if they were under the 
♦hard alternative of submitting to one or the other 
'of these schemes for checking their growth, I dare 
'answer for them they would prefer the latter.' 

J^ote by the transcriber. — They seem to have found 
out since that time,anothermethod or scheme which, 
bye the bye, they never have dared to own, 'and have 
always disavowed' it personally to our ambassadors, 
'thovgh they 'have never discontinued it'' in practice, 
until general J. made an example of two of their 
notorioHS assistants; and could he have been so for- 
tunate as to have caught the two principal agents, 
col. W — e and Col. N — s, and made them also the 
objects of 'exact justice,' we should not hear for a 
length of time of any more 'secret schemes for the de- 
^population of the frontiers of the United States.^ 

Bost. Pat. 

GENERAL MARION. 

A biography of this revolutionary hero, it ap- 
pears, by an article in the Southern Patriot, has 
been written by judge James, of South Carolina; 
and the following extract has been given in that 
paper as a specimen of the work about to be pub- 
lished: 

"To people of good principles, particularly the 
religious, at this period (1780 and irsi), was truly 
distressing. Those fit for military service, includ- 
ing men of sixty years of age and boys of four- 
teen, few of whom dared to stay at home, were en- 
gaged in active warfare, and had their minds in con- 
stant occupation, which, in whatever situation man 
may be placed, brings with it a certain degree of 
satisfaction, if not content. But to the superanuat- 
ed and the female sex, no such satisfaction was af- 
forded. Most of those had relatives to whom 
they were bound by the most tender and sacred 
ties, who were exposed to constant danger, and for 
whose fate they were unceasingly anxious. As a 
comfort in this situation, they might employ them- 
selves in household affairs, or resort to private de- 
votion; but those refined pleasures, which arise 
from social intercourse, were warning; and particu- 
larly that faint picture of heaven, the consolation 
which is derived from meeting one's friends in pub 
lie worship, was wholly denied them. Most of the 
churches in towns and in the country were burnt or 
made depots for the military stores of the enemy — 
some, in fact, were converted into stables; aad, of 



war of sach atrocity there was no safety, where mem- 
bers, however peaceful, were collected; we have 
seen that the British tories* violated the sanctity 
of private dwellings by their murders, and how 
could it be expected they would be awed by the ho- 
liness of a church? In a camp where was no perma- 
nency, and but little rest, there was no place for 
chaplains— and at home there was no security, even 
for the pastors of the church; consequently they 
were compelled to go into exile. Had they gone out 
of their own families to administer comfort, it 
would have been said they were stirring up sedition; 
and, like some bigots of old, they would have 
made themselves voluntary martyrs. They took 
the wiser course of retiring with their families from 

the murderous rage of the times." 

* *.* * * * * » 

"Near the close of the year 1780, there took place 
a skirmish between a small patrole of whigs, under 
capt. Melton, and a large party of tories, under 
major Ganey, near White's Bridge, two miles from 
Georgetown; a few shots were exchanged, and 
Melton was obliged to retreat. But, in this short 
affair, Gabriel Marion, nephew to the general, was 
first taken prisoner, and when his name was announ- 
ced, inhumanly shot. The instrument of death was 
placed so near that it burnt bis linen at the breast. 
He was a young gentleman, who had received a good 
education — of whom high expectations were formed, 
and who was much beloved in the brigade. The 
general had no children, and he mourned over this 
youth, as would a father over an only child, and all 
his men condoled with him, but he soon publicly 
expressed this consolation for himself that his ne- 
phew was a virtuous young man — that he died in de- 
fence of his country, and that he would mourn over 
him no more. 

At that same place a worthy man, Mr. Swaineau, 
was killed. Ere this he had been a schoolmaster, 
but, finding there was no emyloyment for men of his 
peaceful profession now, he boldly shouldered the 
musket and died a soldier. But so prone are man- 
kind to pass over the merits of this useful class of 
citizens, that, had he not fallen by the side of a 
Marion, perhaps his memory would have been for- 
gotten. About the same time Mr. Bently, another 

*rhe British, under Tarlton, had already, (in 
May, 1780), cut to pieces Mr. Samuel Wyiey, in his 
own house, at Camden, wh<jm they mistook for his 
brother, John Wyley, who was sherifl^of the district; 
and the tories, under Harrison, had murdered in 
their dwellings, the two Mr. Bradleys, Mr. Roberts, 
and others, in that part of Salem which lies on 
Lynch's creek. Lord CornwalUs soon made Harri- 
son a colonel. 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



489 



schoolmaster, was killed in action. The suspension 
of all public education, which led to the fate of such 
men, and the fact stated above, that all public wor- 
ship was now at an end, most forcibly shewed the 
calamitous state of the country during this eventful 
period." 

* * * * • » «-« 

"Men at this time, and their general too, had no- 
thing but water to drink— they commonly wore 
homespun clothes, which lacked warmth — they slept 
in damp places, according to their means, either 
with or without a blanket; be was well off who had 
one to himself; the one half of the general's had been 
burnt — they were content to feed upon sweet po- 
tatoes, either with or without beef; there being 
neither mills nor leisure to grind corn — but all sigh- 
ed for salt — for salt! that article of the first neces- 
sity to the human race. Little do the luxurious of 
the present day know of the pressure of such a 
want. Salt, when brought from the sea-shore off" 
Waccanaw, where it was coarsely manufactured, 
brought at that time ten silver dollars, each more 
than ten at present; thus bay salt,one half brine,sold 
for at least one hundred dollars value of this day. i 
As soon as general Marion could collect a sufficient 
quantity of this desirable article, he distributed it 
out from Snow's Island, on Pedee, in quantities not 
exceeding a bushel, to each Whig family, and thus 
endeared himself the more to his followers." 

THE OLDEN TIME. 

There is in course of publication, in the Boston 
Gazette, the long-hoarded literary treasures of an 
accurate observer's common-place-book, giving us 
an amusing view of the society and manners of Bos- 
ton, rather less than a century ago — differing some- 
■what, it will be seen, from those of the present day. 
These sketches, one of the numbers of which will 
be found below, are appropriately headed 

B£MINISC£NC£S. 

Dress, ^c. — Seventy years ago cocked hats, wigs, 
and red cloaks, were the usual dress of gentlemen, 
boots were rarely seen, except among militai'y men. 
Shoe strings were worn only by those who could not 
buy any sort of buckles. In winter round coats 
were used, made stiff with buckram; they came 
down to the knees in front. 

Before the revolution boys wore wigs and cocked 
hats; and boys of genteel families wore co(;ked 
hats till within about thirty years. 

Ball dress for gentlemen was silk coat, and breech- 
es of the same,£\nd€niibroidered waistcoats— some- 



times white satin breeches. Buckles were fashion- 
able till within 15 or 20 years, and a man could not 
have remained in a ball room with shoe-strings. It 
was usual for the bride, bridegroom and maids, and 
men attending, to go to church together three suc- 
cessive Sundays after the wedding, with a change 
of dress each day. A gentlen^an who deceased not 
long since, appeared the first Sunday in white broad 
cloth— the second in blue and gold; the third in 
peach bloom and pearl buttons. It was a custom 
to hang the escutcheon of a deceased head of a 
family out of the window over the front door, from 
the time of his decease until after the funeral. The 
last instance which is remembered of' this, was in 
the case of gov. Hancock's uncle, 1761 Copies of 
the escutcheon, painted on black silk, were more 
anciently distributed among the pall-bearers— rings 
afterwards— and, until within a f&\M years, gloves. 
Dr. A. Eliot had a mug full of rings which wera 
presented to him at funerals. Till within about 20 
years gentlemen wore powder, and many of them 
sat from thirty to forty minutes under the bar» 
ber's hands, to have their hair craped; suffering no 
inconsiderable pain mostof the time from hair-pul- 
ling, and sometimes from the hot curling tongs.-— 
Crape cushions and hoops were indispensable in full 
dress, till within about 30 years. Sometimes ladies 
were dressed the day before the party, and slept in 
easy chairs, to keep their hair in fit condition for the 
following night. Most ladies went to parties on 
foot, if they cosld not get a cast in a friend's car- 
riage or chaise. Gentlemen rarely had a chance 
to ride. 

The latest dinner hour was 2 o'clock; some offi- 
cers of the colonial government dined later occa- 
sionally. In genteel families ladifis went to drink 
tea about 4 o'clock, and rarely staid after candle 
light in summer. It was the fashion for ladies to 
propose to visit— not to be sent for. 

The drinking of punch in the forenoon, in public 
houses, was a common practice with the most re- 
spectable men, till about five and twenty years; and 
evening clubs were very common. The latter, it 
is said, were more common formerly, as they at- 
forded the means of communion on the state of the 
country. Dinner parties were very rare. Wine was 
very little in use; convivial parties drank punch or 
toddy. Half-boots came into fashion about 30 years 
ago. The first pair that appeared in Boston were 
worn by a young gentleman who came here from 
New York, and who was more remarkable for his 
boots than any thing else. Within 20 years geatU- 
men wore scarlet coats with black velvet collars, 
a,nd very costly buttons, of mock pearl, cwt steel, er 



49« 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



painted glass— and neckclotli* edged with lace, and 
laced ruffles over thehads. Before the revolution, 
from 5 to 6001. was the utmost of annual expendi- 
ture in those families where carria^^es and corres- 
pondent domestics were kept. There were only 
two or three carriages, that is, chariots or coaches, 
in 1750. Chaises on four wheels, not phsions, 
were in use in families of distinction. 

The history of Liberty Tree is said to be this: 
That a certain capt. Mcintosh illuminated the tree, 
ar.d hung upon it effigies of obnoxious characters, 
and that these were taken down by the liberty boys 
and burnt; and the tree thus got iis name. 

The Popes — A stage was erected on wheels; on 
this stage was placed a figure in the chair, called 
the pope; behind him a female figure, in the atti- 
tude of dancing, whom they called Nancy Dawson; 
behind her Admiral Byng hanging on a gallows; and 
behind him the devil. A similar CJiTjposition was 
made at the south-end, called south-end pope. In 
the day time the proces3;ons, each drawing with 
them their popes and their attendants, met and 
passed each other, on the mill or drawbridge, very 
civdiy; but in the evening they met at the same 
pomts, and battle ensued with fists, slicks, and 
stones; and one or the other of the popes was cap- 
ture d. The north-end pope was never taken but 
once, and then the captain had been early wounded 
and taken from t' e field. These pope conflicts 
Were held ir. memory of the powder-plot of Nov. 5, 
and were some sort of imitation of what was done 
in England on the same anniversary. 

A man used to ride on an ass, with immense jack 
boots, and his face covered with a horrible mask, 
and was called Joyce, Jr. His office was to assem- 
ble men and boys in mob style, and ride in the mid- 
dle of them, and in such company to terrify the ad- 
herents to royal government, before the revolution. 
The tumults which resulted in the massacre, 1770, 
was excited by such means. Joyce, Junior, was said 
to have a particular whistle, which brought his ad- 
herents, he. whenever they were wanted. 

About 1730 to 1740, there was no meat market; 
there were only four shops in which fresh meat was 
sold — one of them was the corner of State-street 
and Cornhill, where ivir. Hartshorn bow keeps. — 
Gentlemen used to go the day before and have their 
names put down for what they wanted. Outside 
of this shop was a large hook, on which carcasses 
used to hang. A little man who was a justice of thf 
peace, came one day for meat; but came too late. 
He was disappointed, and asked to whom such and 
^ch pieces wer« to fjoi l^ne cf ib«im was to go to 



a tradesman — (it was not a common thing in those 
days for tradesmen to eat fresh meat — )the justice 
went out, saying, he would send the tradesman a 
sallad for his lamb. He sent an overdue and un, 
paid tax-bill. Soon after, the tradesman met the 
justice near this place, and told him he would re- 
turn his kindness; which he did, by hanging the jus- 
tice up by the waistband of his breeches to the 
butcher's hook, and leaving him to get down as he 
could. 

FHOai BOTTa's AMEHICAS KEVOLUTIOy' 

One of the most interesting works that has ever ap- 
peared as a history of "the war of the indepen- 
dence of the United States of Arricrica," was writ.^ 
ten by Mr. Charles -Botta, an Italian, a translation 
of which has been made by Mr. George Alexander 
Otis. From these volumes we extract the tw» 
speeches that follow — previous to the insertion of, 
which, it is necessary to give the •'notice of the 
author" in relation to them. By way of preiace 
to his worli, .Mr. Botta sajs — 

"There will be found, in the course of this his- 
tory, several discourses, of a certain length. I hose 
1 have put in the mouth of the different speakers 
have really been pronounced by ttiem, and upon 
those very occasions which are treated of in the 
work. 1 should, however, mention that I have, 
someljmes, made a single orator say what has been 
said in substance by others of the same party.— • 
Sometimes, also, but rarely, using tiie liberty, grant, 
ed in all times to historians, i have ventured to add 
a small numuer of phrases, which appeared to me 
to coincide perfectly with the sense of the orator, 
and proper to enforce his opinion: this has happen^ 
ed especially in the two discourses pronounced 
before congress, for and against independence, by 
Uichard Hei.rj Lee and John Dickinson. 
"It will not escape attentive readers, that in some 
of these discourses are found predictions which 
time has accomplished. I affirm that these remark- 
able passages belong entirel} to the authors cited. 
In order that these mi^lit not resemble those of 
the poets, always made after the fact, I have been 
so scrupulous as to translate them, word for word« 
from the original." 

On the 8th of June [1776], says Mr. Botta, a me« 
tion being made in congress to declare independence. 
Richard Henry Lee, one of the deputies from Vir- 
ginia, spoke as follows and was heard with profound 
attention: 

«T know not, whether among all the civil dis« 
•ords whieUhAVe beea recorded by historians, and 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION'. 



49f 



which have beea excited either by the love of lib 
arty in the people, or by the ambition of princes, 
there has ever been presented a deliberation more 
interesting or more important than that which now 
engages our attention; whether we consider the fu- 
ture destiny of this free and virtuous people, or 
that of our enemies themselves, who, notwithstand- 
ing tlieir tyranny and tliis cruel war, are still our 
brethren, and descended froin a commnn stock; or 
finally, that of the other nations of the globe, 
whose eyes are intent upon tliis great spectacle, 
and who anticipate from our success more freedom 
for ihemselves, or from our defeat apprehend heavi- 
er chains and a severer bondage. For the question 
is not whether we shall acquire an increase of ter- 
ri'.orial dominion, or wickedly wrest from others 
their just possessions; but whether we shall pre- 
serve, or lose forever, that liberty which we have 
inherited from our ancestors, which we have pursued 
across tempestuous seas, and which we have defend- 
ed in this land against barbarous men, ferocious 
beasts, and an inclement sky. And if so many and 
distinguished praises have always been lavished 
upon the generous defenders of Greek and of Ro- 
man liberty, what will b« said of us who defend a 
liberty which is founded not upon the capricious 
will of an unstable multitude, but upon immutable 
statutes and tutelary laws; not that which was the 
Siclusive privilege of a few patricians, but ihai 
which is the property of all; not that which was 
stained by iniquitous ostracisms, or the horrible 
decimation of armies, but that which is pure, tem- 
perate and gentle, and conformed to the civiliza- 
tion of the present age. Why then do we longer 
procrastinate, and wherefore are these delays? Let 
us complete the enterprize already so well com- 
menced; and shice our union with England can no 
longer consist with that liberty and peace which are 
our chief delight, let us dissolve these fatal ties, 
and conquer forever that good which we already 
enjoy; an entire and absolute independence. 

"But ought I not to begin by observing, that if 
we have reached that violent extremity, beyond 
which nothing can any longer exist between Ameri- 
ca and England, but either such war or such peace 
as are made between foreign nations, this can only 
be i'T^puted to the insatiable cupidity, the tyranni- 
cal proceedings, and the outrages, for ten years re- 
iterated, of the British ministers. What have we 
not done to restore peace, to re-establish harmony' 
Who has not heard our prayers, and who is igno- 
rant of our supplications? They have wearied the 
universe. England alone was deaf to our complaints, 
and wanted tbat compassvon towards us which we 



have found among all other nations. And as at 
first our forbearance, and then our resistance, have 
proved equally insufficient, since our prayers were 
unavailing, as well as the blood lately shed; we 
m'ist go further, and proclaim ourindependnece.— 
N'or let any one believe that we have any other op. 
tion Ifft. The time will certainly come when the 
fated seperation must take place, v/hether you will 
or no; for so it is decreed by the very nature of 
things, the progressive increase of our population 
the fertility of our soil, the extent of our territory, 
the industry of our countrymen, and the immensi. 
ty of the ocean which seperiites the two states.— 
And if this be true, as is most true, who does not 
see that the sooner it takes place the better; and 
that it would be not only imprudent, but the height 
of folly, not to seize the present occasion, when 
British injustice has filled all hearts with indigna- 
tion, inspired all minds with courage, united all opin. 
ions in one, and put arms in every hand? And how 
long must we traverse three thousand miles of a 
stormy sea, to go and solicit of arrogant and inso- 
lent men either councils or commands to regulate 
our domestic affairs? Does it not become a great, 
rich, and powerful nation, as we are, to look at 
home, and not abroad, for the government of its 
own concerns? And how can a ministry of stran* 
gers judge, with any discernment, of our interests, 
when they know not, and when it Utile imports 
them to know, what is good for us, and what is not? 
The past injustice of the British ministers should 
warn us against the future, it they should ever 
seize us again in their cruel claws. Since it has 
pleased our barbarous enemies to place before us, 
the alternative of slavery or of independence* 
where is the generous minded man and the lover 
of his country who can hesitate to choose? With 
these perfidious men no promise is secure, no 
pledges sacred. Let us suppose, which heaven 
avert, that we are conquered; let us suppose an 
accommodation. What assurance have we of the 
British moderation in victory, or good faith in trea- 
ty? Is it their having enlisted and let loose aga'nst 
us the ferocious Indians, and the merciless sol- 
diers of Germany? Is it that faith, so often pledged 
and so often violated in the course of the present 
contest; this British faith, which is reputed more 
false than Punic? We ought rather to expect, that 
wlien we shall have fallen naked and unarmed into 
their hands, they will wreak upon us their fury and 
their vengeance; they will load us with heavier 
chains, in order to deprive us not only of the pow- 
er, but even of the hope of again recovering our 
liberty. But I am willing to adiait, although it is 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



a thing without example, that the British govern- 
njent will forget past offences and perform its 
prdmises; can we imagine, that, after so long dis- 
sentions, after so many outrages, so many com- 
bats, and so much bloodshed, our reconciliation 
could be durable, and that every day, in the midst 
of so much hatred and rancour, would not afford 
some fresh subject of animosity? The two nations 
are already seperated in interest and affections; the 



glorious a destiny. There are some who seem to 
dread the effects of this resolution. But will Eng- 
land, or can she, manifest against us greater vi- 
gour and rage than she has already displayed? She 
deems resistance against oppression no less rebel- 
liouthan independence itself. And where are those 
formidable troops that are to subdue the Americans? 
What the English could not do, can it be done by Ger- 
mans? Are they more brave or better disciplined? 



one is conscious of its ancient strengh, the other The number of our enemies is increased; but our 



has become acquainted with its newly exerted 
force; the one desires to rule in an arbitary manner, 
the other will not obey even if allowed its privil- 
eges. In such a state of things, what peace, what 
concord, can be expected. The Americans may 
become faithful friends to tlie English, but subjects, 
never. And even though union could be restored 
without rancour, it could not without danger. — 
The wealth and power of Great Britain should in- 
spire prudent men with fears for the future. Hav- 



own is not diminished, and the battles we have sus- 
tained have given us the pratice of arms and the ex- 
perience of war. Who doubts then that a declaration 
of independence will procure us allies? All nations 
are desirous of procuring, by commerce, the pro- 
duction of onr exuberant soil; they will visit our 
ports hitherto closed by the monopoly of insatia- 
ble England. They are no less eager to contem- 
plate the reduction of her hated power; they all 
loathe her barbarous dominion; their succours will 



ing reached such a height of grandeur that she has evince to our brave countrymen the gratitude they 

no longer any thing to dread from foreign powers, bear them for having been the first to shake the foun- 

in the security of peace the spirit of her people dation of this Colossus. Foreign princes wait only 

will decay, manners will be corrupted, her youth for the extinction of all hazard of reconciliation to 

will grow up in the midst of vice, and in this state throw off their present reserve. If this measure 



of degeneration, England will become the prey of a 
foreign enemy, or an ambitious citizen. If we re- 
main united with her, we shall partake ©f her cor- 
ruptions and misfortunes, the more to be dreaded 
as they will be irreparable; seperated from her, on 
the contrary, as we are, we should neither have to 
fear the seductions of peace nor the dangers of 
war. By A declaration of our freedom, the perils 
would not be increased; but we should add to the 
ardour of our defenders, and to the .splendour of 
victory. Let us then take a firm step and escape 
from this labyrinth; we have assumed the sovereign 
power, and dare not confess it, we disobey a king, 
and .ncknowledge ourselves his subjects; wage war 
against a people, on whom we incessantly protest 
our desire to depend. What is the consequence of 
so many inconsistencies? Hesitation paralyzes all 
our measures; the way we ought to pursue is not 
marked cut; our generals are neither respected nor 
obeyed; our soldiers have neither confidence nor 
zeal; feeble at home, and little considered abroad, 
foreign princes can neither esteem nor succour so 
timid and wavering a people. But independence 
once proclaimed, and our object avowed, more man- 
ly and decided measures wiil be adopted, all minds 
will be fired by the greatness of the enterprize, 
the civil magistrates will be inspired with new zeal, 
^he generals with fresh ardour, and the citizens 



is useful, it is no less becoming our dignity. Ame- 
rica has arrived at a degree of power which assigns 
her a place among independent nations; we are not 
less entitled to it than the English themselves. If 
they have wealth, so also have we; if they are brave, . 
so are we; if they are more numerous, our popula- 
tion, through the incredible fruitfulness of our 
chaste wives, will soon equal theirs; if they have 
men of renown as well in peace as in war, we like- 
wise have such; political revolutions usually pro- 
duce great, brave, and generous spirits. From what 
we have already achieved in these painful begin- 
nings, it is easy to presume what we shall hear- 
after accomplish, for experience is the source of sage 
counsels, and liberty is the mother of great men. 
Have you not seen the enemy driven from Lexing- 
ton by thirty thousand citizens armed and assem- 
bled in one day? Already their most celebrated 
generals have yielded in Boston to the skill of ours- 
already their seamen, repulsed from our coasts, 
wander over the ocean, where they are the sport of 
tempest, and the prey of famine. Let us hail the 
favorable omen, and fight, not for the sake of know- 
ing on what terms v/e are to be the slaves of Eng- 
land, but to secure to ourselves a free existence, to 
found a just and independent government. Anima- 
ted by liberty, the Greeks repulsed the innumera- 
ble army of Persians; sustained by the love of in- 



\\\ih greater constancy, to attain so high and sol dependence, the Swiss and the Dutch humbled Ihe 



PRINCfPLES ANB ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION 



493 



power of Austria by memorable defeats, and con 
quered a rank among nations. But the sun of 
America also shines upon the heads of the brave; 
the point of our weapons is no less formidable than 
theirs; here also the same union prevails, the same 
contempt of dangers and of death in asserting the 
cause of country. 
"Why then do we longer delay, why still delib- 
Verate? Let this most happy day give birth to the 
American republic. Let her arise, not to devas- 
tate and conquer, but to re-establish the reign of 
peace and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are 
fixed upon us! she demands of us a living example 
of freedom, that may contrast, by the felicity of 
the citizens, with the ever increasing tyranny which 
desolates her polluted shores. She invites us to 
prepare an asylum where the unhappy may find so- 
lace, and the persecuted repose. She intreats us 
to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous 
plant, which first sprung up and grew in England, 
but is now withered by the poisonous blasts of 
Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, shelter. 
ing under its salubrious and interminable shade all 
the unfortunate of the human race. This is the 
end presaged by so many omens, by our first vic- 
tories, by the present ardour and union, by the 
flight of Howe, and the pestilence which broke out 
amongst Dunmore's people, by the very winds 
which baffled the enemy's fleets and transports, and 
that terrible tempest which ingulfed seven hundred 
vessels upon the coast of Newfoundland. If we 
are not this day wanting in our duty to country, 
the ftames of the American legislators will be pla- 
,' ced, by posterity, at the side of those of Theseus, of 
j^Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three Wil- 
liams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has 
been, and will be, forever dear to virtuous men and 
good citizens." 

Lee had scarcely ceased speaking, when no dubi- 
ous signs of approbation were manifested on all 
parts. But the deputies of Pennsylvania and Mary- 
land not being present, and the congress desirous, 
by^some delay, to evidence the maturity of their de- 
liberations, adjourned the futher consideration of 
the subject to the first of July. Meanwhile the 
patriots babored strenuously to induce the two dis- 
senting provinces also to decide for independence. 
They employed the most earnest persuasions, to 
which they added also threats, intimating that not 
only would the other colonies exclude them from 
the confederation, but that they would immediately 
treat them as enemies. The provincial asseirMy of 
Pennsylvania remained inflexible. At length, the 
inhabitants of Pennsylvania formed a convention, 



in which the debates and disputes upon the ques> 
tion of independence were many and vehement. 

John Dickinson, one of the deputies of the pro- 
vince to the general congress, a man of prompt 
genius, of extensive influence, and one of the most 
zealous partizans of American liberty, restricted 
however to the condition of union with England, 
harangued, it is said, in the following manner 
against independence: 

"It too often happens, fellow citizens, that men, 
heated by the spirit of party, give more importance 
in their discourses, to the surface and appearance of 
objects, than either to reason or justice; thus evin- 
cing that their aim is not to appease tumults, but to 
excite them; not to repress the passions, but to in- 
flame them, not to compose ferocious discords, but 
to exasperate and imbitter them more and more. 
They aspire but to please the powerful, to gratify 
their own ambition, to flatter thecaprices of the mul- 
titude, in order to captivate their favour. Accord- 
ingly in popular commotions, the party of wisdom 
and of equity is commonly found in the minority; and, 
perhaps, it would be safer, in difficult circumstances, 
to consult the smaller instead of the greater number. 
Upon this principle I invite the attention of those 
who hear me, since my opinion may diff" r from that 
of the majority; but I dare believe it will be shared 
by all impartial and moderate citizens, who con- 
demn this tumultuous proceeding, this attempt to 
coerce our opinions, and to drag us, with so much 
precipitation to the most serious and important of 
decisions. But, coming to the subject in contro- 
versy, I affirm, that prudent men do not abandon ob- 
jects which are certain, to go in pursuit of those 
which oflTer only uncertainty. Now, it is an estab- 
lished fact, that America can be well and happily 
governed by the English laws, imder the samr king 
and the same parliament. Two hundred years of 
happiness furnish the proof of it; and we find it 
also in the present prosperity, which is the result of 
these venerable laws and of this ancient union. It is 
not as independent, but as subjects; not as republic,- 
but as monarchy, that we have arrived at this de- 
gree of power and of greatness. 

"What then is the object of these chimeras, hatch- 
ed in the days of discord and of war? Shall the 
transports of fury have more power over us than the , 
experience of ages? Shall we destroy, in an mo- 
ment of anger, the work cemented and tested by 
time? 

"I know the name of liberty is dear to each one 
of us; but have we not enjoyed liberty even under 
the English monarchy? Shall we this day renounce 
that to go and seek it in I know not what form of 



494 



PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OT TtVR REVOLtrTTif):^ 



republic, which will soon change into a licentious 
anarchy and popular tyranny? In the human body 
the head only sustains and governs all the membprs, 
directing them, with admirable harmony, to tbp 
same object, which is self-preservation and happi 
ness; so the head of the body politic, that is the 
king, in concert with the parliament, can alone 
maintain the union of the members of this empire, 
lately so flourishing, and prevent civil war by obvi- 
ating all the evils produced by variety of opinions 
and diversity of interests. And so firm is my 
persuasion of this, that 1 fully believe the most cruf^l 
war which Great IJritain could make upon us, would 
be that of not making any; and that the surest 
means of bringing us back to her obedience, would 
be that of employing none. For the dread of the 
English arms once removed, provinces would rise 
up against provinces, and cities against cities; and 
we should be seen to turn against ourselves the 
arms we have taken up to combat the common 
enemy. 

"Insurmountable necessity would then compel us 
to resort to the tutelary authority which we should 
have rashly abjured, and if it consented to receive 
MS again under its egis, it would be no longer as 
free citizens, but as slaves. Still inexperienced, 
and in our infancy, what proof have we given of our 
ability to walk without a guide? none, and, if we 
judge the future by the past, we must conclude that 
our concord v/ill continue as long as the danger, 
and no longer. 

"Even when the powerful hand of England sup- 
ported us, for the paltry motives of territorial limits 
gnd distant jurisdictions, have we not abandoned 
ourselves to discords, and sometimes even to vio- 
lence.' And what must we not expect now that 
minds are heated, ambitions roused, and arms in 
the hands of all? 

"If, therefore, our union with England offers us 
so many advantages for the maintenance of internal 
peace, it is no less necessary to procure us, with fo- 
reign powers, that condescension and respect which 
is 80 essential to the prosperity of our commerce, 
to the enjoyment of any consideration, and to the 
accomplishment of any enterprize. Hitherto, in 
our intercourse with the different nations of the 
world, England has lent us the support of her name 
and of her arms: we have presented ourselves in all 
the ports and in all the cities of the globe, not as 
Americans, a people scarcely heard of, but as Eng- 
lish; under the shadow of this respected name, 
every port was open to us, every way was smooth, 
every demand was heard with favor. Prom the 



moment when our separation shall take place, <.very 
ihirg will assume a contrary direction. Tic nations 
will accustom themselves to look upon us with dis- 
dain; even the pirates of Africa and Europe will fall 
«pon our vessels, will massacre our seamen, or lead 
them into a cruel and perpetual slavery. 

"There is in the human species, often so inexpli- 
cable in their affections, a manifest propensi y to 
oppress the feeble as well as to flatter the power- 
ful. Fear always carries it against reason, pride 
against moderation, and cruelty against clemency. 

"Independence, I am aware, has attractions for 
all mankind; but I maintain, that, in the present 
quarrel, the friends of independence are the pro- 
moters of slavery, and that those who desire to se- 
parate us, would but render us more dependent, if 
independence means the right of commanding, and 
not the necessity of obeying, and if being depen- 
dent is to obey, and not to command. If, in ren- 
dering ourselves independent of England, suppos- 
ing, however, that we should be able to effect it, 
we might be so, at the same time, of all other na- 
tions, I should applaud the project; but to change 
the condition of English subjects for that of slaves 
to the whole world, is a step that could only be 
counselled hy insanity. If you would reduce your- 
selves to the necessity of obeying, in all things, the 
mandates of supercilious France, who is now kind- 
ling fire under our feet, declare yourselves indepen- 
dent. If, to British liberty, you prefer the liberty of 
Holland, of Venice^of Genoa, or of Kagusa, declare 
yourselves independent. But, if we would not 
change the signification of words, let us preserve 
and carefully maintain this dependence, which has 
been, down to this very hour, the principle and 
source of our prosperity, of our liberty, of our reai 
independence. 

"But here I am interrupted, and told that no one 
questions the advantages which America derived at 
first from her conjunction with England; but that 
the new pretensions of the ministers have changed 
all, have subverted all. If I should deny, thai, for 
the last twelve years, the English government has 
given the most fatal direction to the affairs of the 
colonies, and that its measures towards us savor of 
tyranny, I should deny not only what is the mani- 
fest truth, but even what I have so often advanced 
and supported. But is there any doubt that it al- 
ready feels a secret repentance? These arms, these 
soldiers, it prepares agamst us, are not designed to 
establish tyranny upon our shores, but to vanquish 
our obstinacy, and to compel us to subscribe to 
conditions of accommodation, in vain is it asiterted 



PRIVCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



495 



that the ministry will employ all means to make 
themselves quite sure of us, in order to exercise 
upon us, with impunity, all the rigor of their power; 
for to pretend to reduce us to an absolute impossi 
bility of resistance, in cases of oppression, would be, 
•n their part, a chimerical project. The distance 
af the seat of gevernment, the vast extent ofinter- 
Tening seas, the continual increase of our popula- 
tion, our warlike spirit, our experience inarms, the 
lakes, the rivers,' the forests, the dehles which 
abound in our territory, are our pledges that Enp- 
land will always prefer to found her power upon 
moderation and liberty, rather than upon rigour 
and oppression. An uninterrupted succession of 
victories and of triumphs could alone constrain Eng- 
land to acknowledge American independence; 
which, whether we can expect, whoever knows the 
instability of fortune can easily judge. 

"If we have combated successfully at Lexington 
and at Boston, Quebec and all Canada have witnes- 
sed our reverses. Every one sees the necessity of 
apposing the extraordinary pretensions of the min 
isters; but does every body see also that of fight- 
ing for independence? 

"It is to be feared, that, by changing the object of 
the war, the present harmony will be interrupted, 
that the ardour of the people will be chilled by ap- 
prehensions for their new situation. By substitu- 
ting a total dismemberment to the revocation of the 
laws we cornpliiin of, we should fully justify the 
ministers; we should merit the mfamous name of 
iiebels, and all the British nation would arm, with 
an unanimous impulse, against those w'lo, from op- 
pressed ani complaining subjects, should have be- 
•ome ati at once irreconcilable enemies. The Eng- 
lish cherish the liberty we defend; they respect the 
dignity of our cause; btit tiiey will blame, they will 
detest, our recourse to independence, and will 
unite with one consent to combat us. 

"The propagators of the new doctrine are pleas 
ed to assure us, that, out of jealously towards Eng- 
land, foreign sovereigns will lavish their succours iip- 
•nus,as if these sovereigns coul J sincere by a,JiJl4ud 
sebellion; as if they had not colonies, even here in 
America, in which it is important for them to main- 
tain obedience and tranquillity. Let us suppose, 
however, that jealousy, ambiiion or vengeance, 
should triumph over the fear of insurrections; do 
you think these princes will not make you pay dear 
for the assistance with which they H^itleryou? Who 
has not learnt, to his cost, the perfidy and the cu 
pidity of Europeans? They will disguise their 
avarice under pompous words; under the most be 
f ev0l9iit preuxts xkey will d«»p9iJi nji vf uur terri 



tories, they will invade our fisheries and obstruct 
our navigation, they will attempt our liberty and 
our priv leges. We shall learn too late what it costs 
to trust to those European flatteries, and to place 
that confidence in inveterate enemies which has 
been withdrawn from long tried friends. 

"There are many persons who, to gain their ends, 
extol the advantages of a republic over monarchy. 
I wi?l not here undertake to examine which of these 
'WO forms of government merits the preference. I 
know, however, that the English nation, after hav-' 
ing tried them both, has never found repose except 
in monarchy. I kno\y, also, that in popular repub- 
lics themselves, so necessary is monarchy to cement 
human society, it has been requisiie to institute 
monarchical powers, more or less extensive, under 
the names of archons, of consuh, of do^es, of gnn- 
faloniers, and finally of kings. Nor should I here 
omit an observation, the truth of which appears to 
me incontestable: the English constitution seems to 
be the fruit of the experience of all anterior time; 
in which monarchy is so tempered, that the monarch 
finds himself checked in his efforts to seize abso- 
lute power; and the authority of the people is so re- 
gulated, that anarchy is not to be feared. But for 
us it is to be apprehended, that when the counter- 
poise of monarchy shall no longer exist, the demo- 
cratic power may carry all before it, and involve 
the whole state in confusion and ruin. Then an am- 
bitious citizen may arise, seize the reins of power, 
ahd annihilate liberty forever; for such is the ordi- 
nary career of ill-balanced democracies, they fall 
into anarchy, and thence under despotism. 

"Such are the opinions which might have been 
offered you with more eloquen<e, but assuredly not 
with more zeal or sincerity. May heaven j. rai't that 
such sinister forebodings be not one dayacconnplish- 
ed! May it not permit that, in this solemn con- 
course of the friends of country, the inspa'sioned 
language of presun^ptaous and ar'ent men should 
have more mfinence than the pdcific exhoriutions 
of good and sober citizens; prudence and modera- 
tion found aod preserve empires, temerity and pre- 
sumption occasion their downfalL" 

The discourse of DIc'rinson was heard with at- 
tention; but the curreni flowed irresistibly strong 
in a contrary direction, and fe<«r acting upon many 
more powerfully even than their opinion, the ma- 
jority pronounced in favor of independence. I'htf 
deputies oi Pennsylvania were accordingly author- 
aed to return to congress, and to consent that the 
onfedeiate colonies stjouid declare liiemselves i'vet 
ind independsnt states. 



riJSIS. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




01 1 698 299 7 fc 



